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A
GENERAL COLLECTION
OF THE
BEST AND MOST INTERESTING
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS
IN ALL PARTS OF THE WORLD;
MANY OF WHICH ARE NOW FIRST TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH.
DIGESTED ON A NEW PLAN.
BY JOHN PINKERTON,
AUTHOR OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY, &c. &c.
ILLUSTRATED WITH PLATES.
VOLUME THE TWELFTH.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW $ AND CADELL AND DAVIES, IN THE STRAND.
l8l2.
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LIBRARY
e d it*

Strahan and Prefton, Printers-Street, London
R 1970/
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7 . 2 .

GENERAL COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
A M E R I C A .
THE HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND ACTIONS OF ADMIRAL CHRISTOPHER COLON,
AND OF HIS
DISCOVERY OF THE WEST INDIES, CALLED THE NEW WORLD,
NOW IN POSSESSION OF HIS CATHOLIC MAJESTY.
Written by his own Son Don FERDINAND COLON*,-
THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE.
I BEING the fon_ of the Admiral Chriftopher Colon, a perfon worthy of eternal memory, who difcovered the Weft Indies, and having myfelf failed with him fome time, it feemed to me but reafonable, that among other things I have writ, one and the chiefeft Ihould be his life, and wonderful difcovery of the Weft Indies or New World ; becaufe his great and continual fufferings, and the diftempers he laboured under, did not allow him time to form his notes and obfervations into a method fit for hiftory ; yet knowing there were many others who had attempted this work I forbore, till reading their books I found in them, that which is ufual among hiftorians, viz. that they magnify fome things, leffen others, and fometimes pafs that over in filence which they ought to give a very particular account of. For this reafon I refolved to undergo the labour of this talk, thinking it better I Ihould lie under the cenfure my Ikill and pre- fumption lhall be fubject to, than to fuffer the truth of what relates to fo noble a perfon
VOL. XII.
to
# Churchill’s Coll, vol, ii.
a

2
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
to lie buried in oblivion. For it is my comfort, that if any fault be found in this my undertaking, it will not be that, which molt hiftorians are liable to, viz. that they know not the truth of what they write ; for I promife to compofe the hiftory of his life of fuch matter only as I find in his own papers and letters, and of thofe paffages of which I myfelf was an eye-witnefs. And whofoever {hall imagine that I add any thing of my own, may be allured I am fatisfied I can reap no benefit thereby in the life to come $ and that the reader alone will have the benefit of it, if it be capable of yielding any.
The author having given this account of himfelf I have not much to add, but to inform the reader before he enters upon the work, that in it he will find all the reafons which induced the admiral to fuch an undertaking ; he will fee how far he proceeded in perfon upon the difcovery in four feveral voyages he made ; how great and honourable the articles were upon which he entered upon the difcovery, and which were afterwards confirmed to him by thofe two famous Princes, King Ferdinand and Queen Ifabel, or Elizabeth ; how bafely they were all violated, and he, after fuch unparalleled fervices, moll inhumanly treated ; how far he fettled the affairs of the ifland Hifpaniola, the fir ft place the Spaniards planted in ; what care he took that the Indians fhould not be oppreffed, but rather by good ufage and example prevailed upon to embrace the Catholic faith ; alfo the cuftoins and manners of the Indians ; their opinions and practice as to religious worfhip ; and, in a word, all that can be expected in a work of this nature, the foundation whereof was laid by fo great a man as was the admiral, and finifhed by his own fon, who had all the education that could contribute to make him capable of writing fo notable a life.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE WEST INDIES, &c. &c.
CHAP. I. — Of the Country , Original, and Name of Admiral Chriflopher Colon.
I T being a very material point in the hiftory of any man of note to make known his country and original, becaufe they are beft looked upon who are born in noble cities and of illuftrious parents; therefore fome would have had me fpent my time in {hewing that the admiral was honourably defcended, though his parents, through the peevilhnefs of fortune, were fallen into great poverty and want; and that I fhould have proved they were the offspring of that Junius Colon, of whom Tacitus in his 12th book fays, that he brought King Mithridates prifoner to Rome; for which fervice the people affigned him the confular dignity, the eagle or ftandard, and confular court. And they would have me give a large account of thofe two illqf- trious Coloni his predeceffors, who, Sabellicus tells us, gained a mighty victory over the Venetians, as {hall be mentioned in the 5th chapter ; but I refufed to undertake that talk, believing he was particularly chofen by Almighty God for fo great an affair as that was he performed ; and becaufe he was to be fo truly his apoftle as, in effefl; he proved it was his will he fhould in this part be like the others, who were called to make known his name from the fea and rivers, and not from courts and palaces, and to imitate himfelf, whofe progenitors being of the blood royal of Jerufalem, yet it pleafed him that his parents fhould not be much known. Therefore as God gave him all the perfonal qualities for fuch an undertaking, fo he would have his country and original
5 more

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
3
wore hid and obfcure. So it is that fome, who would call a cloud upon his fame, fay he was of Nervi, others of Cugureo, and others of Bugiefco, all fmall towns near the city of Genoa, and upon its coaft *. Others, who were for exalting of him, fay, he was a native of Savona, others of Genoa ; others, more vain, make him of Piacenza, in which city there are fome honourable perfons of bis family, and tombs with the arms and infcriptions of the family of Colombi, this being then the ufual furname of his pre- deceffors; though he, complying with the country whither he went to live, and begin a new ftate of life, modelled the word that it might be like the ancient, and dif- tinguilhed the direct from the collateral line, calling himfelf Colon. This made me apt to believe, that as mod of his affairs were guarded by fome fpecial providence, fo this very particular concerning his name and furname was not without fome myftery. "We may inftance many names which were given by fecret impulfe to denote the effects thofe perfons were to produce, as in his is foretold and expreffed the wonder he performed. For if we look upon the common furname of his anceftors we may fay he was true Columbus, or Columba, forafmuch as he conveyed the grace of the Holy Ghoft into that new world which he difcovered, fhewing thofe people who knew him not, which was God’s beloved Son, as the Holy Ghoft did in the figure of a dove at St. John’s baptifm ; and becaufe he alfo carried the olive branch and oil of baptifm over the waters of the ocean, like Noah’s dove, to denote the peace and union of thofe people with the church, after they had been fhut up in the ark of darknefs and confufion. And the furname of Colon which he revived was proper to him, which in Greek fignifies a member, that his proper name being Chriftopher, it might be known he was a member of Chrift, by whom falvation was to be conveyed to thofe people. Moreover if we would bring his name to the Latin pronunciation, that is Chriftophorus Colonus ; we may fay, that as St. Chriftopher is reported to have bore that name, becaufe he carried Chrift over the deep waters with great danger to himfelf, whence came the denomination of Chriftopher; and as he conveyed over the people whom no other could have been able to carry, fo the Admiral Chriftophorus Colonus, imploring the afiiftance of Chrift in that dangerous paffage, went over fafe himfelf and his company, that thofe Indian nations might become citizens and inhabitants of the church triumphant in heaven ; for it is to be believed, that many fouls which the devil expected to make a prey of, had they not paffed through the water of baptifm, were by him made inhabitants and dwellers in the eternal glory of heaven.
CHAP. II. — Of the Admiral's Father and Mother, and their Quality, and of the falfe Account one Jujliniani gives of his Employ, before he had the Title of Admiral.
NOT to go upon the etymology, derivation and meaning of the word admiral, but to return to the quality and perfons of his progenitors j I fay, that how confiderable foever they were, being reduced to poverty and want by the wars and factions in Lombardy, I do not find after what manner they lived; though the admiral himfelf in a letter fays that his anceftors and he always traded by fea. For my farther information in this particular, as I paffed through Cugureo, I endeavoured to receive fome information from two brothers of the Coloni, who were the richeft in thofe parts, and reported to be fomewhat a kin to him; but the youngeft of them being above one hundred years old, they could give me no account of this affair. Nor do I think that this is any dif- honour to us who defcend from him, becaufe I think it better that all the honour be
* From an autheutic record, in a law-fuit, we now know that the great Colon was born at Ferrara. Oft alia, xi. 258.
b 2 derived

LIFE OF COLON, BV HIS SON.
derived to us from his perfon, than to go about to enquire whether his father was a merchant or a man of quality that kept his hawks and hounds; whereas it is certain there have been a thoufand fuch in all parts, whofe memory was utterly loft in a very Ihort time among their neighbours and kindred, fo as it is not known whether there ever were any fuch men. But I am of opinion that their nobility can add Iefs luftre to me than the honour I receive from fuch a father. And lince his own honourable exploits made him not ftand in need of the wealth of his predecelfors (who, notwithftanding their poverty, were not deftitute of virtue, but only of fortune), he ought at leaft, by his name and worth,' to have been raifed by. authors above the rank of mechanics and handicrafts. Which yet, if any will affirm, grounding his affertion on what one Auguftin Juftiniani writes in his chronicle ; I fay, that I will not fet myfelf to deny it, begging time or means to prove the contrary by teftimonials; for as much as Jufti- niani’s writing it does not make that to be looked upon as an article of faith, which is no longer in the memory of man ; fo neither will it be thought undeniable, ffiould I fay I received the contrary from a thoufand perfons. Nor will I ffiew his falfehood by the hiftories others have writ of Chriftopher Colon, but by this fame author’s tefti- mony, and writing, in whom is verified the proverb, that “ Liars ought to have good memories,” becaufe otherwife they contradict themfelves, as Juftiniani did in this cafe faying in his comparifon of the four languages, upon that expreffion of the pfalm, in omnem terrain exivit fonns eornm , thefe very words: et This Chriftopher Colon having in his tender years attained fome elements of learning, when he came to manly years applied himfelf to the art of navigation, and went to Lifbon, in Portugal, where he learned coftnography, taught him by a brother of his who there made fea-charts ; with which improvement, and difeourfmg with thofe that failed to S. George de la Mira, in Afric, and his own reading in coftnography, he entertained thoughts of failing to thofe countries he difeovered.” By which words it appears that he followed no mechanic employment, or handicraft; fince, he fays, he employed his childhood in learning, his youth in navigation and coftnography, and his riper years in difeoveries. Thus Juftiniani convinces himfelf of falfehood, and proves himfelf an inconfiderate, rafh, and malicious countryman: for when he fpeaks of a renowned perfon who did fo much honour to his country, whofe hiftoriographer Juftiniani made himfelf, though the admiral’s parents had been very mean, it had been more decent to fpeak of his origin as other authors in the like cafe do, faying he was of low parentage, or come of very poor friends, than to ufe injurious words, as he did in his pfalter and afterwards in his chronicle, falfely calling him a mechanic. And fuppofing he had not contradicted himfelf, reafon itfelf made it appear that a man who had been employed in art manual, or handicraft, muft be born and grow old in it to become a perfect mafter; and that he would not from his youth have travelled fo many countries, as alfo that he would not have attained fo much learning and knowledge, as his actions demonftrate he had j efpecially in thofe four principal fciences required to perform what he did, which are aftrology, coftnography, geometry and navigation. But it is no wonder that Juftiniani fhould dare to deliver an untruth in this particular, which is hidden, fince in affairs well known concerning his difeovery and navigation, he has inferted above a dozen falfe- hoods in half a ffieet of paper in his pfalter, which I fhall briefly hint at, without flaying to give him an anfwer, to avoid interrupting the feries of the hiftory ; fince by the very courfe of it, and what others have writ on that fubjett, the falfehood of his writing will be made out. The firft therefore was, that the admiral went to Lifbon to learn coftnography of a brother of his own that was there ; which is quite contrary, becaufe he lived in that city before, and taught his brother what he knew. The fe-
cond

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
5
cond falfehood is, that at his firfh coming into Cadile, their catholic majefties, Ferdinand and Ifabel, or Elizabeth, accepted of his propofal, after it had been feven years bandied about and rejected by all men. The third, that he fet out to difcover with two fhips, which is not true, for he had three caravals. The fourth, that his firft dif- covery was Hifpaniola, and it was Guarahani, which the admiral called S. Salvador, or S. Saviour. The fifth, that the faid ifland Hifpaniola was inhabited by cannibals, that eat men’s flefh ; and the truth is, the inhabitants of it were the bed people, and mod civilized of any in thofe parts. The fixth, that he took by force of arms the canoe, or Indian boat, he faw ; whereas it appears that he had no war that fird voyage with any Indian, and continued in peace and amity with them till the day of his departure from Hifpaniola. The feventh, that he returned by way of the Canary Iflands, which is not the proper way for thofe veffels to return. The eighth, that from the faid ifland he difpatched a meffenger to their majedies aforefaid ; whereas it is certain, that he was not fird at that ifland, as was obferved, and he himfelf was the meffenger. The ninth, that the fecond voyage he returned with twelve fliips ; and it is manifed he had feventeen. The tenth, that he arrived at Hifpaniola in twenty days, which is a very fhort time to reach the neared iflands, and he performed it not in two months, and went to others much farther didant. The eleventh, that he prefently made from Hifpaniola with two fhips, and it is known there were three he took to go from Hifpaniola to Cuba. Juftiniani’s twelfth falfehood is, that Hifpaniola is four hours didant from Spain, and the admiral reckons it above five. And farther, to add a thirteenth to the dozen, he fays, the wedern point of Cuba is fix hours didant from Hifpaniola, making it further from Hifpaniola to Cuba than from Spain to Hispaniola. So that by his negligence and heedleffnefs in being well informed and writing the truth of thefe particulars, which are fo plain, we may plainly difcern what inquiry he made into that which was fo obfcure, wherein he contradicts himfelf, as has been made appear. But laying afide this controverfy, wherewith I believe I have by this time tired the reader, we will only add, that confidering the many midakes and falfehoods found in the laid Judiniani’s hidory and pfalter, the fenate of Genoa has laid a penalty upon any perfon that fltall read or keep it; and has caufed it to be carefully fought out in all places it has been fent to, that it may by public decree be dedroyed and utterly extinguilhed. I will return to our main defign, concluding with this affertion, that the admiral was a man of learning and great experience ; that he did not employ his time in handicraft or mechanic exercifes, but in fuch as became the grandeur and renown of his wonderful exploits; and will conclude this chapter with forne words taken out of a letter he writ himfelf to prince John of Cadile’s nurfe, which are thefe.
tc I am not the fird admiral of my family, let them give me what name they pleafe; for when all is done, David, that mod prudent King, was fird a fheplierd, and afterwards chofen King of Jerufalem, and I am fervant to that fame Lord who raffed him to fuch dignity.”
CHAP. III. — Of the Admiral’s Perfon , and what Sciences he learned.
THE admiral was well lhaped, and of a more than middling dature, long vifaged, his cheeks fomewhat full, yet neither fat nor lean ; he had a hawk nofe, his eyes white, his complexion white, with a lovely red ; in his youth his hair was fair, but when he came to thirty years of age, it all turned grey. He was always moded and fparing in his eating, drinking, and his d efs. Among drangers he was affable, and pleafant among his domedics, yet with modedy and an eafy gravity.

6
LIT fi OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
He was fo drict in religious matters, that for fading and faying all the divine office he might be thought profed in foine religious order. So great was his averfion to fwearing and curbing, that I proted I never heard him fwear any other oath but by S. Ferdinand; and when in the greated paffion with any body, he would vent his fpleen by faying, “ God take you for doing or faying fo.” When he was to write, his way of trying his pen was by writing thefe words, Jefus cum Maria fit nobis in via> and that in fuch a charafter, as might very well ferve to get his bread. But pafiing by other particulars of his actions and manners, which may be mentioned at their proper time in the courfe of this hidory, let us proceed to give an account to what fcience he mod addicted himfelf. In his tender years he applied himfelf fo much to dudy at Pavia, as was fufficient to underdand cofmography; to which fort of reading he was much addifted, for which reafon he alfo applied himfelf to adrology and geometry, becaufe thefe fciences are fo linked together that the one cannot fubfid without the other' and becaufe Ptolemy, in the beginning of his cofmography, fays that no man can be a good cofmographer unlefs he be a painter too, therefore he learned to draw, in order to defcribe lands, and fet down cofmographical bodies, planes or rounds.
CHAP. IV. — How the Admiral employed himfelf before he came into Spain.
THE admiral having gained fome infight in fciences, began to apply himfelf to the fea, and made fome voyages to the ead and wed; of which, and many other things of thofe his fird days, I have no perfect knowledge, becaufe he died at fuch time as I, being confined by filial duty, had not the boldnefs to alk him to give an account of things •, or, to fpeak the truth, being but young, I was at that time far from being troubled with fuch thoughts. But in a letter writ by him, in the year 1501, to their catholic majedies, to whom he durd not have writ any thing but the truth, he has thefe following words :—“ Mod ferene princes ; I went to fea very young, and have continued it to this day ; and this art inclines thofe that follow it to be defirous to difcover the fecrets of this world. It is now forty years that I have been failing to all thofe parts, at prefent frequented ; and I have dealt and converfed with wife people, as well clergy as laity, Latins, Greeks, Indians, and Moors, and many others of other fefts ; and our Lord has been favourable to this my inclination, and I have received of him the fpirit of underdanding : he has made me very Ikilful in navigation, knowing enough in adrology, and fo in geometry and arithmetic. God hath given me a genius and hands apt to draw this globe, and on it the cities, rivers, iflands and ports," all in their proper places. During this time I have feen, and endeavoured to fee all books of cofmography, hidory, and philofophy, and of other fciences ; fo that our Lord has fenfibly opened my underdanding, to the end I may fail from hence to the Indies, and made me mod willing to put this in execution. Filled wi h this defire, I came to your highneffes. All that heard of my undertaking, rejected it with contempt and fcorn. In your highneffes alone, faith and condancy had their feat.” In another letter, written from Hifpaniola, in January 1495, to their catholic majedies, telling them the errors and midakes commonly made in voyages and pilotting, he fays thus, « It happened to me that King Renee whom God has taken to himfelf, fent to me to Tunis to take the galeaffe called Femandina ; and being near to the ifland of St. Peter by Sardinia, I was told there were two fhips and a barack with the faid galeaffe, which dif- compofed my men, and they refolved to go no farther, but to return to Marfeilles for another fhip and more men; and I perceiving there was no going againd their wills, without fome contrivance, yielded to their defires, and changing the point of the needle,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
f
fet fail when it was late, and next morning at break of day we found onrfeives near Cape Cartegna, all aboard thinking we had certainly been failing for Marfeilles.” In the fame manner in a memorandum, or obfervation, he made to fhow that all the five zones are habitable, and proving it by experience in navigation, he fays, “ In February 1467, I failed myfelf an hundred leagues beyond Thule (Ifeland), whofe northern part is feventy-three degrees diftant from the equinoctial, and not fixty-three degrees as fome will have it to be ; nor does it lie upon the line where Ptolemy’s Weft begins, but much more to the weftwards ; and to this ifland, which is as big as England, the Englifh trade, efpecially from Briftol. At the time when I was there, the fea was not frozen, but the tides were fo great, that in fome places it fwelled twenty-fix fathoms, and fell as much.” The truth is, that the Thule Ptolemy fpeaks of lies where he fays, and this by the moderns is called Frizeland. And then to prove that the equinoctial, or land under it, is habitable, he fays, “ I was in the fort of St. George de la Mira, belonging to the King of Portugal, which lies under the equino&ial, and 1 am a witnefs that it is not uninhabitable, as fome would have it.” And in his book of his firft voyage, he fays he faw fome mermaids on the coaft of Menegueta, but that they are not fo like ladies, as they are painted. And in another place he fays, “ I ob- ferved feveral times in failing from Lifbon to Guinea, that a degree on the earth, anfwers to fifty-fix miles and two thirds.” And farther, he adds, that in Scio, an ifland of the Archipelago, he faw maftic drawn from fome trees. In another place he fays, “ I was upon the fea twenty-three years, without being off it any time worth the fpeaking of; and I faw all the eaft and all the weft, and may fay towards the north, or England, and have been at Guinea; yet I never faw harbours for goodnefs like thofe of the Weft Indies.” And a little farther he fays that he took to the fea at fourteen years of age, and ever after followed it. And in the book of the fecond voyage, he fays, “ I had got two fhips, and left one of them at Porto Santo, for a certain reafon that occurred to me, where fhe continued one day, and the next day after I joined it at Lifbon, becaufe I light of a ftorm and contrary winds at fouth-weft, and fhe had but little wind at north-eaft which was contrary.” So that from thefe inftances we may gather how much experience he had in fea affairs, and how many countries and places he travelled before he undertook his difcovery.
CHAP. V. — The Admiral’s ' coming into Spain , and how he made himfelf known in ■ Portugal , which was the Caufe of his difcovering the Weft Indies.
AS concerning the caufe of thq admiral’s coming into Spain, and his being addicted to fea affairs, the occafion of it was a famous man of his name and family, called Colon,, renowned upon the fea, on account of the fleet he commanded againft infidels, and even in his own country, infomuch that they made ufe of his name to frighten the children in the cradle; whofe perfon and fleet it is likely were very confiderable, becaufe he at once took four Venetian galleys, whofe bignefs and ftrength I fhould not have believed, had I not feen them fitted out. This man was called Colon the Younger, to diftinguifh him from another who was a great feaman before him. Of which Colon the Younger, Marc Antony Sabellicus, the Livy of our age, fays in the eighth book of his tenth decade, that he lived near the time when Max.milian, fon to the Emperor Frederic the Third, was chofen King of the Romans: Jerome Donato was lent am- baffador from Venice into Portugal, to return thanks in the name of the republic to
King

g LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
King John the Second, becaufe he had clothed and relieved all the crew belonging to the aforefaid great galleys, which were coming from Flanders, relieving them in fuch a manner, as they were enabled to return to Venice, they having been overcome by the famous corfair Colon the Younger, near Lifbon,who had ftripped and turned them aihore. Which authority of fo grave an author as Sabellicus, may make us fenfible of the afore-mentioned Juftiniarii’s malice, fmce in his hiftory he made no mention of this particular, to the end it might not appear that the family of Colon was lefs obfcure than he would make it. And if he did it through ignorance, he is neverthelefs to blame, for undertaking to write the hiftory of his country, and omitting fo remarkable a victory, of which its enemies themfelves make mention. For the hiftorian, our adver- fary, makes fo great account of his victory, that he fays ambaffadors were fent on that account to the King of Portugal. Which fame author in the afore-mentioned eighth book, fomewhat further, as one lefs obliged to inquire into the admiral’s difcovery, makes mention of it, without adding thofe .twelve lies which Juftiniani inferted. But to return to the matter in hand, I fay, that whilft the admiral failed with the aforefaid Colon the Younger, which was a long time, it fell out that underftanding the before- mentioned four great Venetian galleys were coming from Flanders, they went out to feek, and found them beyond Lifbon, about Cape St. Vincent, which is in Portugal, where falling to blows, they fought furioufly and grappled, beating one another from veffel to veffel with the utmoft rage, making ufe not only of their weapons, but artificial fire-works ; fo that after they had fought from morning till evening and abundance were killed on both fides ; the admiral’s fhip took fire, as did a great Venetian galley, which being fail grappled together with iron hooks and chains, ufed to this purpofe by fea-faring men, could neither of them be relieved, becaufe of the confufion there was among them, and the fright of the fire, which in a fhort time was fo increafed, that there was no other remedy but for all that could to leap into the water, fo to die fooner rather than bear the torture of the fire. But the admiral being an excellent fwimmer, and feeing himfelf two leagues or a little further from land, laying hold of an oar, which good fortune offered him, and fometimes refting upon it, fometimes fwimming, it pleafed God, who had preferved him for greater ends, to give him llrength to get to fhore; but fo tired and fpent with the water, that he had much ado to recover himfelf. And becaufe it was not far from Lifbon, where he knew there were many Genoefe his countrymen, he went away thither as faft as he could, where being known by them he was fo courteoufly received and entertained, that he fet up houfe and married a wife in that city. And forafmuch as he behaved himfelf honourably, and was a man of a comely prefence, and did nothing but what was juft ; it happened that a lady whofe name was Donna Felipa Moniz, of a good family and pensioner in the mo- naftery of All faints, whither the admiral ufed to go to mals, was fo taken with them, that fhe became his wife. His father-in-law Peter Moniz Pereftrello being dead, they went to live with the mother-in-law, where being together, and fhe feeing him fo much addicted to cofmography, told him that her hufband Pereftrello had been a great fea-faring man, and that he with two other captains having obtained the King of Portugal’s leave, went to make difcoveries upon condition, that dividing what they found into three parts they were to call lots who fhould chufe firft. Being thus agreed, they failed away to the fouth-weft, and arrived at the ifland of Madeira and Porto Santo, places never before difcovered. And becaufe the ifland of Madeira was biggeft ; they divided it into two parts; the ifland of Porto Santo, being the third, which fell to the lot of the faid Pereftrello, Colon’s father-in-law, who had the government of it till he died.
The

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
9
The admiral being much delighted to hear fuch voyages and relations, his mother- in-law gave him the journals and fea charts left her by her hufband, which ftill more inflamed the admiral ; and he inquired into the other voyages the Portuguefe then made to St. George de la Mira, and along the coaft of Guinea, being much pleafed to difcourfe with thofe that had failed thither. To fay the truth, I cannot certainly tell whether, whilft this wife lived, the admiral went to Mira or Guinea, as I faid above, the reafon feems to require it. However it was, as one thing leads to another, and one confideration to another, fo whilft he was in Portugal he began to refleft, that as the Portuguefe travel fo far fouthward, it were no lefs proper to fail away weftward, and land might in reafon be found that way. That he might be the more certain and confident in this particular he began to look over all the cofmographers again whom he had read before, and to obferve what aftrological reafons would corroborate this project ; and therefore he took notice of what any perfons whatfoever fpoke to that pur- pofe, and of failors particularly, which might any way be a help to him. Of all which things he made fuch good ufe, that he concluded for certain, that there were many lands weft of the Canary iflands, and Cabo Verde ; and that it was poffible to fail to and difcover them. But that it may appear from what mean arguments he came to deduce, or make out fo vaft an undertaking, and to fatisfy many who are defirous to know particularly, what motives induced him to difcover thefe countries, and expofe himfell in fo dangerous an undertaking, I will here fet down what I have found in his papers relating to this affair.
CHAP. VI. — The principal Motives that inclined the Admiral to believe he might difcover the Wejl Indies.
BEING about to deliver the motives that inclined the admiral to undertake the difcovery of the Weft Indies, I fay they were three, viz, natural reafon, authority of writers, and the teftimony of failors. As to the firft, which is natural reafon, I fay, he concluded that all the fea and land compofed a fphere or globe; which might be gone about from eaft to weft, travelling round it, till men came to ftand feet to feet one againft another in any oppofite parts whatfoever. Secondly, he gave it for granted, and was fatisfied by the authority of approved authors, that a great part of this globe had been already travelled over, and that there then only remained, to difcover the whole, and make it known that fpace which lay between the eaftern bounds of India, known to Ptolemy and Marinus, round about eaftward, till they came through our weftern parts to the iflands Azores, and of Cabo Verde tfie molt weftern parts yet difcovered. Thirdly, he confidered, that this fpace lying between the eaftern limits known to Marinus, and the aforefaid ifland of Cabo Verde, could not be above a third part of the great circumfernce of the globe, fince the faid Marinus was already gone fifteen hours, or twenty-four parts, into which the world is divided towards the eaft *, and therefore to return to the faid ifles of Cabo Verde, there wanted about eight parts ; for the faid Marinus is faid to have begun his difcovery towards the weft. Fourthly, he reckoned, that fince Marinus had in his faid cofmography, given an account of fifteen hours, or parts of the globe towards the eaft, and yet was not come to the end of the eaftern land, it followed of courfe, that the faid end muft be much beyond that; and confequently the farther it extended eaftward, the nearer it came to the iflands Cabo Verde, towards our weftern parts ; and that if fuch fpace were fea, it might eafily be failed in a few days, and if land, in would be fooner difcovered by the weft, becaufe it would be nearer to the faid iflands. To which reafon
VOL. xit. c may

xo
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
may be added, that given by Strabo in the fifteenth book of his cofmography, that no man with an army ever went fo far as the eaftern bounds of India, which Ctefias writes is as big as all the reft of Afia ; Oneficritus affirms, it is the third part of the globe ; and Nearchus, that it is four months’ journey in a ftrait line; befides that, Pliny, in the leventeenth chapter of his fixth book, fays that India is the third part of the earth ; whence he argued, that being fo large, it muft be nearer Spain by way of weft. The fifth argument that induced him to believe, that the diftance that way was fmall, he took from the opinion of Alfragranus and his followers, who make the circumference of the globe much lefs than all other writers and cofmographers, allowing but fifty- fix miles and two-thirds to a degree. Whence he would infer, that the whole globe being fmall, that extent of the third part muft of neceffity be fmall, which Marinus left as unknown; therefore that part might be failed in lefs time than he affigned ; for fince the eaftern bounds of India were not yet difcovered, thofe bounds muft lie near to us weftward, and therefore the lands he fliould difcover, might properly be called Indies. By this it plainly appears, how much one Mr. Roderick, archdeacon of Seville, was in the wrong as well as his followers, who blame the admiral; faying, he ought not to have called thofe parts Indies, becaufe they are not fo ; whereas the admiral did not call them Indies, becaufe they had been feen or difcovered by any other perfon, but as being the eaftern part of India beyond Ganges, to which no cofmographer ever affigned bounds, or made it border on any other country eaftward, but only upon the ocean ; and becaufe thefe were the eaftern unknown lands of India, and have no particular name of their-own ; therefore he gave them the name of the neareft country, calling them Weft Indies, and the more becaufe he knew all men were fenfible of the riches and wealth of India; and therefore by that name he thought to tempt their catholic majefties, who were doubtful of his undertaking, telling them he went to difcover the Indies by way of the weft. And this moved him rather to defire to be employed by the King of Caftile, than by any other Prince.
CHAP. VII. — The fecond Motive inducing the Admiral to difcover the Wejf Indies.
THE fecond motive that encouraged the admiral to undertake the aforefaid enter- prife, and which might reafonably give occafion to call the countries he fhould fo difcover Indies, was the great authority of learned men, who faid that it was poffible to fail from the weftern coaft of Afric and Spain, weftward to the eaftern bounds of India, and that it was no great fea that lay between them, as Ariftotle affirms, at the end of his fecond book of heaven and the world ; where he fays, That they may fail from India to Cadiz in a few days ; which feme think Averroes proves, writing upon that place. And Seneca in his firft book of nature, looking upon the knowledge of this world as nothing in refpect of what is attained in the next life, fays, a Ihip may fail in a few days with a fair wind from the coaft of Spain to that of India. And if, as fome would have it, this fame Seneca writ the tragedies, we may conclude it was to the fame purpofe,that in the chorus of his Medea, he fpeaks thus ;
Venient annis
Ssecula feris, quibus Oceanus Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens Pateat tellus, Typhyfque novos Detegat orbes, nec fit terris Ultima Thule.
That is, there will come an age in latter years, when the occean will loofe the bonds
of

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
II
of things, and a great country be difcovered, and another like Typhys fliall difcover a new world, and Thule fhall no longer be the laft pari of the earth. Which now mod certainly has been fulfilled in the perfon of the admiral. And Strabo in the firfb book of his cofmography, fays the ocean encompaffes all the earth; that in the eaft, it wafhes the coaft of India, and in the weft, thofe of Mauritania and Spain, and that, if the vaftnefs of the Atlantic did not hinder, they might foon fail from the one to the other upon the fame parallel. The fame he repeats in the fecond book. Pliny in the fecond book of his natural hiftory, chap. 3. adds, that the ocean furrounds all the earth, and that the extent of it from eaft to weft, is from India to Cadiz. The fame author, book the fixth, chap. .31, and Solinus, chap. 68. of the remarkable things in the world, fay, that from the illands Gorgones, fuppofed to be thofe of Cabo Verde, was forty days fail on the Atlantic ocean, to the iflands Hefperides, which the admiral concluded were thofe of the Weft Indies, Marcus Paulus Venetus, and John Mandiville, in their travels fay, they went much farther eaftward than Ptolemy and Marinus mention, who perhaps do not fpeak of the eaftern fea ; yet by the account they give of the eaft, it may be argued, that the faid India is not far diftant from Afric and Spain. Peter Abacus in his treatife, De imagine mundi, chap. 8. De quantitate terra habitabilis , et Julius Capitolinas , de locis habitabilibus, and in feveral other treatifes, fay, that Spain and India are neighbours weftward. And in the nineteenth chapter of his cofmography, he has thefe words ; according to the philofophers and Pliny, the ocean that ftretches between the weftern borders of Spain and Africk, and from the beginning of India eaftward is of no great extent, and there is no doubt but it may be failed over in a few days, with a fair wind, and therefore the beginning of India eaftward, cannot be far diftant from the end of Africk weftward. Thefe and the like authorities of fuch writers, inclined the admiral to believe that the opinion he had conceived was right, and one Mr. Paul, phyfician to Mr. Dominic of Florence, contemporary with the admiral, much encouraged him to undertake the faid voyage. For this Mr. Paul, being a friend to one Ferdinand Martinez, a canon of Lifbon, and they writing to one another concerning the voyages made in the time of King Alphonfo of Portugal to Guinea, and con- • cerning what might be made weftward; the admiral who was inoft curious in thefe affairs, got knowledge of it, and foon, by the means of Laurence Girardi, a Florentine refiding at Lilbon, writ upon this fubje£t to the faid Mr. Paul, fending him a fmall fphere, and acquainting him with his defign. Mr. Paul fent his anfwer in Latin, which in Englifh is thus.
CHAP. VIII. — A Letter from Paul, a Phyfician of Florence , to the Admiral, concern *
ing the Difcovery of the Indies.
u To Chriftopher Colon, Paul the phyfician wifhes health.
44 I perceive your noble and earneft defire to fail to thofe parts where the fpice is produced -, and therefore in anfwer to a letter of yours, I fend you another letter, which fome days fince I writ to a friend of mine, and fervant to the King of Portugal, before the wars of Caftile, in anfwer to another he writ to me by his Highnefs’s order, upon this fame account, and I fend you another fea-chart like that I fent him, which will fatisfy your demands. The copy of that letter is this.”
“ To Ferdinand Martinez, canon of Lifbon, Paul the phyfician wifhes health.
“ I am very glad to hear of the familiarity you have with your molt ferene and magnificent King, and though I have very often difeourfed concerning the fhort way
c 2 the

12
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
there is from hence to the Indies, where the fpice is produced, by fea, which I look upon to be Ihorter than that you take by the coaft of Guinea; yet you now tell me, that his Highnefs would have me make out and demonftrate it, fo as it may be un- derftood and put in practice. Therefore, though I could better fhew it him with a globe in my hand, and make him fenfible of the figure of the world ; yet I have re- folved to render it more eafy and intelligible, to (hew this way upon a chart, fuch as are ufed in navigation ; and therefore I fend one to his majefty, made and drawn with my own hand, wherein is fet down the utmoft bounds of the weft from Ireland, in the north, to the fartheft part of Guinea, with all the iflands that lie in the way : oppo- fite to which weftern coaft is defcribed the beginning of the Indies, with the iflands and places whither you may go, an'd how far you may bend from the north pole towards the equino&ial, and for how long a time ; that is, how many leagues you may fail before you come to thofe places rnoft fruitful in all forts of fpice, jewels, and precious ftones. Do not wonder if I term that country where the fpice grows weft, that product being generally afcribed to the eaft, becaufe thofe who fhall fail weftward, will always find thofe places in the weft; and they that travel by land eaftward, will ever find thofe places in the eaft. The ftrait lines that lie lengthways in the chart, {how the diftance there is from weft to eaft, the other crofs them, fhow the diftance from north to fouth. I have alfo marked down in the faid chart, feveral places in India, where {hips might put in upon any ftorm or contrary winds, or] any other accident unforefeen. And moreover, to give you full information of all thofe places, which you are very defirous to know; you muft underhand, that none but traders live or refide in all thofe iflands, and that there is there as great a number of {hips and fea-faring people with merchandize, as in any other part of the world, particularly in a moft noble part called Zadlon, where there are every year an hundred large {hips of pepper loaded and unloaded, befides many other fhips that take in other fpice. This country is mighty populous, and there are many provinces and kingdoms, and innumerable cities under the dominion of a Prince called the Great Cham, which name fignifies King of Kings, who for the moft part refides in the province of Cathay. His predeceffors were very defirous to have commerce, and be in amity with Chriftians; and two hundred years fince, fent ambafladors to the Pope, defiring him to fend them many learned men and doctors to teach them our faith ; but by reafon of fome obftacles the ambaffadors met with, they returned back without coming to Rome. Befides there came an ambaflador to Pope Eugenius IV. who told him the great friend- fhip there was between thofe Princes, their people and Chriftians. I difcourfed with him a long while upon the feveral matters, of the grandeur of their royal ftru&ure, and of the greatnefs, length and breadth of their rivers, and he told me many wonderful things of the multitude of towns and cities founded along the banks of the rivers, and that there were two hundred cities upon one only river, with marble bridges over it of a great length and breadth, and adorned with abundance of pillars. This country deferves, as well as any other to be difcovered; and there may not only be great profit made there, and many things of value found, but alfo gold, filver, all forts of precious ftones, and fpices in abundance, which are not brought into our parts. And it is certain, that many wife men, philofophers, aftrologers, and 6ther perfons {killed in all arts, and very ingenious, govern that mighty province, and command their armies. From Lilbon direclly weftward, there are in the chart twenty- fix fpaces, each of which contains two hundred and fifty miles, to the moft noble and vaft city of Quifay, which is one hundred miles in compafs, that is thirty-five leagues, in it there are ten marble bridges ; the name fignifies a heavenly city, of which
3 wonderful

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. 13
wonderful things are reported, as to the ingenuity of the people, the buildings and revenues. This fpace above-mentioned is almofl the third part of the globe. This city is in the province of Mango, bordering on that of Cathay, where the King lor the moft part refides. From the ifland Antilla, which you call the feven cities, and whereof you have fome knowledge to the moft noble ifland of Cipango, are ten fpaces, which make two thoufand five hundred miles, or two hundred and twenty-five leagues, which ifland abounds in gold, pearls, and precious {tones: and you muft underftand, they cover their temples and palaces with plates of pure gold. So that for want of knowing the way, all thefe things are hidden and concealed, and yet may be gone to with fafety. Much more might be faid, but having told you what is moil material, and you being wife and judicious, I am fatisfied there is nothing of it but what you underftand, and therefore I will not be more prolix. Thus much may ferve to fatisfy your curiofity, it being as much as the fhortnefs of time and my bufinefs would permit me to fay. So I remain moft ready to fatisfy and ferve his Highnefs to the utmoft, in all the commands he {hall lay upon me.
“ Florence, June 25, 1474.”
After this letter, he again writ to the admiral as follows :
“ To Chriftopher Colon, Paul the phyfician withes health.
“ I received your letters with the things you fent me, which I take as a great favour, and commend your noble and ardent defire of failing from eaft to weft, as it is marked out in the chart I fent you, which would demonftrate itfelf better in the form of a globe. I am glad it is well underftood, and that the voyage laid down is not only poffible, but true, certain, honourable, very advantageous, and moft glorious among all Chriftians. You cannot be perfect; in the knowledge of it, but by experience and practice, as I have had in great meafure, and by the folid and true information of worthy and wife men, who are come from thofe parts to this court of Rome, and from merchants who have traded long in thofe parts, and are perfons of good reputation. So that when the faid voyage is performed, it will be to powerful kingdoms, and to moft noble cities and provinces, rich, and abounding in all things we ftand in need of, particularly in all forts of fpice in great quantities, and {tore of jewels. This will moreover be grateful to thofe Kings and Princes, who are very defirous to converfe and trade with Chriftians of thefe our countries, whether it be for fome of them to become Chriftians, or elfe to have communication with the wife and ingenious men of thefe parts, as well in point of religion, as in all fciences, be- caufe of the extraordinary account they have of the kingdoms and government of thefe parts. For which reafons and many more that might be alledged, I do not at all admire, that you who have a great heart, and all the Portuguefe nation, which has ever had notable men in all undertakings, be eagerly bent upon performing this voyage.”
This letter, as was faid before, encouraged the admiral much to go upon his discovery, though what the doctor there writ was falfe, as believing that the firft land they Ihould meet with, would be Cathay, and the empire of the Great Cham, with the reft he there relates; fince as experience has made appear, the diftance from our Indies to that, is greater than from hence to our Indies.
CHAP.

>4
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
i
CHAP. IX. — The third Motive and Inducement , which in fome Meafure excited the
Admiral to Difcover the Weft Indies.
THE third and laft motive the admiral had to undertake the difcovery of the Weft Indies, was the hopes of finding, before he came to India, fome very beneficial ifland or continent, from whence he might the better purfue his main defign. This his hope was grounded upon the authority of many wife men and philofophers, who looked upon it as moft certain, that the greateft part of this terraqueous globe was land, or that there was more earth than fea ; which if fo, he argued, that between the coaft of Spain and the bounds of India then known, there rauft be many iflands, and much continent, as experience has fince demonftrated, which he the more readily believed, being impofed upon by many fables and ftories which he heard told by feveral perfons and failors, who traded to the iflands and weftern fea, and to Madera ; which tefti- monies making fomewhat to his purpofe, they were fure to gain a place in his memory. Therefore I will not forbear relating them, to fatisfy thofe that take delight in fuch curiofities. It is therefore requifite to be underftood, that a pilot of the King of Portugal, whofe name was Martin Vicente, told him, that he being once four hundred and fifty leagues weftward of Cape St. Vincent, found and took up in the fea, a piece of wood ingenioufly wrought, but not with iron; by which, and the wind having been weft for many days, he gueffed that piece of wood came from fome ifland that way. Next one Peter Correa, who had married the admiral’s wife’s filter, told him, that in the ifland of Porto Santo he had feen another piece of wood brought by the fame winds, well wrought, as that above mentioned ; and that there had been canes found fo thick, that every joint would hold above four quarts of wine; which he faid he affirmed to the King of Portugal himfelf difcourfing with him about thefe affairs, and that they were Ihewn him; and there being no place in our parts where fuch canes grow, he looked upon it as certain, that the wind had brought them from fome neighbouring iflands, or elfe from India. For Ptolemy, in the firft book of his cof- mography, chap. 17, fays, there are fuch canes in the eaftern parts of India: and fome of the iflanders, particularly the Azores, told him, that when the weft wind blew long together, the fea drove fome pines upon thofe iflands, particularly upon Gratiofaand Fayal, there being no fuch in all thofe parts. And that the fea call upon this ifland of Flores, another of the Azores, two dead bodies of men, very broad faced, and differing in afpect from the Chriftians. At Cape Verga and thereabouts, they fay, they once faw fome covered Almadies or boats, which it is believed were drove that way by ftrefs of weather, as they were going over from one ifland to another. Nor were thefe only the motives he then had, which yet feemed reafonable; but there were thofe that told him they had feen fome iflands, among whom was Anthony Leme, married in the ifland of Madera, who told him, that having made a confiderable run in a caraval of his own weftward, he had feen three iflands. Thefe he did not give credit to, becaufe he found by their own words and difcourfe, that they had not failed one hundred leagues to the weftward, and that they had been deceived by fome rocks, taking them for iflands ; or elfe perhaps they were fome of thofe floating iflands that are carried about by the water, called by the failors Aguadas, whereof Pliny makes mention in the firft book, chap. 97, of his natural hiftory; where he fays, that in the northern parts the fea difcovered fome fpots of land, on which there are trees of deep roots, which parcels of land are carried about like floats or iflands upon the water. Seneca undertaking to give a natural reafon why there are fuch forts of
iflands,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
1 5
iflands, fays in his third book, that it is the nature of certain fpungy and light rocks, fo that the iflands made of them in India, fwim upon the water. So that were it never fo true, that the faid Anthony Leme had feen fome ifland, the admiral was of opinioh, it could be no other than one of them, fuch as thofe called of St. Brandain are fuppofed to be, where many wonders are reported to have been feen. There is alfo an account of others that lie much northward, and always burn. Juventius For- tunatus relates, that there is an account of two iflands towards the weft, and more fouthward than thofe of Cabo Verde, which fwim along upon the water. Thefe and the like grounds might move feveral people of the iflands of Ferro and la Gomera, as alfo of the Azores, to affirm that they faw iflands towards the well every year, which they looked upon as moll certain, and many perfons of reputation fwore it was true. He fays, moreover, that in the year 1484, there came into Portugal, one from the ifland of Madera to beg a caraval of the King, to go to difcover a country, which he fwore he faw every year, and always after the felf-fame manner, agreeing with others, who faid they had feen it from the iflands Azores. On which grounds in the charts and maps formerly made, they placed fome iflands thereabouts ; and particularly be- caufe Ariftotle in his book of wonderful natural things, affirms, it was reported that 1 'ome Carthaginian merchants had failed through the Atlantic fea to a mod fruitful ifland, as we lhall declare more at large hereafter, which ifland fome Portuguefe inferted in their maps, calling it Antilla; though they did not agree in the Situation with Ariftotle, yet none placed it above two hundred leagues due well from the Canaries and Azores, which they conclude to be certainly the ifland of the feven cities, peopled by the Portuguefe at the time that Spain was conquered by the Moors in the year 714- At which time, they fay, feven biffiops with their people embarked and failed to this ifland, where each of them built a city ; and to the end none of their people might think of returning to Spain, they burnt the ffiips, tackle and all things necef- fary for failing. Some Portuguefe difcourftng about this ifland, there were thofe that affirmed feveral Portuguefe had gone to it, who could not find the way to it again. Particularly they fay, that in the time of Henry, infant of Portugal, a Portuguefe ffiip was drove by ftrefs of weather to this ifland Antilla, where the men went on ffiore, and were led by the iflanders to their church, to fee whether they were Chriftians, and obferved the Roman ceremonies, and perceiving they did, they de- fired them not to depart till their lord came, who was then abfent, and would make very much of them, and give them'many prefents, and to whom they would prefently fend advice; but the mafter and feamen were afraid of being detained, fufpefling thofe people had not a mind to be difcovered, and might therefore burn their fliip, and for that reafon they failed back to Portugal, hoping to be rewarded for what they had done, by the Infante. He reproved them feverely, and bid them return quickly but the mafter for fear run away from Portugal with the ffiip and men ; and it is reported, that whilft the feamen were at church in the faid ifland the boys of the ffiip gathered fand for the cook-room, the third part whereof they found to be pure gold. Among others that fet out to difcover this ifland, was one James de Fiene, whofe pilot Peter Velafquer, of the town of Palos de Moguer, told the admiral in the monaftery of St. Mary de la Rabida, that they fet out from Fayal, and failed above one hundred and fifty leagues fouth-weft, and in their return difcovered the ifland Flores, being led to it by abundance of birds they faw fly that way, becaufe thofe being land and not fea fowls, they judged they could not reft but upon land : after which they failed fo far north-eaft, till they came to Cape Clare, in the weft of Ireland, where they met with ftiff wefterly winds, and yet a fmooth fea, which they imagined was caufed by
i fome

■LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
16
fome land that fheltered it towards the weft. But it being then the month of Auguft, they would not turn towards the ifland, for fear of winter. This was above forty years before our Indies were difcovered. This account was confirmed by the relation a mariner at Port St. Mary made, telling him that once making a voyage into Ireland, he faw the faid land, which he then thought to be part of Tartary, falling off towards the weft, which it is like was the land we now call Bacallaos, and that they could not make up to it by reafon of the bad weather. This he faid agreed with what one Peter de Velafco of Galicia, affirmed to him, in the city of Murcia in Spain, which was, that failing for Ireland, they went away fo far to north-weft, that they difcovered land weft of Ireland, which land he believes to be the fame that one Femaldolmos attempted to difcover, after the manner as I fhall here faithfully fet down, as I found it in my father’s writings ; that it may appear how fome men lay the foundation of great matters upon flight grounds. Gonfalo de Oviedo, in his hiftory of the Indies, writes, that the admiral had a letter, wherein he found the Indies defcribed, by one that had before difcovered them ; which was not fo, but thus : Vincent Dear, a Portuguefe of Tavira, returning from Guinea to the Tercera iflands, and having paffed the ifland of Madera, which he left eaft of him, faw, or imagined he faw, an ifland which he certainly concluded to be land. Being come to the Tercera ifland, he told it to one Luke de Cazzana, a Genoefe merchant, who was very rich, and his friend perfuading him to fit out fome veffel to conquer that place; which he was very willing to do, and obtained licence for it of the King of Portugal. He writ, therefore, to his brother Francis de Cazzana, who refided at Sevil, to fit out a fhip with all fpeed for the faid pilot. But the faid Francis making a jeft of fuch an undertaking, Luke de Cazzana fet out a veffel in the Tercera ifland, and the pilot went out three or four times to feek the faid ifland, failing from one hundred and twenty or one hundred and thirty leagues, but all in vain, for he found no land. Yet for all this, neither he nor his partner gave over the enterprize till death, always hoping to find it. And the brother afore- faid told me, and affirmed it, that he knew two fons of the captain that difcovered the Tercera ifland, their names Michael and Jafper Cortereal, who went feveral times to difcover that land, and at laft in the year 1502, perifhed in the attempt, one after another, without ever being heard of; and that this was well known to many.
CHAP. X. — Proving it to be falfe , that the Spaniards had formerly the Dominion of the Indies , as Gonzalo de Oviedo endeavours to make out in his Hi/lory.
IF all we have faid above concerning fo many imaginary iflands and countries, appears to be a mere fable and folly, how much more reafon have we'to look upon that as a falfehood, which Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo conceits in his natural hiftory of the Indies, looking upon his own imagination as a certain truth, and faying he has fully made opt, that there was another difcoverer of this navigation of the ocean, and that the Spaniards had the dominion of thofe lands ; alledging to make out his affer- tion, what Ariftotle writes of the ifland Atlantis, and Sebofus of the Hefperides. This he affirms upon the judgment of fome perfons, whofe writings we have duly weighed and examined, and I would have omitted to talk on this fubjeft, to avoid condemning fome, and tiring the reader, had I not confidered, that fome perfons, to leffen the admiral’s honour and reputation, make great account of fuch notions. Befides, I thought I did not perform my duty fully, by fetting down with all fincerity the motives and inducements that inclined the admiral to undertake his unparalleled enterprize, if I fhould fuffer fuch a falfehood, which I know to be fo, to pafs uncenfured. Therefore,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. *7
foi*e, the better to difcover his miftake, I will, in the firft place, fet down what Ariftotle, as related by one F. Theophilus de Ferrariis fays as to this point •, which F. Theophilus among Ariftotle’s problems collected by him, brings in a book called De admirandis in natura auditis , a chapter with thefe following words : “ Beyond Hercules’s pillars it is reported there was formerly found an ifland in the Atlantic fea by certain Carthaginian merchants, which had never before been inhabited by any but brute beafts. It was all wooded and covered with trees, had a great many navigable rivers, and abounded in all things nature ufually produces, though removed not many days fail from the continent. It happened that fome Carthaginian merchants coming to it, and finding it a good country, as well for the richnefs of the foil as temperature of the air, they began to people it ; but the fenate of Carthage being offended at it, foon made a public decree, that for the future no perfon upon pain of death ihould go to that ifland, and they that went firft were put to death •, to the end that other nations fhould not hear of it, and fome more powerful people take poffeflion of it, by which means it might become an enemy to their liberty.” Now I have faithfully quoted this authority, I will give the reafons that induce me to fay, that Oviedo has no juft caufe to affirm that this ifland was Hifpaniola or Cuba, as he afferts. In the firft place, becaufe Gon- zalo de Oviedo not underftanding Latin, he of neceffity took fuch interpretation of this place as fomebody made him ; who, by what we fee, did not well know how to tranflate out of one language into another, fince he altered and changed the Latin text in feveral particulars, which perhaps deceived Oviedo, and inclined him to believe that this quotation fpoke of fome ifland in the Indies; becaufe we do not read in the Latin text that thefe people went out of the Streights of Gibraltar, as Oviedo writes ; nor much lefs that the ifland was large, nor its trees great, but that it was an ifland much wooded. Nor is it found there, that the rivers were wonderful; nor does it fpeak of its fatnefs, or fay it was more remote from Africk than Europe, but in plain terms fays it was remote from the continent •, nor does it fay any towns were built there, for traders who happened upon it could build but little ; nor is it faid to be famous, but that they were afraid its fame would fpread abroad into other nations. So that the expofitor who interpreted this place to him being fo ignorant, it caufed Oviedo to imagine it to be another thing than really it was; and if he Ihould fay that it is otherwife m Arutotle s text, and that what the friar writes is as it were a compendium of what Ariftotle wiit; 1 mull atk him who gave him authority to beftow fo many kingdoms on whom he pleaies, and to rob one of his honour who has gained it fo fairly, and tell him he ought not to have been fatisfied with reading that authority as it lies in the friar’s pamphlet, but Ihould have feen it in the original, that is, in Ariftotle’s works. Befides that he was mifinformed in this cafe, for though Theophilus in all his other books following ri- totle, delivered the fubftance and fum of what he fays; yet he did not fo m is book De admirandis ., he himfelf owning in the beginning, that he does not m t at is book abridge Ariftotle, as he has done in the others, but that he there inferts a 11 ® text word for word; and therefore it cannot be faid there was either more or e s in Ariftotle than what he fet down. Add to this, that Anthony Beccaria o erona, who tranflated this book out of Greek into Latin, of which tranflation 1 heop ius made ufe, did not render it fo faithfully, but that he inferted feveral matters dittering from the Greek original, as will appear to any man that fhall obferve it. .
In the fecond place I fay, that though Ariftotle had writ fo as Theophilus delivers i , yet Ariftotle himfelf quotes no author, but as fpeaking of a thing for which theie is no good authority, fays, Fertur, which implies that what he delivers concerning this i a , he writes as doubtful and ill grounded. Befides he writes of a thing not then n< ^»
VOL. XII. o

LIFF OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
18
but’which had happened long before ; faying, It is reported that formerly an ifland was found, and therefore it may well be faid according to the proverb, “ That in great travels there are great lies which proverb is now verified ; for in that narration there are circumftances no way agreeable to reafon, forafmuch as it fays, that this ifland abounded in all things, but had never been inhabited, which is not confonant nor likely, forafmuch as fruitfulnefs in land proceeds from its being cultivated by the inhabitants ; and where there are no inhabitants, the land is fo far from producing anything of itfelf that even thofe things which art produces grow wild and ufelefs. Nor is it more likely that the Carthaginians flioukl be difpleafed becaufe their people had found fuch an ifland, and fhould put to, death the difcoverers ; for if it was fo remote from Carthage as the Indies are, it was a folly to fear that thofe who fhould come to inhabit there would conquer Carthage unlefs that, as Oviedo affirms, the Spaniards poffeffed thofe iflands before. He would farther affert, that the Carthaginians were prophets, and that now their jealoufy and prophecy were fulfilled, the Emperor taking Tunis or Carthage, with the money brought from the Indies ; which I am fatisfied he would have faid, to gain more favour by telling fuch news than he did, but that his book was publifhed before. So that any j udicious perfon may conceive it is a folly to fay that ifland was never more heard of, becaufe the Carthaginians quitted the dominion of it, for fear any other nation fhould take it from them, and come afterwards to de- ftroy their liberty ; for they ought to have feared this much more from Sicily or Sardinia, that lay but two days fail from their city, than from Hifpaniola, between which and them there lay one third of the world. And if it fhould be obje&ed that they apprehended the wealth of that country might empower their enemies to do them harm ; I anfwer, they had more caufe to hope, that being themfelves mailers of thofe riches they might oppofe and fubdue whom they pleafed, and that if they left that ifland unpeopled, they left it in the power of another to difcover it; whence the fame mifchief might follow which they feared. And therefore they ought rather to fortify it and fecure their trade to it, as we know they did another time upon the like occa- fion ; for having found the iflands which they then called Caffiterides, and now we call the Azores, they kept that voyage very private, becaufe of the tin they brought from thence, as Strabo tells us at the latter end of the third book of his Cofmography. Wherefore, granting it were true what Ariftotle had writ in this fable, it might be faid he meant it of the voyage to the iflands Azores, which either for want of better under- ftanding, and the great antiquity of the teftirnony, or through affection, which blinds men, Oviedo argues fhould be underflood of the Indies we now poffefs, and not of the faid iflands Azores, or any of them. If it fhould be replied that this cannot be becaufe Strabo does not fay they were the Carthaginians who were poffeffed of the iflands Azores, but the Phoenicians, I anfwer that the Carthaginians being come from Phoenicia with their Queen Dido, therefore fhe and they were called Phoenicians at that time, as the Chriftians born in the iflands are now called Spaniards. And fhould it be again urged, that the place of Ariftotle which fpeaks of this iflands, fays it had many navigable rivers, which are not to be found in the iflands Azores, but in Cuba and Hifpaniola, I anfwer, that if we will take notice of this particular, they add, that there were abundance of beafts in them, which there are not in Cuba or Hifpaniola; and it may well be, that in a thing of fuch antiquity there might be fome miftake in relating that particular, as often happens in many of thefe uncertain and fo far diftant antiquities. Obferve that neither Cuba nor Hifpaniola have any deep navigable rivers, as the place quoted intimates; and that any fhips may enter the mouths of the biggeft rivers of thofe iflands, but not conveniently fail up them. Befides that, as has been faid, how great
foever

LIF£ OF COLON, BY HIS SON. 19
foever Ariftotle’s authority may be the word might poffibly be corrupted, and might be writ navigandum inftead of potandum , which better agreed with what he treated of, commending it for plenty of drinking water, as well as fruitfulnefs in producing things to eat. This might well be verified of any one of the Azores, and with more reafon, becaufe neither Cuba nor Hifpaniola lie fo, as that the Carthaginians could be carried to them either by reafon of their nearnefs, or by any mifchance ; for if thofe who went purpofely with the admiral to difcover thought the way fo long that they would have turned back, how much longer muft it feein to them who defigned no fuch tedious voyage, and who, as foon as the time would permit, had turned back towards their country ? Nor does any ftorm laft fo long as to carry a {hip from Cadiz to Hifpaniola j nor is it likely, that becaufe they were merchants, they fliould have any mind to run farther from Spain or Carthage than the wind obliged them, efpecially at a time when navigation was not come to that perfection as now it is. For which reafon very incon- fiderable voyages were then looked upon as great, as appears by what we read of Jafon’s voyage to Colchos, and that of Ulyffes through the Mediterranean, in which fo many years were fpent; and therefore they were fo famous that the moft excellent poets have given an account of them, becaufe of the little knowledge they had then of fea affairs; whereas it has been fo improved of late in our age, that there have been thofe who had the boldnefs to fail round the world, which has contradicted the proverb that faid, “ He that goes to cape Nam will either return or not which cape is in Africk, not very much dillant from the Canaries. Befides it is a notorious miftake to think the ifland whither thofe merchants were carried, could be either Cuba, or Hifpaniola ; for it is well known, that with all the knowledge we have at this prefent, it is almoft impoffible to come at them, without meeting with any other iflands that encom- pafs them all all round. But if we would fay that land or ifland was none of the Azores, as has been faid above, one lie ought to be grafted upon another, by alledging that it was the fame ifland of which Seneca in his fourth book makes mention, where he tells us, that Thucydides fpeaks of an ifland called Atlantica, which in the time of the Peloponnefian war was all or moftly drowned. Whereof Plato alfo makes mention in his Timaeus. But becaufe we have difcourfed too long concerning thefe fables, 1 will proceed to the next point, where it is faid that the Spaniards had entirely the dominion of the faid iflands ; which opinion is grounded on what Statius and Sebofus fay, that certain iflands called Hefperides, lay forty days fail weft of the iflands Gorgones. And hence it is argued, that fince thofe muft of neceffity be Indies, and are called Hefperides, that name came from Hefperus, who was King of Spain, who of confequence, and the Spaniards were lords of that country. So that rightly confidering his words, he endeavours from uncertain premifes to deduce three infallible confequences, contrary to Seneca’s rule, who in his fixth book of nature, fpeaking of fuch like things, fays it is hard to affirm any thing as fure and certain upon grounds that are no other than conjectures, as here Ovideo does ; forafmuch as only Sebofus is faid to have made mention of thofe iflands Hefperides, declaring towards what part they lie but not mentioning that they were the Indies, or of whom they took the name, or by whom conquered. And if Oviedo out of Berofus affirms that Hefperus was King of Spain, I grant it to be true, but not that he gave the name to Spain or Italy ; but he, like a true hiftorian, owning that Berofus fails him in this particular, took up with Hyginus, yet cautioufly without mentioning in what book or chapter, and thus he conceals his authority ; for in ffiort, no place is to be found where Hyginus fpeaks of any fuch matter, but, on the contrary, in one only book of his that is extant, intituled, De poetica Ajironomia, he has not only no fuch words, but in three feveral places where he fpeaks of thefe Hefperides, he
d 2 ~ fays

20
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
fays thus, Hercules is painted as killing the dragon that guarded the Hefperides. And fomewhat farther he fays, that Hercules being fent by Euriftheus for the golden apples to the Hefperides, and not knowing the way thither, he went to Prometheus on mount Caucafus, and entreated him to Ihew him the way, whence followed the death of the dragon. Now, according to this, we fhall have other Hefperides in the eaft to whom alfo Oviedo may fay, Hefperus King of Spain gave his name. Hyginus fays farther, in the chapter of planets, that it appears by feveral hiftories that the planet Venus is called Hefperus, becaufe it fets foon after the fun. From all which we may infer, that if we ought to make ufe of any teftimonies or quotations from perfons ufed to relate poetical fables, as Hyginus does, that very fame which Hyginus fays rather makes againft Oviedo than for him ; and we may fuppofe and affirm, they were called Hefperides from a certain ftar. And as the Greeks for the fame reafon called Italy Hefperia, as many write j fo we may fay, Sebofus called thefe iflands Hefperides, and made ufe of the fame conjectures, and fome reafons to {hew whereabouts they lay, which we faid above moved the admiral to believe for certain, that there were fuch iflands weftward.
Thus we may conclude, that Oviedo did not only prefume to counterfeit authorities for what he faid, but that either though inadvertency, or to pleafe him who told him thefe things (for it is certain he did not underftand them himfelf), he maintained two contradictions, the difagreement beween which were fufficient to difcover his error. For if the Carthaginians who, as he fays, arrived at Cuba or Hifpaniola, found that country inhabited by none but brute beafts, how could it be true that the Spaniards had been pofiefied of it long before, and that their King Hefperus gave it his name ? Unlefs perhaps he will fay, that fome deluge unpeopled it; and that afterwards fome other Noah reftored it to that condition it was difcovered in by the admiral. But becaufe l am quite tired with this difpute, and methinks the reader is cloyed with it, I will not dilate any more upon this point, but follow on our hiflory.
CHAP. XI. — How the Admiral was difgujled by the King of Portugal , on account of the
Difcovery he propofed to him.
THE admiral now concluding that his opinion was excellently well grounded, he rofolved to put it in practice, and to fail the weftern ocean in quelt of thofe countries. But being l'enfible that fuch an undertaking was only fit for a Prince who could go through with and maintain it, he refolved to propofe it to the King of Portugal becaufe he lived under him. And though King John then reigning gave ear to the admiral’s propofals yet he feemed backward in embracing them, becaufe the great trouble and expence he was at upon acount of the difcovery and conquell of the weltern coaft of Afric, called Guinea, without any confiderable fuccefs as yet, or being as yet able to weather the cape of Good Hope, which name fome fay was given it inflead of Agefingue, its proper denomination, becaufe that was the fartheft they hoped to extend their dif- coveries and conquefts, or as others will have it, becaufe this cape gave them hopes of better countries and navigation. Be it as it will, the aforefaid King had but little inclination to lay out more money upon difeoveries ; and if he gave any ear to the admiral, it was becaufe of the excellent reafons he gave to prove his opinion, which fo far prevailed upon him, that there remained only to grant the admiral thofe terms he demanded. For the admiral being a man of a noble and generous fpirit, would capitulate to his great benefit and honour, that he might leave behind him fuch a reputation, and fo confiderable a family, as became his great actions and merits. For this reafon the King, by the advice of one Doctor Calzadilla, of whom he made great account, refolved
4 to

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
an
to fend a caraval privately to attempt that which the admiral had propofed to him ; becaufe in cafe thofe countries were fo difcovered, he thought himfelf not obliged to beftow any great reward, which might be demanded on account of the difcovery, Having thus fpeedily equipped a caraval, and going out, it was to carry fupplies to the iflands of Cabo Verde, he fent it that way the admiral had propofed to go. But thofe he fent wanted the knowledge, conftancy, and fpirit of the admiral. After wandering many days upon the fea, they turned back to the iflands of Cabo Verde, laughing at the undertaking, and faying it was impoflible there fhould be any land in thofe feas. This being come to the admiral’s ear, and his wife dead, he took fuch an averfion to that city and nation, that he refolved to go to Caftile, with a little fon he had left by his wife, called D. James Colon, who inherited his father’s eftate. But fearing left if the King of Caftile fliould not confent to his undertaking, he might be forced to propofe it to fome other Prince, which would take up much time, he fent a brother he had with him, called Bartholomew Colon, into England, who, though he was no Latin fcholar, was a fkilful and judicious man in fea affairs, and could make fea- charts, globes, and other inftruments fit for that profeflion, having been taught by the admiral his brother. Bartholomew Colon being on his way for England, it was his fortune to fall into the hands of pirates, who ftripped him and the reft of his company. For this reafon, and being fick and poor in that country, it was a long time before he could deliver his meffage, till having got fome fupply by making fea-charts, he began to make fome propofals to King Kenry the Vllth, then reigning, to whom he prefented a map of the world, on which were thefe verfes, which I found among his papers, and Ihall be here inferted, rather for their antiquity than elegancy.
Terrarum quicunque cupis foelieiter oras Nofcere, cundta decens dottc piftura docebit,
Qua Strabo, affirmat, Ptolemceus, Plinius atque Ilidorus ; non una tamen fententia cuique.
Pingitur hie etiam nuper fulcata carinis Hifpanis zona ilia, prius ingonita genti,
Torrida, quae tandem nunc eft notiffima multis.
Pro auftore, five piftore.
And a little lower,
Genoa cui patria eft, nomen cui Bartholomaus Columbus de terra rubra, opus edidit iftud,
Londiniis An. Dorn. 1480, atque infuper anno,
Octava Decimaque die cum tertia menfis Febr. Laudes Chrifto cantentur abunde.
The fenfe of the firft lines is to this effect. Whofoever thou art that defireft to- know the coafts of countries muft be taught by this draught, what Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Ilidorus affert, though not agreeing in all points. Here is alfo fet down the formerly unknown torrid zone, now known to many. For the author or painter: the fecond verfes implied that his name was Bartholomew Colon of the red earth, a Gonoefe, publifhed this work at London, anno 1480, the 21ft of February. Praife to God.
And becaufe it may be obferved that he fays, e< Colon of the red earth I muft acquaint the reader, that I have feen fome fubferiptions of the admiral’s before he had that title, where he writ Columbus de terra rubra. But to return to the King of England: I fay, that he having feen the map, and what the admiral offered him, readily accepted of it, and ordered him to be fent for. But God having referved it for Caftile, the admiral had at that time gone his voyage, and was returned withfuccefs, as fhall be ihewn in its place.
CHAP*

22
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. XII.— The Admirals Departure from Portugal, and the Conferences he hats, •with Their Catholic Majeflies, King Ferdinand and Queen Ifabel, or Elizabeth.
I WILL now forbear relating how Bartholomew Colon proceeded in England, and will return to the admiral, who, about the end of the year 1484, dole away privately out of Portugal, with his fon James, for fear of being flopped by the King ; for he being fenfible how faulty they were whom he had fent with the caraval, had a mind to reftore the admiral to his favour, and defired he fhould renew the difcourfe of his enter- prize ; but not being fo diligent to put this in execution as the admiral was in getting away, he loft that good opportunity, and the admiral got into Caftile to try his fortune, which was there to favour him. Therefore leaving his fon in a monaftery at Palos, called la Rabida, he prefently went away to the Catholic King’s court, which was then at Cordova where being affable and of pleafant converfation, he contracted friendlhip with fuch perfons as he found moft inclinable to his undertaking, and fitted to perfuade the King to embrace it; among whom was Lewis de Santangel, an Arragonian gentleman, clerk of the allowances in the King’s huufehold, a man of great prudence and reputation. But becaufe the matter required to be handled with learning rather than empty words and favour, their Highneffes committed it to prior of Prado, afterwards archbifhop of Granada, ordering him, together with fome cofmographers, to take full information in’this affair, and report their opinions therein. But there being few cofmographers at that time, thofe that were called together were not fo fkilful as they ought to be; nor would the admiral fo far explain himfelf as that he might be ferved as he had been in Portugal, and be deprived of his reward. For this reafon the anfvver they gave their Highneffes was as various as were their judgments and opinions. For fome faid, that fmce in fo many thoufand years as had paffed fince the creation, fo many fkilful failors had got no knowledge of fuch countries, it was not likely that the admiral fhould know more than all that were then or had been before. Others, who inclined more to cofmographical reafon, faid the world was fo prodigious great, that it was incredible three years fail would bring him to the end of the eaft, whither he de- figned his voyage; and to corroborate their opinion, they brought the authority of Seneca, who in one of his works, by way of argument, faid that many wife men among them difagreed about this queftion, whether the ocean were infinite, and doubted whether it could be failed, and though it were navigable, whether habitable lands would be found on the other fide, and whether they could be gone to. They added, that of this lower globe of earth and water, only afmall compafs was inhabited, which had remained in our hemifphere above water, and that all the reft was fea and not navigable, but only near the coafts and rivers. And that wife men granted it was poffible to fail from the coaft of Spain to the fartheft part of the weft. Others of them argued almoft after the fame manner as the Portuguefe had done about failing to Guinea, faying, that if any man fhould fail ftraight away weft ward, as the admiral propofed, he would not be able to return into Spain becaufe of the roundnefs of the globe, looking upon it as moft certain, that vvhofoever fhould go out of the hemifphere known to Ptolemy, would go down, and then it would be impoffible to return, affirming it would be like climbing a hill, which fhips could not do with the fliffeft gale. Though the admiral fufficiently folved all thefe objections, yet the more powerful his reafons were, the lefs they under- flood hint through their ignorance ; for when a man grows old upon ill principles in mathematics, he cannot conceive the true becaufe of the falfe notions at firfl imprinted in his mind. In fhort, all of them holding to the Spanifh proverb, which, though it be contrary to reafon, commonly fays dubitat AuguJUnus, “ St. Auguftin queftions it
2 becaufe

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. 83
becaufe the faid Saint in his twenty firft book, and ninth chapter, “ Of the city of God,” denies and looks upon it as impoffible that there Ihould be antipodes, or any going out of one hemifphere into the other; and further urging againft the admiral thofe fables that are current about the five zones, and other untruths, which they looked upon as mod certainly true, they refolved to give judgment againft the enterprife, as vain and impracticable ; and that it became not the ftate and dignity of fuch great Princes, to be moved upon fuch weak information. Therefore, after much time fpent upon the fubjedt, their highneffes anfwered theadmiral, that they were then taken up with many other wars and conquefts, and particularly the conqueft of Granada, which they had then in hand, and therefore could not conveniently attend that new undertaking, but that in time there would be more conveniency to examine and execute that which he propofed. And to conclude, Their Majefties would not give ear to the great propofals the admiral made.
CHAP. XIII. — How the Admiral , not agreeing with the King of Cajlile, refolved to go
elfewhere to offer his Service.
WHILST this was in agitation, their catholic majefties had not been always fettled in one place, becaufe of the war they made in Granada, for which reafon it was a long time before they came to a refolution and gave their anfwer. The admiral therefore went to Sevil, and finding their highneffes no way refolved more than at firft, he concluded to give the Duke of Medina Sidonia an account of his project. But after many conferences, feeing there was no likelihood of coming to fuch conclufion as he wilhed for in Spain, and that the execution of his defign was too much delayed he refolved to apply himfelf to the King of France, to whom he had already writ; concerning this affair, defigning, if he were not admitted there, to go into England next, to leek out his brother, of whom he had as yet no manner of news. Being fo refolved he fet out for the monaftery of Rabida, to fend his fon James, whom he had left there, to Cordova, and then proceed on his journey. But to the end what God had decreed, Ihould not be difappointed, he put it into the heart of F. John Perez, guardian of that houfe, to contract fuch friendlhip with the admiral, and be fo taken with his project, that he was concerned at his refolution, and for the lofs Spain would fuftain by his departure. Therefore he intreated him by no means to put his defign in execution, for that he would go to the Queen, of whom he hoped, that he being her father confeffor, Ihe would give credit to what he Ihould fay to her. Though the admiral was quite out of hopes and difgufted to fee fo little refolution and judgment in their highneffes counfellors, yet, being on the other fide very defirous that Spain Ihould reap the benefit of his undertakings, he complied with the father’s defires and requeft, becaufe he now looked upon himfelf as a natural born Spaniard, becaufe he had fo long refided there ; whilft he was following his project, and becaufe he had got children there ; which was the caufe he rejected the offers made him by other Princes, as he declares in a letter he writ to their highneffes in thefe words, “ that I might ferve your highneffes, I have refufed to take up with France, England and Portugal, the letters from which Princes your highneffes may fee in the hands of do&or Villalan.”
CHAP.

24
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. XIV. — How the Admiral returned to the Camp before Granada , and took his Leave of Their Catholic Majejlies, having concluded nothing with them.
THE admiral departing from the monaftery of Rabida near Palos, together with 1 F. John Perez, to the camp of S. Faith, where their catholic majefties then were to carry on the fiege of Granada ; the faid father further informed the Queen, and preffed the bufinefs fo home, that her majefty was pleafed the conferences about the difcovery fhould be renewed. But the opinions of the prior of Prado and others of his followers varying, and on the other fide Colon demanding to be made admiral and viceroy, befides other matters of great confequence ; it was thought too much to grant him, becaufe if what he promifed fucceeded, they judged his demand too confiderable, and in cafe it did not, they thought it a folly to give fuch titles; which made the bufinefs come to nothing. I cannot forbear declaring that I make great account of the admiral’s wifdom, refolution and forefight, for he being fo unfortunate in this affair, having fo earned a defire, as 1 have faid before, to remain in this kingdom, and being reduced to fuch a condition, that he ought to take up with any thing, it was a great- nefs of fpirit in him not to accept of any but great titles and honours, demanding fuch things as if he had forefeen and been more certainly allured of the fuccefs of his project, he could not have articled better, or more honourably than he did; fo that at lad they were forced to grant, that he fhould be admiral on the ocean, and enjoy all the allowances, privileges and prerogatives, that the admirals of Cadile and Leon had in their feveral feas, all and that civil employments, as well of government as admini- dration of judice, in all the iflands and continent fhould be wholly at his difpofal, and that all governments fhould be given to one or three perfons he fhould name ; and that he fhould appoint judges in all parts of Spain trading to the Indies, who fhould decide all matters relating to thofe parts. As for profit and revenue, he demanded, over and above the falary and perquifites of the aforefaid employments of admiral, viceroy and governor, the tenth of all that was bought, bartered, found, or got within the bounds of his admiralfhip, abating only the charge of the conqued ; fo that had there been one thoufand ducats in an ifland, one hundred were to be his. And becaufe his adverfaries faid he ventured nothing in that undertaking, but had the command of a fleet as long as it laded, he demanded the eighth part of what he fhould bring home in his fleet, and he would be the eighth part of the expence. Thefe being matters of fuch confequence, and their highneffes refufing to grant them, the admiral took leave of his friends, and went away towards Cordova, to take order for his journey into France, for he was refolved not to return to Portugal, though the King had writ to him, as fhall be faid.
CHAP. XV. — How Their Catholic Majejliesfent after the Admiral , and granted him all
he detnanded.
IT was now the month of January in the year 1492, when the admiral departed from the camp of St. Faith, and that fame day Lewis de Santangel before mentioned, who did not approve of his going away, but very defirous to prevent it; went to the Queen, and ufing fuch words as his inclination fuggefted, to perfuade and reprove her at once, faid, he wondered to fee that her highnefs, who had always a great foul for all matters of moment and confequence, fhould now want the heart to venture .upon an undertaking, where fo little was ventured, and which might redound fo
much

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
25
snuch to the glory of God and propagation of the faith, not without great benefit and honour to her kingdoms and dominions ; and fuch in fhort, that if any other Prince {hould undertake it, as the admiral offered, the damage that would accrue to her crown was very vifible, and that then file would with juft caufe be much blamed by her friends and fervants, and reproached by her enemies, and all people would fay, (he had well deferved that misfortune ; and though fhe herfelf {hould never have caufe to repent it, yet her fucceffors would certainly feel the fmart of it. Therefore, fince the matter feemed to be grounded upon reafon, and the admiral who propofed it was a man of fenfe and wifdom, and demanded no other reward but what he {hould find, being willing to bear part of the charge, befides venturing his own perfon; her highnefs ought not to look upon it as fuch an impoffibility as thofe fcholars made it, and that what they faid that it would be a reflection on her if the enterprife did qot fucceed, as the admiral propofed, was a folly, and he was of a quite contrary opinion, rather believing they would be looked upon as generous and magnanimous Princes, for attempting to difcover the fecrets and wonders of the world, as other monarchs had done, and it had redounded to their honour. But though the event were never fo uncertain, yet a confiderable fum of money would be well employed in clearing fuch a doubt. Befides that, the admiral only demanded two thoufand five hundred crowns to fit the fleet, and therefore {he ought not to defpife that undertaking, that it might not be faid it was the fear of fpending fo fmall a fum that kept her back. The Queen knowing the fincerity of Santangel’s words, anfwered, thanking him for his good advice, and faying, {he was willing to admit of the propofals, upon condition the execution were refpited, till fhe had a little breathing after the war. And yet if he were of another opinion, Ihe was content that as much money as was requifite for fitting out the fleet, {hould be borrowed upon her jewels. But Santangel feeing the Queen had upon his advice condefcended to what {he had refufed to all other perfons, replied, there was no need of pawning her jewels, for he would do her highnefs that fmall fervice as to lend his money. Upon this refolution the Queen immediately fent an officer poll, to bring the admiral back, who found him upon the bridge of Pinos, two leagues from Granada ; and though the admiral was much concerned at the difficulties and delays he had met within his enterprife, yet underftanding the Queen’s will and refolution, he returned to the camp of St. Faith, where he was w r ell entertained by Their Catholic Majefties, and his difpatch and articles committed to the fecretary John Coloma, who by their highneffes’ command and under their hand and feal, granted him all the articles and claufes we faid above he had demanded, without altering or diminilhing any thing in them.
CHAP. XVI. — How the Admiral fitted out three Caravals to go upon his Difcovery.
THE aforefaid articles being granted by Their Catholic Majefties, he fet out from Granada on the twelfth of May this year 1492, for Palos, the port where he was to fit out his Ihips, that town being obliged to ferve their highneffes three months with two caravals, which they ordered {hould be given to the admiral. Thefe and another {hip he fitted out with all care and diligence. The {hip he went in was called the St. Mary, another was La Pinta, whereof Martin Alonzo Pinzon was captain, and Vincent Yanez Pinzon, brother to Alonzo, both of the town of Palos, of the third which was called La Nina, and had fquare fails. They being furniftied with all neceffaries, and ninety men, fet fail directly towards the Canaries on the third of Auguft, and from that time forwards, the admiral was very careful to keep an exa£t vol. xii. e journal

2 6
.LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
journal of all that happened to him during the voyage, fpecifying what wind blew, how far he failed with every wind; what currents he found, and what he faw by the way, whether birds, or fifhes, or other things, which he always did in four voyages he made from Spain to the Indies. I will not write all thofe particulars ; for though to give an account of his voyage, and to fhew what impreffions and effects anfwered the courfe and afpects of the ftars, and to relate what difference there is between that and our fea and our countries, would be now very beneficial; yet I do not think all thofe particulars would now be pleafing to the reader, whom fuch long and fuper- fiuous relations muff tire. Therefore I fhall only difcourfe of thofe things I fhall think neceflary and convenient.
CIIAP. XVII. — The Admiral arrived at the Canary IJlands, and therefurnifhed himfelf
completely with all he wattled.
THE next day after the admiral’s departure for the Canary iflands, being Saturday the fourth of Auguft, the rudder of one of the caravals called La Pinta, broke loofe, and being therefore forced to lie by, the admiral foon came by her fide, but the weather blowing hard, could give no affiftance, yet commanders at fea are obliged fo to do, to encourage thofe that are in diftrefs. This he did the more readily, as mifdoubtijag this had happened by the contrivance of the mafter, to avoid going the voyage, as he attempted to do before they fet out. Pinzon the captain, being an able feaman, foon repaired that fault with the help of fome ropes, fo that they were able to continue their voyage, till on Tuefday following, the weather being rough, the ropes broke, and they were forced again to lie by to mend what had given way. From which'misfortune of breaking of the rudder twice, any body that had been fuperflitious, might have foreboded its future difobedience to the admiral, when through the malice of Pinzon, it twice got away from him, as fhall be mentioned hereafter.
To return to what we have in hand, they apply the bell; remedy they could for the prefent, that they might at lealt reach the Canary iflands, which all three fhips difcovered on Thurfday the ninth of Auguft about break of day, but the wind being contrary, they could not come to an anchor at Gran Canaria, though very near it, that day nor the two following. Here the admiral left Pinzon, that going afhore he might endeavour to get another fhip; and he to the fame purpofe went away to the ifland Gomera, with the caraval called La Nina, that if they failed of a veflel in one ifland, they might find it in the other. Thus he came to Gomera on the Sunday following, being the twelfth day of Auguft, and fent his boat afhore, which returned in the morning, with the news that there was never a veflel in the ifland at that time, but that they hourly expected the lady Beatrix de Bobadilla, proprietrefs of that fame ifland, who was then at Gran Canaria, and had hired a veflel of forty tun, belonging to one Gradenna of Sevile, which being fit for the voyage he defigned, he might have taken. Therefore the admiral refolved to expedt him in that port, believing that if Pinzon had not been able to repair his own veflel, he might himfelf have got another at Gomera. Having flayed there the two following days, and the veflel above mentioned not appearing, he fent a man aboard a bark that was bound from Gomera to Gran Canaria, to acquaint Pinzon where he lay, and aflift him in fixing his rudder, writing to him that he did not go himfelf to aflift him, becaufe that veflel could not fail. But it being long after the departure of that bark, before the admiral received any anfwer ; he refolved on the twenty third of Auguft to return

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
27
with his two veffels to Gran Canaria, and failing the next day, met in the way the aforementioned bark, which was not yet arrived at Gran Canaria, by reafon of the contrary winds. Having taken out the man he had fent aboard the bark, that night he failed clofe by Tenerife, where ' they faw flames gulh out of the high rock commonly called the Peake, or rather El Pico, which his men admiring at, he told them the occafion of that fire, proving what he faid by the example of Mount .ZEtna in Sicily, and of many others like it. Leaving that ifland they arrived at Gran Canaria upon Saturday the twenty fifth, whither Pinzon with much difficulty was got in but the day before. By him he was informed that the lady Beatrix was failed the Monday before, with that veffel he took fuch pains to get, and the others being much troubled at it, he made the bed of whatever happened ; affirming, that fince it did not pleafe God he fhould meet with that veffel, it was perhaps becaufe in finding it, he w'ould at the lame time have met with fome obftacle or oppofition in preffing of it, and have loll time in fhipping and unfhipping the goods, which would be a hindrance to his voyage : for this reaion, fearing if he returned to feek it at Gomera, he might mifs of it by the way ; he refolved to repair his caraval the bell he could at Gran Canaria, making a new rudder, fhe having loft hers, and to change the fails of the other caraval called La Nina, which were fquare, to round, that fhe might follow the other {hips with lefs danger and agitation.
CHAP. XVIII. — How the Admiralfet fail from'the If and of Gran Canaria upon his Dif- covery , and what happened to him on the Ocean.
WHEN the fliips were refitted and in order to fail on Friday, (this by what follows ought to be Saturday) the firft of September ; in the afternoon the admiral weighed anchor, and departed from Gran Canaria, arriving the next day at Gomera, where four days more were fpent in laying in provifions, wood and water; fo that next Thurfday in the morning which was on the fixth of September 1482, which may be accounted the firft fetting out upon the voyage on the ocean, the admiral departed from Gomera, and flood away to the weftward, but made but little way by reafon of the calm. On Sunday about day, he found himfelf nine leagues weft of the ifland Ferro, where they loft fight of land, and many fearing it would be long before they fhould fee it again, fighed and wept, but the admiral, after comforting them all with great promifes of lands, and wealth to raife their hopes, and leffen the fear they had conceived of the length of the way, though they failed eighteen leagues that day, he pretended by his computation it was but fifteen, refolving all the voyage to keep fhort in his reckoning, that his men might not think themfelves fo far from Spain as they were, if he fhould truly fet down the way he made, which yet he privately marked down. Continuing thus his voyage, on Wednefday the twelfth of September, about fun-fetting, being about one hundred and fifty leagues weft of the ifland Ferro, he discovered a large body ofthe'maft of a tree of one hundred and twenty ton, which feemed to have been a long time upon the water. There and foinewhat further the current fet ftrong towards the north-eaft ; but when he had run fifty leagues farther weftward, on the thirteenth of September, he found that at night fall the needle varied half a point towards the north-eaft, and at break of day, half a point more, by which he underftood that the needle did not point at the north ftar, but at fome other fixed and vifible point. This variation no man had obferved before, and therefore he had occafion to be furprifed at it; but he was more amazed the third day after, jwhen he was almoft one hundred leagues'further ; for at night the needles varied about a point to the north-eaft, and in the
e 2 morning

28
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
morning they pointed upon the ftar. On Saturday the fifteenth of September, being almoft three hundred leagues weft of Ferro, at night they faw a wonderful flalh of light fall from the fky into the fea, about four or five leagues diftance from the fbips towards the fouth-weft, though the leather was then fair, like April, the wind favourable at north-eaft, the fea ftill, and the current fetting north-eaft. The men aboard the caraval, called La Nina, told the admiral, they had the Friday before feen a heron and another fort of bird, which the Spaniards call rabo de junco, which they were amazed at, thofe being the firft birds they had feen : but they were more furprifed the next day, which was Sunday, at the great abundance of weeds between green and yellow, that appeared upon the water, which feemed to be newly wafhed away from fbme ifland or rock. They faw enough of thefe weeds the next day, which made many affirm they were already near land, efpecially becaufe they faw a fmall lobfter alive among thofe weeds, which they faid fomewhat refembled the herb ftar-wort, but that the ftalk and branches were long, and it was all full of fmall feeds. Afterwards they obferved that the fea water was but half as fait as before; befides, that night abundance of tunny fifhes followed them, running along, and flicking fo clofe to them, that thofe aboard the caraval Nina, killed one with a bearded iron. Being now three hundred and fixty leagues weft of Ferro, they faw another of thofe birds the Spaniards call rabo de junco, becaufe of a long feather their tail confifts of, and in Spanifh, rabo fignifies a tail, as junco is a rufh, fo that rabo de junco imports rufh tail. On Tuefday following, being the eighteenth of September, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who was gone a-head with the caraval called Pinta, which was an excellent failer, lay by for the admiral, and told him he had feen a great number of birds fly away weftward, for which reafon he hoped to find land that night, and he thought he faw the land to the northward, fifteen leagues diftant; that day about fun-fetting, looking very dark and cloudy. But the admiral knowing for certain it was no land, he would not lofe time to difcover it, as all his men would have had him ; forafimich as he was not yet come to the place where he expected by his computation to find land, therefore they took in their top fails at night, becaufe the wind frefhenedy having for eleven days never abated one handful of fail, going ftill before the wind weftward.
CHAP. XIX. — How all the Metz carefully obferved what Signs they difcovcred, being
eager to difcover Land .
ALL the men aboard the fhips being unacquainted with that voyage, and fearful of the danger becaufe far from any relief, there were fome that began to mutter, and feeing nothing but fky and water, carefully obferved every thing that appeared, at greater diftance from land than any had been before. For which reafon I will relate all they made any account of, and this only in the firft voyage; for I fhall not mention leffer tokens generally feen upon fuch occafions. On the 19th of September, in the morning, a fowl called Alcatraz, which is a fort of fea-gull, flew over the admiral’s fhip, and others in the afternoon, which made him conceive hope of land, he imagining they would not fly very far from it. Upon thefe hopes, as foon as the wind abated, they founded with two hundred fathom of line j and though they found no bottom, they perceived the current now fet fouth-weft. On Thurfday, the 22d, two hours before noon, two alcatrazes came to the fhip, and another fome time after; befides, they took a bird like a heron, but that it was black, and had a white tuft o* the head, the feet like a duck, as commonly water-fowls have \ they alfo caught a little
4 fifh,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. 29
fi(h, and faw abundance of weeds; and about evening there came aboard three land- fowls finging, but at break of day they flew away, which was fome comfort to them ; confidering that the other fowls being large, and ufed to the water, might better go- far from land, but that thefe little ones could not come from any far diftant country. Three hours after they Taw another alcatraz, that came from the weft-north-weft, and the next day afternoon they faw another rabo de junco and an alcatraz, and there appeared more weeds than before, towards the north, as far as they could fee; which things fometimes were a comfort to them, believing they might come from fome near land, and fometimes they caufed dread, becaufe they were fo thick that in fome meafure they flayed the /hips, and fear making things worfe than they are, they apprehended that might befall them which is fabuloufly reported of St. Amaro in the frozen fea, who is faid not to fuffer fhips to ftir backwards or forwards, and therefore they fleered away from thofe fhoals of weeds, as much as they could. But to return to the tokens : the next day they faw a whale, and on Saturday following, being the 22d of September, fome fmall birds ; and the wind thofe days blew at fouth-weft, fometimes more and fometimes lefs weft, which, though contrary to their voyage, the admiraL faid he looked upon as very good, and a help to them ; becaufe the men continually muttering, among other things that increafed their fear, faid this was one; that fince the wind was always right a-ftern, they fhould never in thofe feas have a gale to carry them back; and though fometimes they found the contrary, they alleged that it was no fettled wind, and that not being ftrong enough to fwell the fea, it would never carry them back fo far as they had to fail. Whatsoever the admiral could fay, telling them that the reafon was the lands being now near, which did not fuffer the waves to rife, and ufing the beft argument he could, yet he affirms he flood in need of God’s particular affiftance, as Moles did when he led the Ifraelites out of Egypt, who forbore laying violent hands upon him, becaufe of the prodigies God wrought by his means. So, faid the admiral it happened to him in that voyage; for upon Sunday following, the wind ftarted up at weft-north-weft, with a rolling fea as the men vvifhed; and three hours before noon they faw a turtle fly over the /hip, and about evening an alcatraz, a river fowl, and other white birds, and fome crabs among the weeds ; and the next day they fpied another alcatraz, and feveral fmall birds that came from the weft, and fmall fifties, whereof the men of the other veffels ftuck fome with harping, irons, becaufe they would not bite at the hook.
CHAP. XX. — How the Men mutinied to turn back , and feeing other Signs and Tokens
of Land , went on well enough fatisfed:
THE more the aforefaid tokens were found vain, the more they took occafion to apprehend and mutter; caballing together, and faying the admiral, out of a fdolifh fancy of his own, had defigned to make himfelf a great lord at the expence of their lives and danger; and fince they had done their duty in trying their fortune, and had gone farther from land and any fuccour than any others had done, they ought not to deftroy themfelves, nor proceed in that voyage, fince if they did, they fhould have caufe to repent ; for provifions would fall fhort, and the fhips fail, which they knew were already fo faulty, that it would be hard to get back fo far as they were gone, and that none would condemn them for fo doing, but they would rather be looked upon as very brave men for going upon fuch a defign and venturing fo far ; and that the admiral being a foreigner, and having no favour at court, and fo many wife and learned men
having,

30 LIFE 0? COLON, BY HIS SON.
having condemned his opinion, there would be nobody now t^,favour and defend him, and they (hould fooner find credit, if they accufed him of ignorance and mifmanagement, than he, whatfoever he could fay for himfelf. Nor did there want fome who faid, that to end all difpute, in cafe he would not acquiefce to them, they might make (hort and throw him overboard, and give out, that as he was making his obfervations he dropped into the fea; and no man would go about to enquire into the truth of it, which was the readied: way for them to return home and fecure themielves. Thus they went on from day to day, muttering, complaining, and confulting together : nor was the admiral without apprehenfions of their inconftancy, and ill intentions towards him. Therefore fometimes with good words, and fometimes with a full refolution to expofe his life ; putting them in mind of the punilhment due to them if they obftruched the voyage, he in fome meafure quelled their apprehenfions, and fuppreffed their ill defigns. To confirm the hope he gave them, he put them in mind of the aforefaid figns and tokens, affuring them they would foon find land; u'hich figns they were fo attentive to, that they thought every hour a year till they law land. On Tuefday the 25th of September, about fun-fetting, as the admiral was difcourfing with Pinzon, whofe Ihip was very near, the faid Pinzon on a fudden cried out, “ Land, land, fir! Let not my good news inifcarryand Ihewed him towards the fouth-weft a bulk which looked very like an ifland, about twenty-five leagues from the Ihips. This was fo pleafing to the men, that they returned thanks to God; and the admiral, who had given no credit to thefe words, to pleafe the men, and that they Ihould not ob- ftrudt his voyage, Hood that way a great part of the night. Next morning they perceived that what they had feen were only clouds, which often look like land ; for which reafon, to the great diflatisfaclion of moll of the failors, they turned the Items of their Ihips weftward, as they had always done, except when the wind hindered. Continuing ftill attentive to the figns, they faw an alcatraz, a rabo dejunco, and other birds like thofe above mentioned. On Thurfday the 27th of September, in the morning, they faw another alcatraz coming from the weft, and failing eaftward, and abundance of fifties with gilt backs appeared, whereof they (truck one with a harping- iron. A rabo de junco flew by them, and they found that the currents for thofe laft days were,not fo regularly fixed as they ufed to be before, but turned with the tide, and there were not To many weeds as before. On Friday following, all the (hips took fome fifties with gilt backs, and on Saturday they faw a rabo de junco, which though it be a fea-fowl does not reft on' it, but flies always in the air, purfuing the alcatrazes, till it makes them drop their excrement for fear, which it catches in the air for its nouriftiment; and thus it maintains itfelf on the fea; and it is reported there are many of them about the iflands of Cabo Verde. Soon after they faw two other alcatrazes, and abundance of flying fifties, which are about a fpan long, and have two little wings like a bat; they fly about a pike high from, the water, and a mufket (hot in length, more or lefs, and fometimes they drop upon the (hips. After noon they faw abundance of weeds lying in length north and fouth, as they had done before, befides three alcatrazes and a rabo de junco that purfued them.
On Sunday morning four rabo de juncoes came to the (hip, by reafon of whofe coming fo together, it was thought the land was nearer, efpecially becaufe foon after there flew by four alcatrazes, and abundance of weeds were feen in a line lying weft- north-weft and eaft-fouth-eaft, and alfo a great number of thofe fifties they call emperadores, which have a very hard (kin, and are not fit to eat. How much foever the admiral regarded thefe tokens, yet he never forgot thofe in the heaven, and the
courfe

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
3 1
courfe of the ftars. He therefore obferved in this place, to his great admiration, that the Charles-wain at night appeared in the weft point, and in the morning they were direftly north-eaft, by which he gathered that their whole night’s courfe was but three lines, or nine hours, that is, fo many parts of twenty-four; and this he made out every night. He alfo perceived, that at night-fall the compafs varied a whole point to the north-weft, and at break of day it came right with the ftar. Thefe things confounded the pilots, till he told them the caufe of it was the compafs the ftar took about the pole, which was fome fatisfaction to them ; for this variation made them apprehend fome danger in fucli an unknown diftance from home, and fuch ftrange regions.
CHAP. XXI. — How they*Jaw not only the aforementioned Signs and Tokens , hut others better than they , which were fome Comfort to the Men .
ON Monday the ift of October, after fun-rifmg, an alcatraz came to the fnip, and two more about ten in the morning, and long ftreams of weeds lay from eaft to weft. That day in the morning, the pilot of the admiral’s thip faid they were five hundred and feventy-eight leagues weft of the ifland Ferro: the admiral faid, by his account, they were five hundred and eighty-four leagues; but in private he concluded it was feven hundred and feyen, which is one hundred and twenty-nine leagues more than the pilot reckoned. The other two {hips differed very much in their computation, for the pilot of the caraval Ninna on Wednefday following, afternoon, faid they had failed five hundred and forty leagues, and the other of the caraval Pinta faid fix hundred and thirty-four. Adding all they had failed during thofe three days, they were ftill much fhort of truth ; for they went always before the wind, and had run much more. But the admiral, as has been faid, winked at this grofs miftake, that the men might not be quite dejedted, being fo far from home. The next day, being the 2d of Odtober, they faw abundance of fifh, catched a fmall tunny, and faw a white bird, and many other fmallones, and the weeds they faw were withered and almoft fallen to powder. The next day after, feeing no birds, but fome fiftj, they miftrufted they had left fome illands on both hands, and were flipped between without difcovering them ; guefling that thofe many birds they had feen were palling from one ifland to another. I hey were very earneft to fteer either one way or the other, to feek out thofe lands they imagined; but the admiral would not confent, being unwilling to lofe the fair wind that carried him away to weftward, which he- accounted his fureft courfe; and befides, becaufe he thought it was leffening the reputation of his undertaking, to run from one place to another, feeking that which he always affirmed he well knew where to find. For this reafon the men were ready to'mutiny, continuing to mutter and confpire againft him : but it pleafed God, as was faid above, to affift him by the means of frelh tokens; for on Thurfday, the 4th of October, afternoon, above forty fparrows together, and two alcatrazes, flew fo near the flaps that a feaman killed one of them with a ftone; and before this they had feen another bird like a rabo de junco, and another like a fwallow, and a great many flying-fifties fell into the {hips. Next day there came a rabo de junco and an alcatraz from the weftward, and abundance of fparrows were feen. On Sunday the 7th of October, about fun-rifmg, fome figns of land appeared weftward, but being imperfect, no man would fpeak of it, not fo much for the fliame that would follow of alferting what was not, as for fear of lofing thirty crowns a year, Their Catholic Majefties had promifed for life, to him that fhould firft difcover land; and to prevent their crying land, land, at every turn, as they might
2 do

X.IFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
3 Z
'do without caufe, at every turn, out of covetoufnefs of that allowance, it was ordered that whofoever faid he faw land, if it were not made out in three days after, Ihould lofe the reward, though afterwards he fhould prove the firft difcoverer. All aboard the admiral being thus forewarned, none of them durft cry out land ; but thofe in the caraval Ninna, which w r as a better failor, and kept a-head, believing it to be certainly land, fired a gun, and put out their colours in token of land. But the farther they failed, the more their joys vanilhed, till that appearance quite vanilhed, though it pleafed God foon after to give them fome manner of comfort, for they faw great flights of great fowl, and others of finall land-birds, flying from the weft towards the fouth-weft. Therefore the admiral being now fo far from Spain, and fure that fuch fmall birds would not go far from land ; he altered his courfe, which till then was weft, and flood to the fouth-weft, faying, that if he changed his road, it was becaufe he deviated but little from his firft defign, and becaufe he would follow the example of the Portuguefe, who had difcovered moft of their iilands by means of fuch birds, and the more becaufe thofe they faw followed almoft the fame way. He had always pro- pofed to himfelf to find land according to the place they were then in ; fince as they well knew, he had often told them, he never expe&ed to find land till he was feven hundred and fifty leagues to the weftward of the Canaries ; within which diftance he had farther faid, he fhould difcover Hifpaniola, which he then called Cipango ; and there is no doubt but he had found it, had not he known it was reported to lie in length from north to fouth: for which reafon he had not inclined more to the fouth to run upon it, and therefore that and others of the Caribbee iflands lay now on his larboard- fide, fouth of him, whither thofe birds were directing their courfe. Being fo near to land was the reafon they continually faw fuch abundance of birds; and on Monday the 8th of October, there came to the Ihip twelve finging birds of feveral colours, and after flying a turn about the {hip, they held on their way. They alfo faw from the fhips many other birds flying towards the fouth-weft ; and that fame night abundance of large fowls were feen, and flights of fmall birds coming from the northward, and flying after the reft- Befides, they faw a good number of tunny filh. In the morning they fpied a jay, an alcatraz, ducks and fmall birds, flying the fame way the others had done $ and they perceived the air to be frefli and odoriferous, as it is at Seville in April. But they were now fo eager to fee land, that they had faith in no figns whatfoever: fo that though on Wednefday the ioth of Odlober, they law abundance of birds pafs by both day and night, yet the men did not ceafe to complain, nor the admiral to blame their want of courage: declaring to them, that right or wrong they •mull go on in difcovering the Indies Their Catholic Majefties had fent them to.
CHAP. XXII. — Bow the Admiral difcovered the firjl Land, which was an IJland called
De Los Lucayos.
THE admiral being no longer able to withftand fo many as oppofed him, it pleafed •God that on Thurfday the nth of Oftober, afternoon, the men took heart and rejoiced, having manifeft tokens that they were near land, which were, that thofe aboard the admiral faw a green rulh fwim by the ftiip, and then a great green filh of that fort that goes not far from the rocks. Thofe aboard the caraval Pinta faw a cane and a ftaff, and took up another ftaff curioufly wrought, and a fmall board, and abundance of weeds frelh walhed away from the banks. Thofe in the caraval Ninna faw other fuch like tokens, and a branch of a thorn full of red berries, which feemed to be
newly

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SOSN.
33
newly broke off. By thefe tokens, and reafon itfelf, the admiral being affured he was near land, at night, after prayers, he made a fpeech to all the men in general, putting them in mind how great a mercy it was that God had brought them fo long a voyage with fuch fair weather, and comforting them with tokens which every day were plainer and plainer; therefore he prayed them to be very watchful that night, fince they well knew that in the firft article of the inftructions he gave each fhip at the Canary iflands, he ordained that when they had failed feven hundred leagues to the weftward, without difcovering land, they Ihould lie by from midnight till day. Therefore, fince they had not yet obtained their defires in difcovering land, they Ihould at lead exprefs their zeal in being watchful. And forafmuch, as he had molt affured hopes of finding land that night, every one Ihould watch in his place ; for befides the gratuity their highneffes had promifed of thirty crowns a year for life, to him that fir 11 faw land, he would give him a velvet doublet. After this, about ten at night, as the admiral was in the great cabin, he faw a light afhore, but faid it was fo blind he could not affirm it to be land, though he called one Peter Gutieres, and bid him obferve whether he faw the faid light, who faid he did ; but prefently they called one Roderick Sanchez of Segovia, to look that way, but he could not fee it, becaufe he came not up time enough where it might be feen ; nor did they fee it afterwards above once or twice, which made them judge it might be a candle or torch belonging to fome fiffierman or traveller, who lifted it up and let it fall down ; or perhaps that they were people going from one houfe to another, becaufe it vanifhed and fuddenly appeared again ; fo that few would guefs but that they were near land. Being now very much upon their guard, they ftill held on their courfe, till about two in the morning the caraval Pinta, which being an excellent failer was far a-head, gave the fignal of land, which was firft difcovered by a failor whofe name was Roderick de Triana, being two leagues from fhore. But the thirty crowns a year was not granted by their catholic majefties to him, but to the admiral, who had feen the light in the midft of darknefs, fignifying the fpiritual light he was then fpreading in thofe dark regions. Being now near land, all the Ihips lay by, thinking it a long time till morning, that they might fee what they had fo long defired.
CHAP. XXIII. — How the Admiral went cijhore and took poffejfion for Their Catholic
Majefties.
DAY appearing, they perceived it was an ifland, fifteen leagues in length, plain, without hills, and full of green trees and delicious waters, with a great lake in the middle, inhabited by abundance of people, who ran down to the ffiore aftonilhed and admiring at the fight of the Ihips, believing them to be fome living creatures, and were impatient to know certainly what they were. Nor were the Chriftians lefs hafty to know them, whofe curiofity was foon fatisfied, for they foon came to an anchor; the admiral went afhore with his boat well armed, and the royal ftandard difplayed, as did the captains of the other two fhips in their boats, with their particular colours of this enterprize, which were a green crofs with an F. on the one fide, and on the other the names of Ferdinand and Ifabel, or Elizabeth crowned. Having all given thanks to God, kneeling on the fhore, and kiffed the ground with tears of joy, for the great mercy received, the admiral flood up, and called that ifland St. Salvador. After that he took poffeffion for Their Catholic Majefties, in the ufual words, and with the folemnity proper in thofe cafes j abundance of the natives that were come out being
VOL. xn. F prefent,

34 LIFE 0F COLON, BY HIS SON.
prefent, and conlequently the Chriftians admitted him as admiral and viceroy, and fwore to obey him as reprefenting their Highneffes’ perfons, and with fuch expreffions of joy as became their mighty fuccefs, all of them begging his pardon for all the affronts they had done him through their fear and irrefolution. Abundance of the Indians being come down to this rejoicing, and the admiral perceiving they were peaceable, quiet, and very fimple people, he gave them fome red caps, and firings of glafs beads, which they hung about their necks, and other things of fmall value, which they valued as if they had been flone of high price.
CHAP. XXIV. — The Manners and Cujloms of thofe People , and what the Admiral
faw in that IJland.
THE admiral being gone off to his boats, the Indians followed him to them and to the fhips fwimming, and others in their canoes, carrying parrots, bottoms of fpun cotton, javelins, and other fuch trifles to barter for glafs beads, bells, and other things of fmall value. Like people in their original fimplicity, they went naked as they were born, and a woman that was among them had no other clothing. Mofl of them were young, not above thirty years of age; of a good flature; their hair lank, thick, very black and fhort, being cut above their ears, except fome few who had let it grow down to their fhoulders, and had tied it with a ftrong thread about their head like women’s treffes. Their countenances were pleafant, and their features good, but their too high foreheads made them look fomewhat wild. They were of a middle ftature, well fhaped, plump, but of an olive colour like the people of the Canaries, or peafants that are fun-burnt. Some were painted with black, fome with white and others with red; fome only the faces, others the whole body, and others nothing but the eyes and nofe. They had no weapons like our men, nor knowledge of them ; for when the Chriftians Ihewed them a naked fword, they took it Amply by the edge. Nor had they any knowledge of iron, and therefore they made their javelins we mentioned of wands, with the points hardened at the fire, arming them with a fifh bone inftead of iron. Some of them having fears of wounds about them, and being aiked by figns how they came by them, they anfwered by figns that people came from other iflands to take them away, and they received thofe wounds in their own defence. They feemed ingenious and of a voluble tongue, for they eafily repeated the words they once heard. There was no fort of creatures there but parrots, which they carried to barter among the other things we have fpoke of, and in this trade they continued till night. Next day, being the 13th of October, in the morning many of them came down to the (hore and went aboard in their boats called canoes, which were made of one piece, being the body of a tree hollowed like a tray. The biggeft of them were fo large, they contained forty or forty-five men, and fo lefs and lefs, till fome would hold but one. They rowed with a paddle like a baker’s peel, or thofe they ufe in dreffing hemp; true it is, that the oars are not fixed on the fide with pins to turn as ours are, but they dip them in the water, and pull back as if they were digging. Thefe canoes are fo light and fo artificially built, that if they overfet they foon turn them right again, fwimming, and empty the water by throwing the water from fide to fide like a weaver’s fhuttle; and when it is above half out, they lade out what remains with dried calabafhes cut in two, which they carry for that purpofe. That day they brought fuch things to barter for as they had the day before, giving all they had for any fmall things they could get. Jewels or any fort of metal were not feen among them, except fome fmall plates of

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. 35
gold which hung at their noftrils ; and being a iked whence they had that gold, they anfwered by figns towards the fouth, where there was a King who had abundance of pieces and veffels of gold, expreffing'that towards the fouth and fouth-weft, there were many other iflands and large countries. Being very covetous of any thing of ours, and being themfelves but poor, and having nothing to give in exchange, as foon as they came aboard, if they could lay their hands on any thing, though it were but a piece of a broken earthen glazed dilh or porringer, they leaped into the fea and fwam alhore; and if they brought any thing aboard, they would give it for any trifling thing of ours, or bit of broken glafs, fo that fome of them gave fixteen bottoms of cotton for three fmall pieces of Portuguefe brafs coin not worth a farthing ; thefe bottoms weighed twenty-five pounds, and the cotton was very well fpun. Thus they fpent the day, and at night they all went alhore. It is to be obferved, that their liberality in dealing did not proceed from the great value they put upon thole things themfelves which they had of our men, but becaufe they valued them as being ours, looking upon it as nib 11 certain that our men were come down from heaven, and therefore they earneftly defired to have fomething left them as a memorial.
CHAP. XXV. — How the Admiral departed from that Ifland , and went to difcover
others.
NEXT Sunday, being the' 15th’ of October, the admiral run along the coaft of the ifland, towards the north-weft, in his boats, to difcover fomething about it; and that way he went, he found a large bay or harbour capable of containing all the Ihips in Ghriftendom. The people feeing him fcour along, ran after, along the Ihore, crying out, and promifing to give him provifions, calling others to come to fee the people dropped from heaven upon earth, and lifted up their hands to heaven, as it were giving thanks for their coming. Many of them fwimming, or in their canoes, as bell they could, came to the boats, alking by figns, whether they were come down from heaven, and praying them to land and reft themfelves. The admiral gave them all glafs beads, pins, and other trifles, rejoicing at their great fimplicity, till he came to a peninfula, which made a good port, and where a good fort might be made. There he faw fix houfes of the Indians with gardens about them, as pleafant as they are in Caftile in May. But his men being weary of rowing, and he plainly perceiving that was none of the land he looked for, nor fo beneficial, as that he Ihould make any longer ftay there, he took feven of thofe Indians to ferve him as interpreters; and returning to his Ihips, failed for other iflands that could be difcovered from the peninfula, and appeared to be plain, green, and very populous, as the Indians themfelves affirmed. The next day being Monday, the 16th of O&ober, he came to one that was feven leagues from the other, and called it St. Mary of the Conception. That fide of this ifland next St. Salvador extended north-weft five leagues in length, but the admiral went to that fide which lies eaft and weft, and is above ten leagues in length; and being come to an anchor towards the weft, landed to do as he had done in the other. Here the people of the ifland ran together to fee the Chriftians, admiring as the others had done. The admiral perceiving this was the fame thing as the laft, the next day, being Tuefday, failed weftward to another ifland confiderably bigger, and anchored upon the. coaft of it, which runs north-weft and fouth-eaft, above twenty-eight leagues. This was like the others, plain, had a fine ftrand, and was called Fernandina. Before they came to this ifland, and that of the Conception, they
F 2 found

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
36
found a man in a fmall canoe, who had a piece of their bread, and a calabafh of water, and a little earth like Vermillion, wherewith thofe people paint their bodies, as was faid above, and fome dry leaves, which they value, as being of a fweet fcent and wholefome ; and in a little bafket he had a firing of beads of green glafs, and two fmall pieces of Por- tuguefe money, by which it was gueffed that he was come from St. Salvador, that he had palled by the Conception, and was going to Fernandina to carry news of the Chriftians : but becaufe the way was far and he weary, he came to the Ihips, was taken up with his canoe, and courteoufly treated by the admiral, defigning as foon as he came to land to fend him afhore, which he did, that he might fpread the news. The good account he gave caufed the people of Fernandina to come aboard in their canoes, to exchange the fame fort of things the others had done before, for thefe people were like the reft; and when the boat went afhore for water, the Indians very readily fhowed where it was, and carried a fmall cafk-full on their fhoulders to fill the hogfheads in the boat. They feemed to be a wifer and difcreeter people than the firfl, and as fuch bargained harder for what they exchanged, had cotton Noth in their houfes, and bed-clothes; and the women covered their privities with fhort hanging cotton cloths, and others with a fort of fwathe. Among other notable things they faw in that ifland, were fome trees which feemed to be grafted, becaufe they had leaves and branches of four or five feveral forts, and yet were natural. They alfo faw fifhes of feveral fhapes and fine colours, but no fort of land creatures but lizards and fnakes. The better to difcover the ifland, they failed away north-weft, and came to an anchor at the mouth of a beautiful harbour, at the entrance whereof was a fmall ifland, and therefore they could not get in, there being but little water ; nor did they much care, becaufe they would not be far from a town that appeared at a diftance : for in the biggeft ifland they had yet feen they had not found above twelve or fifteen houfes together, built like tents, in which they faw no other ornaments or moveables but what they carried to the fhips to exchange. Their beds were like a net, drawn together in the nature of a fling tied to two ports in their houfes, in which they lie. Here they faw fome dogs like maftiffs, and others like beagles, but none of them barked.
CHAP. XXVI. — How the Admiral Jailed by other JJlands that were in fight where
he was.
FINDING nothing of value in this ifland Fernandina, on Friday the 19th of October they failed away to another, called Saomotto, to which he gave the name of Ifabella, to proceed regularly in his names ; for the firft which the Indians called Guanabani he called St. Salvador, or St. Saviour, in honour of God, who had fhewed it, and delivered him from many dangers. The fecond, for his particular devotion, to the conception of the Virgin Mary, and becaufe fhe is the great patronefs of Chriftians, he called St. Mary of the Conception ; the third he called Fernandina, in honour of the Catholic King ; and the fourth Ifabella, in memory of the Catholic Queen ; and the next after it which was Cuba, he ftyled Joanna, in refpeft to Prince John, heir of Caftile, having in thefe names regard to both fpirituals and temporals. True it is, that as to goodnefs, extent, and beauty, he faid this Fernandina far exceeded the others ; for befides that it abounded in delicious waters, pleafant meadows and trees, among which were many aloes; there were in it fome hills, which the others wanted, being very plain. The admiral enamoured with its beauty, and to perform the ceremony of taking pofleflion, landed upon fome meadows as pleafant and delightful as they are in Spain in April; and there was
heard

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. 37
heard the finging of nightingales and other birds fo fweet that he could fcarce depart. Nor were they only about the trees, but flew through the air in fuch fwarms that they darkened he fun, and moll of them differed much from bur birds. There being abundance of water and lakes, near to one of them they favv a fort of alligator, feven feet long, and above afoot wide in the Belly, which being difturbed by our men threw itfelf into the lake ; but it not being deep they killed it with their fpears, not without dread and admiration, becaufe of its fierce and frightful look. Time afterwards made them look upon this as a dainty, it being the beft food the Indians had, forafmuch as when that horrid fkin and the fcales that cover it are taken off the flefh is very white and very delicious ; the Indians call them yvanas. Being very defirous to know more of that country, and it being then late, they left that creature for the next day, when they killed another, -as they had done the firft ; and travelling up the land found a town, the people whereof fled, carrying away as much of their goods as they could. The admiral would not fuffer any thing of what they had left to be taken away, led they fhould look upon the Chriftians as thieves. Therefore their fear being foon over* they came of their own accord to the fhips to barter as the others had done.
CHAP. XXVII. — How the Admiral difcovered the IJland of Cuba; and what he
found there .
THE admiral having learned the fecrets of the ifland Ifabella, its produft, and the manners of the people, would lofe no more time among thofe iflands, becaufe they were many and like one another, as the Indians faid. He therefore fet fail with a fair wind for a very large country much applauded by them all, called Cuba, which lay towards the fouth, and on Sunday the 28th of Odober, be came up with the coaft of it on the north fide. This ifland at firft fight appeared to be better and richer than thofe before-named, as well by reafon of the beauty of its hills and mountains, as for the variety of trees, the large plains, and the greatnefs and extent of its coafts and rivers. Therefore to get fome knowledge of its people, he came to an anchor in a large river, where the trees were very thick and tall, adorned with fruit and bloffoms, differing from ours, and where there were abundance of birds, the place molt delicious, for the grafs was high, and nothing like ours ; and though there were feveral forts of herbs known to us, yet the great variety made our men not know them. Going to two houfes that were not far off, they found the people were fled for fear, and had left their nets and all other fifhing-tackle, and a dog that did not bark. As the admiral had ordered, nothing was touched, for it was enough for him at prefent to fee what their food and neceffaries were. Returning to their fhips they held on their courfe wellward, and came to another river, which the admiral called de Mares, or of feas. This much exceeded the other, becaufe a fhip could turn it up, and the banks were much inhabited ; but the people feeing the fhips, fled towards the mountains, which appeared, and were high, round, and covered with trees and pleafant plants, whither the Indians conveyed all they could carry away. The admiral being disappointed, by the people’s fear, of learning any thing of the nature of the ifland, and confidering if he landed with many men it would increafe their terror, he refolved to fend two Chriftians, with one of the Indians he brought from St. Salvador, and with one of that country, who ventured to come aboard in his canoe. Thefe he ordered to- travel up into the country, making much of the natives they met by the way ; and that no time might be loft whilft they were going, he ordered the fhip to be laid afhore to careen her, where they obferved that all the fire they made was maftic, whereof there was plenty all the country over. This tree is in all refpe&s like our maftic-tree, but much bigger.
1 CHAP.

38
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. XXVIII. — How the two Chrijlians returned, and the Report they made of what
they had feen.
THE fhip being repaired and ready to fail, the Chriftians returned with two Indians on the 5th of November, faying they had travelled twelve leagues up the land, and came to a town of fifty pretty large houfes, all of timber covered with ftraw, and made after the manner of pavillions, like the others; that they contained about one thoufand people, becaufe all that were of one family lived in a houfe ; that the principal men of the place came out to meet them, and led them by the arms to their town, giving them one of thofe great houfes to lodge in, where they made them fit down upon feats made of one piece, in ftrange fhapes, and almoft like fome creature that had Ihort legs, and the tail lifted up to lean againft, which is as broad as the feat, for the conveniency of leaning, with a head before, and the eyes and ears of gold. Thefe feats they call duchi, where the Chriftians being feated, all the Indians fat about them on the ground, and then came one by one to kifs their hands and feet, believing they came from heaven ; and they gave them fome boiled roots to eat, not unlike chefnuts in tafte ; earneftly entreating them to ftay there among them, or at leaft to reft themfelves five or fix days, becaufe the two Indians they took with them gave thofe people an excellent/ chara&er of the Chriftians. Soon after many women coming in to fee them the men went out, and thefe with no lefs refpefl; killed their feet and hands, offering them what they brought. When their time came to return to the (hips many Indians would go along with them, but they would admit only of the king, his fon and one fervant, whom the admiral did much honour to ; and thefe Chriftians told him that in their way out and return they had found feveral towns, where they were entertained with the fame courtefy, but that there were not in them above five houfes together ; befides, that by the way they met many people, who always carried a lighted firebrand, to light fire and perfume themfelves with certain herbs they carried along with them, and to roaft fome of thofe roots they gave them, forafinuch as that was their principal food. They alfo law very many forts of trees and plants, which were not to be feen about the fea-coaft ; and great variety of birds far differing from ours, but that among them there were partridges and nightingales. As for four-footed creatures they had feen none, but dumb dogs. »• That there was a great deal of tilled land, fome fowed with thofe roots, a fort of beans, and a fort of grain they call maize, which was well tailed, baked or dried, and made into flour. They faw vaft quantities of cotton well fpun, in bottoms, infomuch that in one houfe only, they faw above twelve thoufand five hundred pounds of it. The plants it comes from are not fet but grow naturally about the fields like rofes, and open of themfelves when they are ripe, but not all at the fame time; for upon one and the fame plant they had feen a little young bud, another open, and a third coming ripe. Of thefe plants the Indians afterwards carried great quantities aboard the Ihips, and gave a balket-full for a thong of leather ; yet none of them make ufe of it to clothe themfelves, but only to make nets for their beds, which they call hamacas, and in weaving aprons for women to cover their nakednefs. Being alked whether they had gold or pearls, or fpice, they made figns that there was great plenty towards the eaft, in a country they called Bohio, which is the ifland of Hif- paniola, but it is not yet certainly known what place they meant.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
39
CHAP. XXIX. —How the Admiral dejijled from following the wejlern Coajl of Cuba ,
and turned eajlward towards Hifpaniola.
THE admiral having this account, and refolving to (lay no longer in that river, ordered fome natives of that ifland to be taken, defigning to carry fome from all parts into Spain to give an account of his country $ and accordingly twelve were feized, men, women and children, and this fo peaceably, and without any difturbance, that when they were ready to fail with them, the hufband of one of the women, and father of two children that had been carried aboard, came to the (hips in a canoe defiring he might be taken along with them, and not parted from his wife and children, which extremely pleafed the admiral, who ordered he Ihould be received, and they all well ufed and made much of. That fame day, being the 13th of November, he came about to the eaftward, defigning for the ifland they called Bohio. The wind blowing hard at north, he was forced to come to an anchor again in the fame ifland of Cuba, among fome high iflands lying near a large port, which he called del Principe, or the Prince’s port, and the fea Our Lady’s. Thefe iflands lay fo thick and clofe, there was not above a quarter of a league diftance between them at fartheft, and but a mulket-lhot for the moll part. The channels were fo deep, and fo well adorned with trees and greens, that it was very delightful going among them ; and among the multitude of other trees there were abundance .of maftic, aloes and palm, the trunk green and fmooth, and other plants of fundry forts. And though thefe iflands were not inhabited, yet there appeared the tokens of many fires made by filhermen ; for as it afterwards appeared, the people of Cuba went together in great number in their canoes over to thefe iflands, and abundance more that lie hereabouts uninhabited, and live upon the filh they catch, upon birds, crabs, and other things they find on the earth ; forafmuch as generally the Indians eat abundance of filthy things, fuch as great fpiders, worms that breed in rotten wood and other corrupt places, and abundance of fifli almoft raw ; for as foon as taken, before they roaft it, they dig out the eyes to eat, and many other fuch things they feed on, which befides that they are naufeous, would kill any of us fhould we eat them. They follow this filhing and birding according to the feafon, fometimes in one ifland, fometimes in another, as one that changes his diet, being weary of the laft. But to return to the iflands of Our Lady’s Sea : in one of them the Chrif- tians, with their fwords, killed a beaft like a badger, and in the fea found much mother of pearl; and calling their nets, among many other forts of fifli they caught, one was like a fwine, all covered with a very hard lkin, no part whereof was foft but the tail. They alfo obferved that in this fea and the iflands the tide fwelled and fell much lower than in other places where they had been till then, and their tides were quite contrary to ours, for it was low water when the moon was fouth-weft and by fouth.
CHAP. XXX. — How the Admiral fet fail again eajlward for Hifpaniola , and one of
the Ships forfook him.
ON Monday the 19th of November the admiral departed from the Prince’s port in Cuba, and the fea of Our Lady, fleering eaftward for the ifland of Bohio and Hifpaniola, but the wind being contrary, he was forced to ply two or three days between the ifland Ifabella, which the Indians call Somoto: and the faid Prince’s port, which lie almofl north and fouth, about twenty-five leagues diflant, in which fea he ftill found
long traces of thefe weeds he had feen in the ocean, and he perceived they fwam along
* 1 -. ^

40
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
the current and never lay athwart it. During this time Martin Alonzo Pinzon, being informed by certain Indians he had concealed aboard his caraval, that in the ifland Bohio, which he faid was Hifpaniola, there was great plenty of gold ; covetoufly blinding him, on Wednefday the 2 ill of November, he went away from the admiral without any ftrefs of weather or any other occafion, for he could have come up to him before the wind, but would not; and fo making as much way as poflibly he could, his veflel being an excellent failer, he made forwards all Thurfday, whereas they had failed in fight of one another all the day before, and night coming on he quite vani/hed. Thus the admiral was left only with two {hips, and the weather not being fit for his veffels to fail over towards Hifpaniola he was forced to return to Cuba, to another port not far from the Prince’s, which he called St. Catharine’s, there to take in wood and water. In this port he accidentally faw figns of gold on fome {tones in the river where they were watering, and up the country there were mountains full of fuch tall pine trees as would make mails for the biggeft fhips. Nor was there any want of wood for planks to build as many fhips as they would, and among them oaks and others like thofe in Caftile. But perceiving that all the Indians directed him to Hifpaniola, he run along the coaft ten or twelve leagues farther towards the fouth-eaft, meeting all the way excellent harbours and many large rivers. The admiral fays fo much of the delight- fulnefs and beauty of that country, that I have thought fit here to fet down his own words, fpeaking of the mouth of the river, which makes a harbour by him called Puerto Santo, or holy harbour. Thus he fays, “ When I went with the boats before me to the mouth of the harbour towards the fouth, I found a river up whofe mouth a galley could eafily row, and the Way up it was fuch, that it was not to be difcovered but clofe by; the beauty of k invited me to go up a boat’s length, where I found from five to eight fathom water ; and proceeding, I went a confiderable way up the river in the boats ; becaufe as well the beauty and delightfulnefs of the river and the clearnefs of the water, through which I could fee the fand at the bottom; as the abundance of palm-trees of feveral forts, the fineft and higheft I had yet met with; the other, infinite number of large green trees, the birds, and the verdure of the plain, tempted me to fix there for ever. This country, moft Serene Princes, is fo wonderfully fine, as far exceeds all other beauty and delightfulnefs, as the day in brightnefs exeeds the night. Therefore I often told my companions, that though I Ihould never fo much endeavour to give your Highneffes a perfect account of it, my tongue and pen would always fall ffiort of the truth. And to fay the truth, I was aftonifhed to fee fo much beauty, and know not how to exprefs it; for I have writ of the other countries, of their trees and fruits, of the plants and ports, and of all that belonged to them, as largely as I was able, yet not as I ought, fince all men affirmed it w'as im- poffible any other country could be more delicious. Now I am filent, wiffiing this may be feen by others, who will write of it, that they may prove how little credit is to be got more than I have done in writing or fpeaking of that place, confidering what it deferves.” The admiral going on with his boats faw a canoe among the trees in the port, drawn upon land under a bower, which canoe was made of the body of one tree, and as big as a twelve-oar barge, and in fome houfes hard by they found a ball of wax and a man’s fcull in two balkets hanging at a poft. The fame they afterwards found in another houfe, which made our men judge they were the fculls of the founders of thofe houfes. No people appeared to receive any information of, for as foon as ever they faw the Chrifiians they fled from their houfes to other par'ts. Afterwards they found another canoe about feventy feet long, that would carry fifty perfons, made like the other we fpoke of before.
CHAP.

LIKE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
41
CHAP. XXXI. — How the Admiral failed over to Hifpaniola , and what hefaw there.
THE admiral having failed one hundred and fix leagues eafhvard along the coaft of Cuba came to the eaft point of it, which he called Alpha, and on Wednefday the 5th of December ftvuck off to fail over to Hifpaniola, diilant fixteen leagues from Cuba eafhvard, and by reafon of fome currents could not reach it till the next day, when he put into Port St. Nicholas, fo called by him in memory of that faint whofe feftival was that day. The port is large, deep, fafe, and encompafied with many tall trees, but the country is more rocky, and the trees are lefs, that is, like thofe of Caftile, among which there were fmall oaks, myrtle, and other Ihrubs, and a pleafant river ran along a plain towards the port, all about which there were large canoes like fifteen-oar barges. The admiral not being able to meet with any of thofe people, ran along the coaft northward, till he came to a port he called the Conception, which lies almoft due fouth of a fmall ifland about the bignefs of Gran Canaria, which was afterwards called Tortuga. Perceiving that this ifland Bohio was very large, and that the land and trees were like thofe of Spain ; and that at one draught of a net they had taken feveral fifhes, like thofeof Spain,as folcs, falmon, pilchards, crabs, and fome others, therefore onSunday the 9th of December, they gave it the name of Efpannola, as called in Englifh, Hifpaniola. All of them being very defirous to enquire into the nature of this ifland; whilft the men were fiftiing on the fliore, three Chriftians travelled along the mountain, and lighted on a company of Indians, as naked as thofe they had feen before, who ieeing the Chriftians draw near them, in a great fright ran into the thickeft of the wood, as having no clothes to hinder them. The Chriftians, to get fome information, ran after them, but could only overtake a young woman, who had a plate of gold hanging at her nofe. She was carried to the Ihips, where the admiral gave her feveral baubles, as bells and glafs, and then fent her alhore, without the leaft difgttft offered her, ordering three Indians of thofe he brought from the other iflands to go with her, and three Chriftians, to the town where {he dwelt. The next day he fent eleven men alhore well armed, who having travelled four leagues, found a fort of town or village of above one thoufand houfes, fcattered about a valley, the inhabitants whereof feeing the Chriftians, all fled to the woods. But the Indian guide, whom our men brought from St. Salvador, went after them, and faid fuch things to them of the Chriftians, affirming they were people come from heaven, that he perfuaded them to turn back quietly and without any fear. Afterwards full of aftonilhment, they would lay their hands on our men’s heads by way of honour, brought them to eat, and gave them all they defired, without alking any return, praying them to ftav that night in their village. 1 he Chriftians would not accept of the invitation, but returned to their {hips, carrying the news that the country was very pleafant, abounding in their provifions: that the people were whiter and handfomer than any they had yet feen in the other iflands, and that they were tradable and courteous, and told them the country where the gold was found lay farther eaftward. The admiral hearing this account, fet fail immediately, though the wind was contrary, and on Sunday following, being the 15th of December, as he was plying between Hifpaniola and Tortuga, he found one Indian alone in a little canoe, which they all wondered was not fwallowed by the fea, the wind and the waves were fo high. He took him into the {hip, carried him to Hifpaniola and fet him alhore with feveral gifts. He told the Indians how kindly lie had been ufed, and Ipoke fo well of the Chriftians that abundance of them came prefently aboard, but they brought nothing of value, except fome fmall grains of gold hanging at their ears VOL. XII. g and

42
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
and noftrils, and being afked whence they had that gold, they made figns there was a great deal higher up. The next day there came a great canoe from the ifland Tortuga, which was near the place where the admiral lay at anchor, with forty men in it, at fuch time as the Cacique or lord of that port of Hifpaniola was upon the fliore, bartering a plate of gold he had brought. When he - and his faw the canoe, they all fat themfelves down upon the ground, as a fign they would not fight. Immediately almoft all thofe in the canoe landed, againft whom the Cacique of Hifpaniola got up alone, and with threatning words made them return to their canoe. Then he threw water after them, and taking up ftones off the ftrand, call; them into the fea towards the canoe. But when they were all in fubmiffive manner returned to their canoe, he took up a ftone and delivered it to one of the admiral’s officers, to throw at thofe in the canoe, to exprefs that he took the admiral’s part againft the Indians, but the officer did not throw, feeing they prefently went off in their canoe. After this, difcourfing about the affairs of that ifland, which the admiral had called Tortuga, he affirmed there was more gold in it than in Hifpaniola, and that in Bohio there was more than in any other, which was about fifteen days journey from the place where they were.
CHAP. XXXII. —How the Principal King of the Ifland came aboard, and of the
State he came in.
ON Tuefday the 18 th of December, the King that came the day before, where the canoe of Tortuga was, and who lived five leagues from the place where the fhips Jay, came in the morning to the town near the fea, fome of the Spaniards at the fame time being there by the admiral’s order, to fee whether they brought any more gold. Thefe feeing the King come, went to acquaint the admiral, faying he brought above two hundred men along with him, and that he came not a foot, but was carried on a fort of palanquine by four men with great refpedt, though he was very young. This King being at a fmall diftance from the fhips, having refted a little, drew near with all his men, concerning which, the admiral himfelf writes thus: “ There is no doubt but your Highneffes had been very much pleafed to have feen his gravity, and the refpeft his people paid him, though all naked. When he came aboard, and underftood I was under deck, being then at dinner, he furprifed me, fitting down by me, without giving me time to go out to receive him, or rife from table. When he came down he made figns to all his followers to ftay above, which they did with great refpect, fitting down upon the deck, except two ancient men that feemed to be his counfellors, that fat down at his feet. They laid this man was a Cacique. I ordered fuch meat as I was eating to be brought him; they juft tafted of every thing, and fent the reft to their men, who all eat of it. The fame they did as to drinking, for they onlv kifi'ed the cup and gave it about. They were all wonderful grave, and fpoke but few words, and thofe they uttered, by what I could, gather, were very deliberate and (laid. The two old men obferved the King’s mouth, and fpoke for and to him. After eating, one of his gentlemen with great refpect brought him a girdle, not unlike thofe ufed in Caftile, though differently wrought, which he took in his hand, and gave me with two pieces of wrought gold very thin. Of which gold I believe there is little here,, and I gueffed that place was near to where they took it, which produced very much. I believing he would like a carpet or counterpane that lay on my bed, gave it him, together with fome fine amber beads I had about my neck, with a pair of red fhoes and a bottle of orange-flower water, with which he was wonderfully pleafed, and both he and his counfellors expreffed much concern becaufe they did not underftand me,
3 nor

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
43
nor I them, though I made out, that if I wanted any thing, all the ifland was at my command. I prefently brought out a letter-cafe, in which I carried a gold medal weighing four ducats, on which your Highneffes’ effigies are cut, and Ihowed it him, faying over again, that your Highneffes were mighty Princes, and poffeffed the bell part of the world, and ffiewed him the royal ftandard, and the other of the crofs, which he made great account of. Therefore turning to his counfellors, he faid, your Highneffes were certainly mighty Princes, fince you had fent me fo far as from heaven, thither, without any fear. Much more paffed between us, which I did not underhand, but perceived they admired at every thing they faw; but it being then late, and he defiring to be gone, I fent him alhore very honourably in my boat, and caufed feveral guns to be fired, and he being alhore got into his palanquine, attended by above two hundred men, and a fon of his was carried on a man of note’s ffioulders. He ordered all the Spaniards that were alhore to have meat given them, and to be very courteoufly ufed. Afterwards, a failor that met him on the way, told me that every one of the things I had given him, were carried before him by a man of great worth, and that his fon went not along with him on the road, but at fome dillance behind him, with as many more attendance as he had, and a brother of his on foot, with near as many more, two great men leading him under the arms, to whom I had given fome final! matters when he came aboard after his brother.”
CHAP. XXXIII. — How the Admiral lofl his Ship upon the Flats through the Carclefs- nefs of the Sailors , and the Affiance he received from the King of that Ifland.
THE admiral continuing the relation as above, fays, that on Monday the 24th of December, the weather was very calm, without any wind hardly, but fo much as carried him from St. Thomas’s lea to Punta Santa, or the holy Cape, off which he lay by about a league, and about eleven o’clock at night he went to take his red, for he had not flept in two days and a night; and the weather being calm, the feaman that was at the helm, left it to a grummet, “ which (fays the admiral) I had forbid, during the whole voyage, bidding them, whether the wind blew or not, never to leave the helm to a grummet. And to fay the truth, I thought myfelf l'afe from flats and rocks; for that Sunday I fent my boats to the King, they went at lealt three leagues and a half beyond the faid Punta Santa; and the feamen had viewed all the coaft, and the fhoals that lie three leagues eaft-fouth-eaft of that Cape, and obl'erved which way to fail, which I had not done during the voyage; and it plcafed our Lord, that at midnight, feeing me gone to bed, and we being in a dead calm, and the fea as ftill as the water in a diffi, all the men went to reft, leaving the helm to a grummet. Thus it came to pafs, that the current eafily carried away the Ihip upon one of thofe fhoals, which, though it was night, made fuch a roaring noife, that they might be heard and difcovered a league off. Then the fellow who felt the rudder ftrike and heard the noife, began to cry out, and I hearing it, got up immediately; for none had yet perceived that we were aground. Prefently the mailer, whofe watch it was, came out, and I ordered him and other failors to take the boat, and carry out an anchor aftern ; whereupon he and others leaped into the boat, and I believing they would have done as I ordered, they rowed away, flying with the boat to the other caraval, which was half a league off. I then perceiving they ran away with the boat, that the water ebbed, and the {hip was in danger, caufed the malts tobe cut down, and lightened her as much as I could to fee to get her off; but the water ftill ebbing, the caraval could not budge, but turning athwart the ftreams, the feams opened, and all below deck was full of water. Meanwhile the
g 2 boat

LIFE OF COLON, BY SIS SON.
44
boat returned from the caraval to relieve me ; for the men aboard perceiving the boat fled, would not receive it, which obliged it to return to the fhip. No hopes of faving the fhip appearing, I went away to the caraval to fave the men ; and-becaufe the wind blew from the land, and great part of the night was fpent, and yet we knew not which way to get from among thofe flats ; I lay by with the caraval till day appeared, and then I drew towards land within the Ihoals, having firft fent James de Arana, the provoft, and Peter Gutierres, your Highnefles fecretary, to acquaint the King with what had happened, telling him, that as I was going to vifit him in his own port, as he had defired the laft Saturday, I bad loft my Ihip oppofite to his town, and a league and a half from it upon a flat. The King underftanding it, with tears in his eyes, expreffed much grief for our lofs, and immediately fent aboard all the people in the place, with many large canoes. So they and we began to unload, and in a fhort time carried oft' all that was upon deck. The afiiftance this King gave was great; and afterwards he himfelf, with his brothers and kindred, took all poffible care both aboard and alhpre, that all things might be done orderly; and from time to time he fent fome of his kindred weeping to beg of me not to be dejccied, for he would give me all he had. I do affine your Highnefles, better order could not have been taken in any part of Caftile, to fecure our things ; for we loft not the value of, a pin, for he caufed .all our clothes to be laid together near his palace, where he kept them till the houfes were voided, which he had appointed for us. He placed armed men to keep them, who flood there all day and all night, and all the people lamented, as if our lofs had concerned them much ;. fo loving, tractable, and free from covetoufnefs they are, that I fwear to your Highnefles, there are no better people, nor a better country in the world. They love their neighbour as themfelves, and their converfation is the fweeteft in the univerfe, being pleafant and always fmiling. True it is, both men and women, go as naked as they were born ; yet, your Highnefles may believe me, they have very commendable cuftoms, and the King is ferved with great ..Hate; and he is fo. ftaid, that it is a great fatisfatlion to fee him, as it is to think what good memories thefe people have, and how defirous they are to know every thing, which moves them to afk many queftions, and to enquire into the cauie and effects of every thing.”
CHAP. XXXIV. — How the Admiral refolved to plant a Colony where the King reft ded, and called it the Nativity.
ON Wednefday the 26th of December, the chief King of that country came aboard the admiral’s caraval, and exprefling much grief and forrow, comforted him, offered all he would have, and faying he had already given the Chriftians three houfes to lay up all they got out of the fhip, and that he had given them many more, had they flood in need of them. In the meantime a canoe came with fome Indians from another ifland, bringing fome plates of gold to exchange for bells, which they valued above any thing. Befides the feamen came from fhore, faying abundance of Indians reforted from other places to the town, who brought feveral things in gold and gave them for points, and other things of fmall value, offering to bring much more if the Chriftians would. Which the great Cacique perceiving was pleafing to the admiral; he told him he would caufe a great quantity to be brought from Cibao, a place that yielded much gold. Being afhore, he invited the admiral to eat axis and cazabi, which is their principal diet, and gave him fome vizor mafks, with the eyes, nofe and ears of gold, and other pretty things, which they hung about their necks. Then complaining of the Caribbes, who carried away his men to make flaves and eat them ;
he

45
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
he was much comforted, when the admiral comforting him, (hewed him our weapons, faying, he would defend him with them. He was much aftonifhed at our cannon, which fo terrihed them, that they fell down as if they were dead, when they heard the report. The admiral therefore finding fo much kindnefs among thofe people, and fuch figns of gold, almoft forgot the grief conceived for the lofs of his (hip; thinking God had permitted it that he might fix a colony there, and leave Chriftians to trade, and get farther knowledge of the people and country, learning the language, and converting with the natives, that when he returned from Spain with fuccours, he might have fome body to direct him in his affairs, for peopling and fubduing that country. To this he was the more inclined, becaufe many voluntarily offered them- felves to (lay and inhabit there. For this reafon he refolved to build a tower with the timber of the fhip that was wrecked, whereof he loll no part, but made ufe of it all. To forward his defign, the next day being Thurfday, the 27th of December, news was brought, that the caraval Pinta was in a river towards the eaft point of the ifland. To be affined of it, the Cacique, whofe name was Guacanagari, fent a canoe with fome Indians, who carried a Chriftian thither: he having gone twenty leagues along the coaft, returned without any news of it; which was the reafon that no credit was given to another Indian, who faid he had feen her fome days before. Neverthelefs the admiral did not alter his refolution of leaving fome Chriftians in that place, who were all ftill more fenfible of the goodnefs and wealth of the country, the Indians bringing mafks and other things of gold to give them, and telling them of feveral provinces in the ifland where it was found. The admiral now being ready to depart, and difcourfing with the King concerning the Caribbes, or Canibals, of whom they complained and were in great dread, therefore to pleafe him with leaving fome Chriftians there, and at the fame time make him afraid of our arms, he caufed a gun to be fired againft the fide of the fhip, which fhot quite through it, and the 'bullet fell into the water, which not a little terrified the Cacique. Befides, he (hewed him all our other weapons, and how they offended with them, and defended themfelves, telling him, that fince fuch weapons were left to defend him, he needed not to fear the Caribbes, for the Chriftians would deftroy them all, and he would leave them for his guard, and return himfelf to Caftile for jewels and other things to give him. Then he particularly recommended to him James de Arana, fon to Roderic de Arana of Cordova, of whom mention has been made above. To him, and Peter Gutierres and.Roderic de Efkovedo, he left the government of the fort, and command of thirty-fix men, with abundance of commodities, provifion, arms and cannon, and the boat that belonged to the (hip, with carpenters, caulkers, and all other neceffaries for fettling there, alfo a furgeon, gunner, and fuch like perfons. 'Phis done he prepared with all poflible fpeed to return direftly to Caftile, without making any more difcoveries, fearing, fince he had but one fhip left, left fome other misfortune might bcfal him, which might hinder their Catholic Majefties from coming to the knowledge of thofe kingdoms he. had newly acquired for them.
CHAP. XXXV. — How the Admiral fet out to return fo Spain , and found the other
Caraval commanded by Pinzon.
ON Friday the 4th of January, at fun-rifing, the admiral fet fail, with the boats a-head, (landing north-weft, to get out of fhoal water, that was about the port where he left the Chriftians, by him called the port of the Nativity, becaufe on Chriftmas day he had landed, efcaping the danger of the fea, and begun to build that colony.
Thofe

LIFE of colon, by his son.
4 6
Thofe flats reach from Cape Santo to Cape Serpe, which is fix leagues, and run out above three leagues to fea, and all the coaft north-well and fouth-ealt is an open llrand, and plain for four leagues up the country, where there are then high mountains, and abundance of large villages, in companion of what is in the other iflands. Then he failed towards a high mountain, which he called Monte Chrillo, and lies eighteen leagues ealt of Cape Santo. So that whofoever would come to the city of the Nativity, when he difcovers Monte Chrillo, which is round like a pavillion, and looks almoll like a rock, mult keep out at fea two leagues from it, and fail well till he comes to Cape Santo, when the city of the Nativity will be five leagues from him$ and he mull pals through certain channels among the flats, which lie before it. The admiral thought fit to mention thefe marks, that it might be known where the firlt habitation of Chriltians was in thofe wellern parts. Having failed eall of Monte Chrillo with contrary winds, on Sunday the 6th of January, in the morning, a failor from the round top difcovered the caraval Pinta that was failing weftward, right before the wind. As foon as it came up with the admiral, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the captain, coming aboard the admiral’s caraval, began to Ihew fome reafons, and give excufes for his leaving of him, faying it had happened againll his will. The admiral, though he very well knew the contrary, and, was fatisfied of the man’s evil inclination, remembering his bold manner of proceeding before in the voyage, yet connived at him, and bore with all, for fear of ruining his undertaking, which might eafily have been done, becaufe moll of his crew were Martin Alonzo’s countrymen, and feveral of them his relations. And the truth is, that when he forfook the admiral, which was at Cuba, he went away with a defign to fail to the illand Bohio, becaufe the Indians aboard his caraval told him, there was abundance of gold there. When he was there and found nothing of what had been told him, he was returning towards Hifpaniola, where other Indians had told him there was much gold, and thus he had fpent twenty days in failing not above fifteen leagues eall of the Nativity, to a river which the admiral called of Grace, and there Martin Alonzo had lain fixteen days, and had got gold enough, as the admiral had done at the Nativity, giving things of fmall value for it. Of this gold he dillributed one half among his crew, to gain and pleafe them, that he as captain might keep the reft, and afterwards he would perfuade the admiral that he knew nothing of all this. He now following on his way to come to an anchor at Monte Chrillo ; the weather not permitting him to proceed farther, he went in his boat up a river fouth-weft of the mount, where in the fand he difcovered figns of gold dull, and therefore called it the River of Gold. This river lies feventeen leagues eall of the Nativity, and is not much lefs than the river Guadalquivar that runs by Cordova.
CHAP. XXXVI. — Of thefirft Skirmijh between the Chrijlians and Indians, which happened about the Gulf of Samana in Hifpaniola.
ON Sunday the 13th of January, being near the cape called Enamorado, or the Lover’s Cape, the admiral fent the boat alhore, where our men found fome Indians with fierce countenances on the Ihore, with bows and arrows, who feemed to be ready to engage, but at the fame time were in a confternation. However, having fome conference with them, they bought two of their bows and fome arrows, and with much difficulty prevailed to have one of them go aboard the admiral. Their fpeech was fuit- able to their fiercenefs, which appeared greater than any people they had yet met with had Ihown; for their faces were all daubed over with charcoal, it being the
cuftom

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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cuftom of all thofe people to paint themfelves, fome black, fome red* and fome white, fome one way, and fome another ; their hair was very long, and hung in a bag made of parrots’ feathers. One of them {landing before the admiral, as naked as he was born, as all the others there till then difcovered were, he faid in a lofty tone, they all went fo in thofe parts. The admiral thinking this was one of the Caribbes, and that the bay parted them from Hifpaniola, he afked of him where the Caribbes dwelt who pointed with his finger, in another illand eaflward, and that there were pieces of Guanin, as big as half the ftern of the caraval; and that theifland Matinino was all inhabited by women, with whom the Caribbes went and lay at a certain time of the year ; and if afterwards they brought forth fons, they gave them to the fathers to carry away. Having anfwered to all the queftions put to them, partly by figns, and partly by that little the Indians of St. Salvador could underftand of their language, the admiral gave them to eat, and fome baubles, as glafs beads, and green and red cloth, which done, he fent them afhore, that they fhould caufe gold to be brought if the others had any. The boat being afhore, they found on the fhore among the trees fifty-five of them, all naked with long hair, as the women in Spain wear it, and behind on the crown of the head, they had plumes of parrots or other birds feathers, and all of them armed with bows and arrows. When our men landed, the Indian that had been aboard made the others lay down their bows and arrows, and a great cudgel they carry inftead of a fword; for, as has been faid, they have no iron at all; when they came to the boat, the Chriftians ftept afhore, and having begun to trade for bows and arrows by order of the admiral, the Indians who had already fold two, not only refufed to fell any more, but with fcorn, made as if they would feize the Chriftians, and run to their bows and arrows where they had left them, taking up with them ropes to bind our men; they being upon their guard feeing them come in that fury, though they were but feven, fell courageoufly upon them, and cut one with a fword on the buttock, and fhot another with an arrow in the breaft. The Indians aflonifhed at the refolution of our men, and the wounds our weapons made, fled moft of them leaving their bows and arrows; and many of them had been killed, had not the pilot of the caraval, who commanded the boat, protected them. The admiral was not at all difpleafed at this fkirmifh, imagining thefe were the Caribbes all the other Indians fo much dreaded, or that at leaft they bordered on them, they being a bold and refolute people, as appeared by their afpeft, arms, and actions, and he hoped that the iflanders hearing how feven Chriftians had behaved themfelves againft fifty-five fierce Indians of that country, they would the more refpedt and honour our men that were left behind at the Nativity, and would not dare to offend them. Afterwards, about evening, they made a fmoke at land to fhow their courage ; wherefore the boat went again to fee what they would have, but they could never be brought to venture themfelves, and fo the boat returned. The bows were of yew, almoft as big as thofe in France and England, the arrows of finall twigs growing out of the ends of the canes, which are maflive and very ftrait, about the length of a man’s arm and a half; the head is made of a fmall flick hardened at the fire, about a quarter of a yard and half long, at the end whereof they fix a fifh’s tooth, or bone, and poifon it. For this reafon the admiral gave that gulph the name of Golpho de I'lechas, that is, Gulph of Arrows, whereas the Indians called it Samana. There appeared a great deal of fine cotton and axi, which is the pepper they ufe, and is very hot, fome of it long and fome round. Near land, where there was little water, grew abundance of thofe weeds our men faw in long firings upon the ocean, whence they concluded it all grew near land, and when ripe, broke loofe, and was carried out to lea by the current.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. XXXVII. — How the Admiral fet out for Spain , and the Car aval Pinta was
parted from him in a great Storm.
ON Wednefday, the 16th of January 1493, admiral fet forward with a fair wind from the aforefaid Gulf of Arrows, now called Samana, towards Spain, becaufe now both the caravals were very leaky, and they took much pains to keep them up: Cape Santelmo being the laft land they faw; twenty leagues north-eaft of it there appeared abundance of weeds, and twenty leagues ftill farther they found all the fea covered with fmall tunny fifties, whereof they faw great numbers the two following . days, which were the 19th and 20th of January, and after them abundance of fea fowls, and all the way the weeds ran with the current in long ropes, lying eaft and weft; for they had already found, that the current takes thofe weeds a great way off, and that they keep not on long in the fame way; for fometimes they go one way, and fometimes another; and this they faw almoft every day, till they were almoft half feas over. Holding orl their courfe with a fair wind, they made fo much way, that in the opinion of the pilots, on the 1 9th of February, they were fouth of the iflands Azores, but the admiral faid they were one .hundred and fifty leagues fhort, and this was the truth, for they ftill found abundance of weeds, which as they went towards the Indies, they did not fee till they were two hundred and fixty-three leagues weft of the ifland of Ferro. As they failed on thus with fair weather, the wind began to rife more and more every day, and the fea to run fo high, that they could fcarce live upon it. For which reafon, on Thurfday the 14th of February, they drove which way foever the wind would carry them ; and the caraval Pinta, commanded by Pinzon, not being able to lie athwart the fea, run away due north, before the fouth wind, the admiral fleering north-eaft to draw nearer to Spain, which the caraval Pinta could not do, by reafon of the darknefs, though the admiral had always his light out. Thus when day appeared, they had quite loft fight of one another, each looking upon it as moft certain that the other was loft ; therefore betaking themfelves to prayers, and religious a£ts, thofe aboard the admiral call lots, which of them fhould go in pilgrimage for the whole crew to our lady of Guadalupe, which fell to the admiral. Afterwards they drew for another to go to Loretto, and the lot fell upon one Peter de Villa, a Teaman of Port St. Mary. Then they call lots for a third,- who was to watch a night at St. Olive of Moguer, and the ftorm ftill increafing, they all made a vow to go barefoot and in their fhirts at the firft land they came to, to fome church of our Lady. Befides thefe general vows, feveral others were made by private men, becaufe the tempeft was now vehement, and the admiral’s veffel could fcarce with- ftand it for want of ballaft, which was fallen fhort, the provifions- being fpent. To fupply which want, they thought convenient to fill all the veffels in the Ihip with fea- water, which was fome help, and made the Ihip bear more upright, and be i n lefs danger of overfetting. Of this violent ftorm, the admiral has thefe words. “ I had been lefs concerned for the tempeft, had I alone been in danger ; for I know I owe my life to the Supreme Creator, and becaufe I have been other times fo near death, that only the leaft part was wanting to compleat it. But what infinitely grieved and troubled me was the confideration, that as it had pleafed our lord to give me faith and aflurance to go upon this undertaking, wherein I had now been fuccefsful; fo now that thofe who oppofed it were to be convinced, and Your Righneffes ferved by me with honour and increafe of your mighty ftate, his Divine Majefty lho«ld pleafe to obftruft all this by my death, which had yet been more tolerable, had it not been attended with the lofs of all thofe men I had carried with me, upon promife of
happy

i.IFE OF OOBON, BY HIS SON.
49
happy fuccefs. They feeing themfelves in that afflicfion did not only curfe their fetting out, but the fear and awe my perfuafions infufed into them, to diffuade their return when outward bound, as they had feveral times refolved to do. But above all niy forrow was double, when I remembered two fons I had left at fchool at Cordova, deftitute of friends, in a ftrange country, before I had done, or at leaf! could be known to have done any fervice, which might be believed to incline Your Highneffes to remember them. And though on the one fide I comforted myfelf with the faith, that our Lord would not permit a thing which was fo much for the exaltation of his church, to be left imperfedf, when I had, with fo much oppofition and trouble, almoft brought it to .perfedlion : yet on the other fide I confidered, it was his will, that becaufe of my demerits he would not permit me to obtain fuch 'honour in this world, but fnatched it from me. Being in this inward confufion, I remembred Your Highneffes good fortune, which though I were dead, and the Ihip loft, might find fome means that a conqueft fo near atchieved fhould not be loft, and that it was poflible the fuccefs of my voyage Ihould by fome means or other come to your knowledge. For this reafon, as briefly as the time would permit, 1 writ upon parchment, that I had difcovered thofe lands, 1 had promifed, as alfo in how many days, and what way I had done it, the goodnefs of thofe lands the nature of the inhabitants and how Your Highneffes fubjefts were left in poffeflion of all I had difcovered ; which writing folded and fealed, I luperfcribed to Your Highneffes, promifing in writing upon it one thoufand ducats to him, that Ihould deliver it fealed to you ; to the end, that if any foreigners found it, the promifed reward might prevail with them, not to give that intelligence to another. Then I caufed a great calk to be brought to me, and having wrapped the writing in an oiled cloth and then put it into a cake of wax,
I dropped it into the calk, and having Hopped the bung clofe, call it into the fea, all the men fancying it was fome a£t of devotion. And apprehending that might perhaps never be taken up, and the 4 hip ftill failing nearer to Spain, I made another pacquet like the firft, and placed it at the top of the poop, to the end that when the Ihip lunk, the calk might take its chance, remaining ftill above water.”
CHAP. XXXVIII. — How the Admiral arrived at the Iflandr Azores , and the People of the IJland of St. Mary took away his Boat and theMen in it.
SAILING on in fuch mighty danger, and fo great a ftorm, on Friday the 15th of February, at break of day, one Ruy Garcia, from the round top, faw land bear eaft-north-eall from them. The pilot and feamen judged it was the rock of Lilbon, but the admiral concluded it was one of the illands Azores, and though they were at no great dillance from it, yet they could not come to an anchor that day becaufe of the ' weather. Thus plying about becaufe the wind was eaft, they loft fight of the illand and difcovered another, about which they ran ftruggling againft wind and weather, with continual labour and no refpite, not being able to get to land. Wherefore the admiral in his journal fays, “ On Saturday the 16th of February I arrived at one of thofe illands at night, and by reafon of the bad weather, could not tell which of them it was. That night 1 took a little reft, becaufe from Wednefday till then, I had never flept, and was lame of both my legs, having been continually in the open air and wet; nor was it little that I fuffered by provifions. Upon Monday morning, being at an anchor, I underftood from fome of the inhabitants, that it was the illand of St. Mary, one of the Azores, and all of them admired I had efcaped, conlidering the terrible ftorm, which had held for fifteen days without intermiffion in thofe parts.” von. xii. . h Thefe

LIFE OF COLON, BTY HIS SON.
5 °
Thefe people underftanding what the admiral had difeovered, feemed to rejoice, giving praife to God, and three of them came aboard with fome frelh provifions and many compliments from the commander of the ifland, who was far from thence at the town j for about this place there was nothing to be feen but a hermitage, which, as they faid, was dedicated to the bleffed virgin. Thereupon the admiral and all his crew remembering they had made a vow the Thurfday before, to go barefoot and in their lhirts, the firft land they came at, to fome church of our lady ; they were all of opinion they ought here to perform it, efpecially it being a place where the people and governor expreffed fo much affe&ion and tendernefs for our men, and belonging to a King who was fo great a friend to him of Caftile. Therefore the admiral defired thofe three men to repair to the town, and caufe the chaplain to come that had the keys of the hermitage, that he might fay mafs there. Thefe men confenting, they went into the caraval’s boat, with half the (hip’s crew, that they might begin to perform their vow, and being comeback, the reft might goto do their part. Being landed barefooted and in their (hirts, as they vowed to do, the governor, with abundance of people from the town, who lay in ambufti, on a fudden rallied out upon them and made them prifoners, taking their boat, without which he thought the admiral could never get away from him.
CHAP. XXXIX .—Hoiv the Admiral weathered another Storm, and at lajl recovered
his Boat and Men.
THE admiral thinking they ftayed too long, who were gone aftore in the boat, it being then noon, whereas they went off by break of day, he fufpefted fome mif- fortune had befallen them, either at land or at fea. Therefore, not being able from the place where he lay to difeover the hermitage they were gone to, he refolved with his (hip to fail about a point, whence the church could be feen. Being come near, he faw abundance of people a horfeback, who difmounting, went into the boat to attack the caraval. The admiral therefore, miftrufting what might happen, ordered his men to be in readinefs, and armed, but make no (hew of refiftance, that the Portuguefe might come the nearer. When they were near the admiral, the captain of them ftood up, demanding to parley, which the admiral granted, thinking he would come aboard, and might be fecured without breach of faith, fince he had feized his men without provocation. But the Portuguefe durft not come nearer than to be heard, when the admiral told him, he admired at his irregular manner of proceeding, and that none of his men came in the boat, ftnee they were gone a(hore upon a fafe condutt, and offers of relief, efpecially fince the governor himfelf had fent to welcome him. He therefore defired him to confider, that befides his doing an action which enemies would not be guilty of, and againft the laws of honour, the King of Portugal would be highly offended at it, whofe fubjects were, when they landed in the dominions of Their Catholic Majefties, or relided there, made much of, and treated with all manner of civility, and were fafe without any fafe condudt, as if they were in Lilbon, befides that Their Highneffes had given him letters of recommendation to all Princes, potentaries, and other perfons in the world, which he (hould (hew if he drew near. Therefore fince fuch letters were received with refpeft in all parts, and he and the King’s fubje&s well treated on their account, much more they ought to be fo in Portugal, their Princes being fo near neighbours and allies; efpecially he being their great admiral of the ocean and vice-roy of the Indies he had difeovered, all which he was ready to (hew him under Their Highneffes hands and feals. Accordingly at that
diftance

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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diftance he Ihewed his commiffions, and told him he might draw near without any appre- henfion ; forafmuch as in regard to the peace and amity betwixt Their Catholic Majefties and the King of Portugal, they had commanded him to pay the utmoft civility to fuch Portuguefe Ihips as he met-; adding, that though he fliould obftinately perfift in keeping his men, yet that would not prevent his returning to Spain, he having (till men enough to fail to Sevil, and to do him harm, if need were, whereof he himfelf would be ,the occafion, and fuch punilhment would be adjudged well deferved of him ; befides that his King would puniih him, as giving caufe for a war between him and Their Catholic Majefties. The captain and his men anfwered, that they neither knew Their Catholic Majefties, nor their letters, nor did they fear them, and would make him know what Portugal was. By this anfwer the admiral fufpected, there had fome breach happened between the two crowns fince his departure, and therefore gave him fuch an anfwer as his folly deferved. At laft, when they were parting, the captain ftood up, and at a great diftance faid, he might go to the harbour with his caraval, for that all he did was by order of the King his mafter. The admiral hearing it, called all that were aboard to bear witnefs, and calling to the captain and Portuguefe, fwore he would never go off the caraval, till he had taken an hundred Portuguefe, to carry them into Caftile, and to deftroy all that iiland. This faid, he again came to an anchor in the port, where he was at firft, the weather obliging him to it. But the next day the wind ftill increafing, and the place where he lay being unfafe, he loft his anchors, and was forced to ftand out to fea, towards the ifland of St. Michael, where, in cafe he could not come to an anchor, he had refolved to run it out at fea, not without much danger, as well becaufe the fea ran high, as by reafon he had but three able feamen left, and fome grummets, all the l'eft being landmen, and Indians, who under- ftood nothing of fea affairs. But fupplying the want of the abfent in his own perfon, he paffed that night with much labour and danger, till day appearing, perceiving he had loft fight of the ifland of St. Michael, and that the weather was calmer, he refolved to return to the ifland of St. Mary, to endeavour to recover his men, anchors, and boat. He came up with it on Thurfday the 21ft of January, afternoon, and foon after the boat came off with five men and a notary, who all, upon fecurity given them, went aboard and lay there that night, it being late. The next day they faid they came from the captain to know for certain whence the fhip came, and whether it had the King of Spain’s commiflion, which being made out, they were ready to fhow them all manner of friendlhip, which they did becaufe they could not feize the fhip nor the admiral, and that they might fuffer for what they had doile. The admiral fupprefling his refentment faid, he thanked them for their civil offers, and fince they proceeded according to the maritime laws and cuftoms, he was ready to fatisfy them ; and accordingly fhowed them the King of Spain’s general letter of i*ecom- mendation, directed to all his fubjefts and thofe of other Princes, as alfo his corn- million for that voyage; which the Portuguefes having feen, they went alhore fatisfied, and foon difmiffed the feamen, with their boat, of whom they underftood it was reported in the ifland, that the King had fent orders to all his fubjefts to fecure the perfon of the admiral by any means whatfoever.
CHAP. XL. — How the Admiral failed from the IJlands Azores , and was forced into
Lijbon by a Storm.
ON Sunday the 24th of February, the admiral failed from the ifland of St. Mary for Spain, being in great want of wood and ballaft, which he could not take in,
h 2 becaufe

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
i 2
becaufe of the bad weather, though the wind was fair for his voyage. Being an hundred leagues from the neareft land, a fwallow came into the fhip, which, as was believed the ftorm had drove out to fea, which appeared more plainly, becaufe the next day being the 28th of February, a great many more fwallows and land fowl came aboard, and they faw a whale. On the 3d of March the tempeft was fo great, that after midnight it fplit their fails; wherefore being in great danger of their lives, they made a vow to fend one in pilgrimage to our lady de Cinta at Guelva, whither he. was to go barefoot, and in his fhirt. The lot fell again upon the admiral, God fhowing thereby, that his offering were more acceptable than thofe of others ; befides which, other private vows were made. Thus running on without a rag of cloth, but bare mafrs, a mighty fea, high winds and frightful thunder, each of which feemed enough to deftroy the caraval, it pleafed God to give them fight of land, about midnight, which offered no lefs danger than the reft $ for to avoid being beaten to pieces, and running into fome place where they knew not how to get off, they were forced to make fome fail, to bear up againft the ftorm till day, which appearing, they found they were upon the rock of Lifbon. The admiral was forced to put in there, to the great aftonifliment of the people of that country, and their feamen, who ran from all parts to behold as it were fome wonder, a fhip that had efcaped fo terrible a ftorm 5 having received news of many fhips that had perifhed about Flanders, and in other countries of late days. Fie came to an anchor in the river of Lifbon upon Monday the 4th of March, and prefentl-y fent away an exprefs to Their Catholic Majefties with the news of his arrival, and another to the King of Portugal, afking leave to go up to anchor before the city, the place where he was not being fafe againft any that fhould defign to do him harm, upon pretence, it was done by the King’s order, as believing by his ruin they might obftru£t the King of Spam’s fuccefs.
CHAP. XLI. — How the People of Lifbon came to fee the Admiral , as a Prodigy ; and
he went to vifit the King of Portugal.
ON Tuefday the 5th of March, the mafter of a great guard fhip that lay in the harbour, came with his boat full of armed men to the admiral’s caraval, requiring him to come along to give an account of himfelf to the King’s officers, as was practiced by all fhips that came into the harbour. He anfwered, that the King of Spain’s admirals, as he was, were not obliged to obey any fuch fummons, nor to quit their fhips, to give any account of themfelves, and he was refolved to do his duty. The mafter bid him at leaft to fend his boatfwain. The admiral replied, it was ftill the fame thing, whether he fent a grummet, or went himfelf, and therefore it was in vain to defire him to fend any body. The mafter being fenfible he was in the right, defired him at leaft to fhow him the King of Spain’s letter, that might fatisfy his captain : this being but reafonable, the admiral fhowed him Their Catholic Majefties letter, with which he was fatisfied, and went back to his fhip to give an account of what had happened to Alvaro de Acunna his captain, who came immediately with trumpets, fires, drums, and great ftate aboard the admiral, expreffing much kindnefs, and offering his fervice. The next day, it being known at Lifbon that the fhip came from the Indies, fuch throngs of people went aboard to fee the Indians, and hear news, that the caraval could not contain them, and the water was covered with boats, fome of them praifing God for fo great a happinefs, and others ftorming that they had loft that difcovery, through their King’s incredulity ; fo that day was fpent with great concourfe of people. The next day the King ordered his officers to prefent the admiral
1 with.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
53
with all forts of refrefhment, and all things he flood in need of either for himfelf, or his men, without afking any pay. At the fame time he writ to the admiral, congratulating his happy arrival, and defiring, fince he was in his dominions, he would come to fee him. The admiral was doubtful what to do in this cafe, but he confidered the King was in amity with Their Catholic Majeflies, and had treated him courteoufly ; and befides, to take off all fufpicion that he came from his conquefls, he confented to go to Valparaifo, nine leagues from Lifbon, where the King was, whither he came on Saturday night, being the ninth of March. The King ordered all the nobility of his court to go out to meet him, and being come into his prefence, did him great honour, commanding him to put on his cap, and fit down, and having with a cheerful countenance heard the particulars of his profperous voyage, offered him all he flood in need of, for the fervice of Their Catholic Majeflies, though he thought, that foraf- much as he had been a captain in Portugal, that conquefl belonged to him. To which the admiral anfwered, that he knew of no fuch agreement, and that he had ftriftlyobferved his orders, which were not togoto the mines of Portugal, nor to Guinea. The King faid, all was well, and he doubted not but juflice would be done. Having fpent a long time in this fort of difcourfe, the King commanded the prior of Crato, the greateft man then about him, to entertain the admiral, and fhew him all civility and refpect, which was done accordingly. Having flaid there all Sunday and all Monday, till after mafs, the admiral took leave of the King, who expreffed great kind- nefs, and made him great proffers, ordering D. Martin de Noronha to go along with him, and many other gentlemen went for company to honour him, and hear an account of his voyage. As he was thus on his way to Lifbon, he paffed by a monaftery, where the Queen then was, who fent earneflly to intreat him he would notpafs by without feeing her. She was much pleafed to fee him, and did him all the favour and honour that was due to the greateft lord. That night a gentleman came from the King, to the admiral, to let him know that if he pleafed to go by land into Spain, he would attend him, provide lodgings all the way, and furnifh him all neceffaries, as far as the borders of Portugal.
CHAP. XLII. — How the Admiral left Lijhon to return to Caflile by Sea.
ON Wednefday the 13th of March, two hours after day, the admiral fet fail for Seville, and on Friday following at noon arrived at Saltes, and came to an anchor in in the port of Palos, whence he had fet out on the 3d of Auguft the foregoing year 1492, feven months and eleven days before his return. He was there received by all the people in proceffion, giving thanks to God for his profperous fuccefs, which, it was hoped, would redound fo much to the propagation of Chriftianity, and increale of Their Catholic Majeflies dominions ; all the inhabitants of that place looking upon it as a great matter that the admiral fet out from thence, and that molt of the men he had with him belonged to it, though many of them, through Pinzon’s fault, had been mutinous and difobedient. It happened that when the admiral came to Palos, Pinzon was arrived in Galicia, and defigned to go by himfelf to Barcelona, to carry the news to Their Catholic Majeflies, who fent him orders not to go thither without the admiral, with whom he had been fent to difcover, at which he was fo concerned and offended, that he returned indifpofed, to his native country, where within a few days he died for grief: but before he got to Palos, the admiral fet out for Seville, defign- ing thence for Barcelona, where Their Catholic Majeflies were ; and he was forced to flay a little by the way, though but never fo little, to the fo great admiration of the
people

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
54
people wherefoever he went, that they ran from all the neighbouring towns, down to the roads to fee him, the Indians, and other things he brought. Thus holding on his way he got to Barcelona about the middle of April, having before fent Their High- neffes an account of the happy fuccefs of his voyage, which was extraordinary pleafing to them, and they ordered him a moll folemn reception, as to a man that had done them fuch Angular fervice. All the court and city went out to meet him; and Their Catholic Majeflies fat in public with great ftate, on rich chairs under a canopy of cloth of gold ; and when he went to kifs their hands, they flood up to him as to a great lord, made a difficulty to give him their hands, and caufed him to fit down. Having given a brief account of his voyage, they gave him leave to retire to his apartment, whither he was attended by all the court; and he was fo highly honoured and favoured by their Highneffes, that when the King rode about Barcelona, the admiral was on one fide of him, and the Infante Fortuna on the other ; whereas before, none went by his majefty but the faid Infante, who was his near kinfman.
CHAP. XLIII. — How it was refolded that the AdmiralJhould return with a powerful Fleet to people the IJland Hifpaniola, and His Bolin fs’s Approbation of the Conquejl was obtained.
ORDERS were given at Barcelona, with great care and expedition for the admiral’s return to Hifpaniola, as well to relieve thofe that were left there, as to enlarge the colony and fubdue the ifland, with the reft that were and fhould be difcovered. To make their title to them the ftronger, Their Catholic Majefties, by the advice of the admiral, procured the Pope’s approbation and content for the conqueft of the faid Indies, which Pope Alexander the Sixth, who then governed the church, readily granted ; not only for what was already, but for all that fhould be difcovered weft- ward, till it fhould come to the eaft, where any Chriftian Prince was then actually in pofleffion, forbidding all perfons in general to intrude within thofe' bounds. The fame his holinefs confirmed the next year, in very fignificant terms. And Their Catholic Majefties being fenfible that the admiral had been the caufe of all this favour granted by the Pope, and that his difcovery had entitled them to the pofleffion of all thofe parts, they were pleafed he fhould be immediately gratified at Barcelona, on the 28th of May, and therefore granted him a new privilege, or rather an expofition, and explanation of what he had before, confirming to him all they had granted before, and in plain terms declared how far the bounds of his admiralfhip and viceroyfhip extended, being over all that which His Holinefs had granted them, thus ratifying what they had given him before, which privileges and prerogatives are as follows.
CHAP. XLIV.— Privileges and Prerogatives granted by Their Catholic Majeflies to the
Admiral.
%
tl FERDINAND and Elizabeth, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Caftile, of Leon, of Arragon, of Sicily, of Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Galicia, of Majorca, of Minorca, of Seville, of Sardinia, of Jaen, of Algarve, of Algezira, of Gibraltar, of the Canary Iflands, count and countefs of Barcelona, lord and lady of Bifcay and Molina, duke and duchefs of Athens and Neopatria, count and countefs of Rouffillion and Cerdaigne, marquefs and marchionefs of Oriftan, and Go- ciano, &c.: Forafmuch as you, Chriftopher Colon, are going by our command, with fome of our veffels and men, to difcover and fubdue fome iflands and continent in the
4 ocean,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
55
ocean, and it is hoped that by God’s affiftance, forne of the faid iflands and continent in the ocean will be difcovered and conquered by your means and conduct, therefore it is but juft and reafonable, that fince you expofe yourfelf to fuch danger to ferve us, you fhould be rewarded for it: And we being willing to honour and favour you for the reafons aforefaid, our will is, that you Chriftopher Colon, after difcovering and conquering the faid iflands and continent in the faid ocean, or any of them, fhall be our admiral of the faid iflands and continent you fhall fo difcover and conquer ; and that you be our admiral, viceroy and governor in them, and that for the future you may call and ftyle yourfelf, D. Chriftopher Colon, and that your fons and fuc- ceffors in the faid employment may call themfelves dons, admirals, viceroys and governors of them ; and that you may exercife the office of admiral, with the charge of viceroy and governor of the faid iflands and continent, which you and your lieutenants fhall conquer, and freely decide all caufes civil and criminal, appertaining to the faid employment of admiral, viceroy and governor, as you fhall think fit in juftice, and as the admirals of our kingdoms ufe to do; and that you have power to punifh offenders ; and you and your lieutenants exercife the employments of admiral, viceroy and governor in all things belonging to the faid offices, or any of them ; and that you enjoy the perquifites and falaries belonging to the faid employments, and to each of them, in the fame manner as the high admiral of our kingdoms does. And by this our letter, or a copy of it figned by a public notary, we command Prince John, our moft dearly beloved fon, infantes, dukes, prelates, marquefies, great mafters and military orders, priors, commendaries, our counfellors, judges, and other officers of juftice whatfoever, belonging to our houfehold, courts and chancery, and conftables of caftles, ftrong-houfes and others ; and all corporations, bailiffs, governors, judges, commanders, fea-officers ; and the aldermen, common-council, officers and good people of all cities, lands and places in our kingdoms and dominions, and in thofe you fhall conquer and fubdue, and the captains, mafters, mates and other officers and failors, our natural fubjefts now being, or that fhall be for the time to come, and any of them, that when you fhall have difcovered the faid iflands and continent in the ocean; and you, or any that fhall have your commiffion, fhall have taken the ufual oath in fuch cafes, that they for the future look upon you as long as you live, and after you your fon and heir, and fo from one heir to another for ever, as our admiral on our faid ocean, and as viceroy and governor of the faid iflands and continent, by you Chriftopher Colon difcovered and conquered ; and that they treat you and your lieutenants, by you appointed, for executing the employments of admiral, viceroy and governor, as fuch in all refpedls, and give you all the perquifites and other things belonging and appertaining to the faid offices; and allow, and caufe to be allowed you, all the honours, graces, conceffions, pre-eminences, prerogatives, immunities and other things, or any of them, which are due to you, by virtue of your commands of admiral, viceroy and governor, and to be obferved compleatly, fo that nothing be diminifhed, and that they make no obje&ion to this, or any part of it, nor fuffer it to be made ; forafmuch as we from this time forward, by this our letter, bellow on you the employments of admiral, viceroy and perpetual governor for ever; and we put you into poffeffion of the faid offices, and of every of them, and full power to ul’e and exercife them, and to receive the perquifites and falaries belonging to them, or any of them, as was faid above. Concerning all which things, if it be requifite, and you fhall defire it, we command our chancellor, notaries and other officers to pafs, feal and deliver to you our letter of privilege, in fuch firm and legal manner as you fhall require or Hand in need oft And that none of them prefume

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
S 6
fume to do any thing to the contrary, upon pain of our difpleaftire, and forfeiture of thirty ducats for each offence. And we command him who fhall fhew them this our letter, that he fummon them to appear before us at our court, where we fhall then, be, within fifteen days after fuch fummons, under th ' faid penalty. Under which fame we alio command any public notary whatfoever, that he give to him that ihows it him, a certificate under his leal, that we may know how our command is obeyed.
<c Given at Granada, on the 30th of April, in the year of our Lord 1492. I the King, I the Queen.
“ By Their Majefties’ command,
John Coloma, Secretary to the King and Queen. “ Entered according to order, Roderic Doctor.
“ Regiftered, Sebastian Dolan a,
Francis de Madrid,
}
Chancellors.’
« And now, forafmuch as it has pleafed our Lord, that you have difcovered feveral of the faid iflands, as w r e {till hope you will by his grace difcover and find others, and the continent in the faid ocean, and thofe parts of the Indies, and have defired and requefied of us, that we would confirm to you our faid grant here fet down, and all the contents of it, to the end that you and your children, heirs and fucceffors, one after another, and after your days, may have and enjoy the faid employments of admiral, viceroy and governor of the faid ocean, iflands and continent, as well of thofe you have already found and difcovered, as of thofe you fhall for the future find and difcover, wfith all the power, pre-eminence and prerogative, as the admirals, viceroys and governors in our kingdoms of Caftile and Leon do enjoy ; and that all the per- quifites and falaries appertaining and belonging to the faid office, and granted and allowed to our admirals, viceroys and governors, may be made good to you ; or that we made fuch provifion in this cafe, as in our ^oodnefs we fhall think fit. And we having regard to the hazard and danger you have expofed yourfelf to in our fervice, in going to difcover and find out the faid iflands, and that which you now run in attempting to find out the other iflands and continent, wherein we have been, and hope to be by you well ferved : to requite and reward you, do, by thefe prefents, confirm to you and your children, heirs and fucceffors, one after another, now and for ever, the faid employments of admiral of the faid ocean, and viceroy and governor of the faid iflands and continent by you difcovered and found out, and of the other iflands and continent, that fhall be by you or your induftry found or difcovered for the future in thofe parts of the Indies. And it is our will, that you, and after you your children, heirs and fucceffors, one after another, enjoy the faid employment of our admiral of the faid ocean, which is ours, and commences at a line, we have caufed to be drawn from the iflands Azores to thofe of Cabo Verde, and fo from pole to pole north and fouth ; fo that all beyond the faid line weftward is ours, and belongs to us. And accordingly we conftitute you admiral, and your fons and fucceffors, one after another, of all that part for ever. And we alfo appoint you our viceroy and governor, and after you, your fons, heirs and fucceffors, one after another, of the faid iflands and continent difcovered and to be difcovered, in the faid ocean in thofe parts of the Indies, as has been faid ; and we grant you the poffeflion of all the faid employments of admiral, viceroy and governor for ever, with full commiflion and authority to ufe and exercife in the faid fea the office of admiral in all thofe things, and in the fame manner and form, and with the rights and privileges, perquifites and falaries, as our admirals of Caftile and Leon have and do ufe, have enjoyed or enjoy, as well in the faid iflands and continent already difcovered, as in thofe that fhall hereafter
be

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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be difcovered in the faid ocean and faid parts of the Indies, that the planters of them all may be better governed. And we grant you fuch power and authority, that you may, as our viceroy and governor, and your lieutenants, judges, commanders and officers by you created, exercife the civil and criminal jurifdiction, the fupreme and mean authority, and the abfolute and mixed command. And in thofe places you may remove, turn out, and put in others in their places, as often as you pleafe, and fhall think convenient for our fervice. And that they have power to hear, judge, and determine all fuits or caufes, civil or criminal, that fhall occur or arife in the faid iflands or continent; and that they have and receive the fees and falaries ufually annexed, and appertaining to thofe employments in our kingdoms of Caflile and Leon. And you our faid viceroy and governor may hear and determine all the faid caufes, and any of them, whenfoever you fhall pleafe, upon the firft motion by way of appeal or complaint, and examine, determine and decide them, as our viceroy and governor j and you and your children may do all that is reafonable in fuch cafes, and all other things appertaining to the office of viceroy and governor, and that you and your lieutenants and officers appointed to this purpofe, may take fuch cognizance, and ufe fuch methods as you fhall think proper for our fervice, and the execution of our juftice. All which you and they may do and perform lawfully and effe&ually, as they might and ought to do, had the faid officers been appointed by us. But our will and pleafure is, that fuch letters patent as you fhall grant, be drawn and granted in our name, with thefe words, ‘ Ferdinand and Elizabeth, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Caflile and Leon, 5 &c. and be fealed with our feal, which we will caufe to be given you for the faid iflands and continent. And we command all the people, inhabitants, and other perfons in the faid iflands and continent, to obey you, as our viceroy and governor of the fame; and thofe that fail on the faid feas to obey you as our admiral of the faid ocean ; and that all of them execute your letters and orders, and take part with you and your officers, for the execution of our juftice ; and give, and caufe to be given you, all the aid and affiftance you fhall require and Hand in need of, upon fuch penalties as you fhall impofe on them, which we by thefe prefents do impofe on them, and do look upon them as impofed; and do grant you authority to execute them on their perfons and goods. And it is alfo our will, that if you fhall find it for our fervice and the execution of juftice, that any perfons who fhall be in the faid iflands or continent, depart from them, and do not return nor flay in them, and that they come and appear before us, you may in our name command, and make them depart the faid iflands. All whom by thefe prefents we command, that they prefently perform, execute, and put in pra&ice all that has been faid, without looking farther, or afking advice upon it, nor expe&ing any other letter or command from us, notwithftanding any appeal or petition they fhall make or prefent againft your faid order. For all which things, and any other due or belonging to the faid offices of our admiral, viceroy, and governor, we give you fufficient authority, with all incidents, dependencies, and emergencies to them annexed or inherent. Concerning all which things, if it fhall be your will, we do command our chancellor, notaries, and other officers belonging to our feals, that they give, pafs, difpatch, and feal you our letter of privilege, made as effe&ive, firm, and ftrong, as you fhall require of them, and Hand in need of; and that none of them prefume to do any thing to the contrary, upon pain of our dif- pleafure, and of thirty ducats to be paid to our treafury by every one that fhall be guilty of the contrary. And befides, we command him that fhall fhew them this our letter to fummon them to appear before us at our court, wherefoever we are, within vol. xii. ' i fifteen

58
LII'E OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
fifteen days, upon the faid penalty. Under which we command any public notary, that fhall be called for fuch purpofe, that he give to him that fhall fhew it him, a certificate figned under his hand, that we may know how our commands are obeyed.
“ Given in the city of Barcelona, the 28th of May in the year of our Lord 1493.
“ I the King, I the Queen.
“ By Their Majefties* order,
“ Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo, Secretary to the King and Queen, our Lord and. Lady.
“ Peter Gutierres, Chancellor, without fees for feal or entry. “ Delivered, Roderick Doctor.
“ Entered, Alonzo Perez.”
CHAP. XLV .—How the Admiral went from Barcelona to Seville, and fet out thence for
Hifpaniola.
ALL things neceffary for the peopling of thofe countries being provided, the admiral departed from Barcelona for Seville in June; and being come thither, fo diligently folicited the fitting out of the fleet Their Catholic Majefties had ordered him to provide, that in a fhort time feventeen fhips, great and fmall, were made ready, well flored with provifions, and with all things thought neceffary for peopling of thofe countries; as handicrafts of all forts, labourers, countrymen to till the land; befides, the fame of gold and other rarities in thofe countries, had drawn together fo many gentlemen, and other perfons of worth, that it was neceffary to leffen the number, and not to allow fo many to go aboard, at leaf!; till it appeared in fome meafure how things would fucceed in thofe parts, and till things were a little fettled. Yet was it impoflible fo much to confine the number of people that went aboard, but that it amounted to fifteen hundred of all forts; among whom fome carried horfes, affes, and other beafls, which were afterwards of great ufe and advantage to the planters in thofe countries. Being thus furnifhed, the admiral weighed anchor in the road of Cadiz, where the fleet had been fitted, upon Wednefday the 25th of September, 1493, an h° ur before fun-rifing, my brother and I being there, and flood fouth-wefl for the Canary Iflands, defigning there to take in fome neceffary refrefhment. On the 28th of September, being one hundred leagues from Spain, there came aboard the admiral’s fhip abundance of land fowl, turtle-doves, and other forts of fmall birds, which feemed to be pafling over to winter in Africk, and to come from the Iflands Azores. He holding on his courfe, on Wednefday the 2d of October arrived at Gran Canaria, and came to an anchor; at midnight failed again for Gomera, where he arrived on the fifth of October; and orders were given for taking up with all fpeed whatfoever the fleet flood in need of.
CHAP. XL VI.— How the Admiral , departing from Gomera , croffed the Oecan and
difcovered the Caribbee Iflands.
ON Monday, the 7th of October, the admiral continued his voyage towards the Indies, having firfl delivered a commiflion fhut up and fealed, to every fhip, commanding them not to open it, unlefs they were feparated from him by ftrefs of weather; for he in thofe letters giving an account of the courfe they were to fleer, to come to the town of the Nativity in Hifpaniola, would not have that courfe known to any without
great

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
59
great need. Thus failing with a fair gale till Thurfday the 24th of October, when being four hundred leagues weft of Gomera, he yet met with none of the weeds he had feen the firft voyage, when he was out about two hundred and fifty leagues, to the great aftonilhment of them all. That day and the next a fwallow flew about the fleet. On Saturday at night the body of St. Elmo was feen, with feven lighted candles on the found top, and there followed mighty rains, and frightful thunder. I mean, the lights were feen, which the feanien affirm to be the body of St Elmo, and they fing litanies and prayers to him ; looking upon it as molt certain, that in thofe ftorms where he appears, there can be no danger. Whatfoever this is, I leave to them ; for if we will believe Pliny, when fuch lights appeared in thofe times to the Roman failors in a ftorm, they faid they were Caftor and Pollux;, whereof Seneca makes mention alfo at the beginning of his firft book of nature. But to return to our hiftory; on Saturday the 2d of November, at night, the admiral perceiving a great alteration in the iky and winds, and taking notice of the mighty rains, he concluded for certain that he was near fome land, and for this reafon caufed molt of the fails to be furled, and ordered all to be upon the watch ; nor without caufe; for that fame night, as day began to break, they fpied land feven leagues to the weftward, which was a high mountainous ifland; and he called it Dominica, becaufe difcovered upon.Sunday morning. A while after he faw another ifland north-eaft of Dominica, and then another, and another after that, more northward. For which mercy, God had been pleafed to beftow on them, all the men affembling in the poop, fung the Salve regina, and other prayers and hymns very devoutly, giving thanks to God, for that in twenty days after departing from Gomera, they had made that land, judging the diftance between them to be between feven hundred and fifty and eight hundred leagues. And finding no convenient place to come to an anchor on the eaft fide of the ifland Dominica, they flood over to another ifland, which the admiral called Marigalante, that being his (hip’s name. Here landing, he with all necefiary folemnity again confirmed the pofleffion he had in his firft voyage taken of all the iflands and continent of theWeft Indies for Their Catholic Majefties.
CHAP. XLVII. — How the Admiral difcovered the IJJand of Guadalupe , and what he
faw there.
ON Monday the 4th day of November, the admiral failed from the Ifland Marigalante northwards, by another great ifland, which he called St Mary of Guadalupe, for his own devotion, and at the requeft of the friars of the houfe of that name, to whom he had made promife to call fome ifland by the name of their monaftery. Before he came to it, at two leagues diftance, they difcovered a very high rock, ending in a point, whence guffied out a ftream of water, as thick as a large barrel, which falling made fuch a noife, that it was heard aboard the (hips, though many affirmed it was only a white vein in the rock, the water was fo white and frothy by reafon of its fteep fall. Going alhore in the boat to view a fort of town they faw from the fhore, they found no body there, the people being fled to the woods, except fome children, to whofe arms they tied fome baubles to allure their fathers when they returned. In the houfes they found geefe Ike ours, and abundance of parrots, with red, green, blue, and white feathers, as big as common cocks. They alfo found pompions, and a fort of fruit which looked like our green pine-apples, but much bigger, and within full of a folid meat, like a melon, and much fweeter both in tafte and fmell, which grow on long (talks, like lilies or aloes, wild about the fields, and are better than thofe that are brought
12 Up

6o
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
up by art, as afterwards appeared. They alfo faw other forts of fruits and herbs differing from ours ; beds of cotton nets, that is, hammocks, bows, and arrows, and other fuch things, of which our men took none, that the Indians might be the lefs afraid of the Chriftians. But what they moft admired was, that they found an iron pan j though I believe that the rocks and fire-ftones in that country being of the colour of bright iron, a perfon of but indifferent judgment that found it, without looking farther, took it for iron, though in truth it was not fo ; for as much as from that day to this, there was never any thing of iron found among thofe people, nor did I hear the admiral fpeak of this. And therefore I am of opinion, that he ufing daily to write down whatfoever happened, and was told him, that he might among other things fet down what was told him concerning this particular, by thofe that were afhore. And though it were of iron, it was not to be admired, becaufe the Indians of the ifland of Guadalupe, being Caribbees, and making their excurfions to rob as far as Hifpaniola, perhaps they had that pan of the Chriftians, or of the other Indians of Hifpaniola ; and it is poffible they might carry the body of the fhip the admiral loft, to make ufe of the iron ; and though it were not the hulk of that fhip, it muft be the remainder of fome other wreck, carried thither by the wind and current from our parts. But be it what it will, they that day took neither the pan nor any thing elfe, but returned to their fhips. The next day, which was Tuefday the 5th of November, the admiral again fent two boats afhore, to endeavour to take fome body that might give him an account of the country, and inform him how far off, and which way Hifpaniola lay. Each of the, boats brought back a youth, who agreed in faying they were not of that ifland, but of another called Borriquen (now St. John), and that the inhabitants of that ifland of Guadalupe were Caribbees or Canibals, and had taken them prifoners from their own ifland. Soon after the boats returning to fhore, to take up fome Chriftians they had left there, found fix women with them, who had fled to them from the Caribbees, and came of their own accord aboard the fhips. The admiral to allure the iflanders, would not keep them aboard, but gave them fome glafs beads and bells, and made them be fet afhore againft their wills. This was not done unadvifedly, for as foon as they landed, the Caribbees in the fight of the Chriftians, took away all the admiral had given them. Therefore either through the hatred they bore the Caribbees, or for the fear they had conceived of thofe people, awhile after, when the boats returned for wood and water, the faid women got into them, begging of the feamen to carry them aboard the fhips, and giving them to underftand by figns, that thofe people did eat men, and make Haves of them, and therefore they would not flay with them. So that the men yielding to their entreaties, carried them back to the fhips, with two children and a young man that had made his efcape from the Caribbees, thinking it fafer to put themfelves into the hands of people they never faw, and fuch ftrangers to their nation, than to remain among thofe they knew to be wicked and cruel, and who had eaten their hufbands and children; and they fay they do not kill and eat the women, but keep them as Haves. One of the women told them, that towards the fouth there were many iflands, fome inhabited, others not, which both fhe and the other women, feve- rally called Giamachi, Cairvaco, Huino, Buriari, Arubeira, Sixibei. But the continent, which they faid was very great, both they and the people of Hifpaniola called Zuanta, becaufe in former times canoes had come from that land to barter, with abundance of lads, of whom they faid there were two-thirds in an ifland not far diftanl; and they alfo faid, that a king of that country whither they fled, was gone with ten great canoes, and three hundred men, to make incurfions into the neighbouring iflands, and take people to eat. The fame women gave information where the ifland Hifpa-
4 niola

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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niola lay j for though the admiral had inferted it in his fea-chart; yet for his farther information, he would hear what the people of that country faid of it. He would immediately have failed that way, had he not been told, that one Captain Mark was gone afliore with eight men, without his leave, before day, and was not yet returned. He was therefore forced to fend out to look for him, though in vain ; for by reafon of the great thicknefs of the trees, there could be no difcovering of them. Therefore the admiral, that they might not be loft, or be obliged to leave a ffiip behind to take them in, which might afterwards mifs her way to Hifpaniola, refolved to ftay there till the next day; and becaufe the country, as has been faid, was full of great woods, he ordered them to be fought after again, and that they fhould carry trumpets and mufkets to bring them to the noife. Thefe people having ftrayed all that day, returned to their /hips without finding or hearing any news of them. The admiral therefore feeing it was now Thurfday morning, and no news had been heard of them fince Tuefday, and that they went without leave, refolved to continue his voyage, or at leaft make /hew of fo doing, that it might be a puni/hment to others, but at the intreaty of fome of their kindred and friends, he ftayed, and ordered the /hips fhould in the mean while take in wood and water, and the men wa/h their linen ; and fent Captain Hojeda, with forty men, to look for thofe that were ftrayed, and pry into the nature of the country, where he found maftick, aloes, fandal, ginger, frankincenfe, and fome trees in tafte and fmell like cinnamon, abundance of cotton, and many falcons, and faw two of them purfuing the other birds ; they alfo faw kites, herons, daws, turtles, partridges, geefe, and nightingales, and affirmed that in travelling fix leagues, they crofted twenty-fix rivers, feveral whereof were vaft deep, which makes me believe, that the country being uncouth, they often crofted the fame river. Whilft thefe were admiring at what they faw, and other companies went about the ifland, feeking the ftragglers, they returned to the /hips without being met by any that looked for them, on Friday the 8th of November, faying the thicknefs of the woods was the caufe they had loft themfelves. The admiral to puniffi their prefumption, commanded the captain to be caft into irons, and the reft to fuffer by retrenching their allowance of provifions. Then he landed and went to fome houfes, where he faw all the things above-mentioned, efpecially a great deal of cotton fpun and unfpun, looms to weave, abundance of men’s Ikulls hung up, and ba/kets full of mens’ bones. Thefe houfes they faw were the belt, and more plentifully ftored with provifions and other things neceffary for the ufe of the Indians, than any others the admiral faw in the ifiands at his firft voyage.
CHAP. XLVI1I. — How the Admiral departed from the IJland Guadalupe, and of fome
Ifiands he found in his Way.
ON Sunday the x oth of November the admiral weighed anchor, and failed with the whole fleet along the coaft of the ifland Guadalupe, towards the north-weft for Hifpaniola, and came to the ifland Monferatte, calling it by that name, becaufe of its height, and underftood by the Indians he had with him, that the Caribbees had unpeopled it, devouring the inhabitants. Thence he proceeded to St. Mary Redonda, fo called becaufe it is fo round and upright, that there feems to be no getting into it without ladders, which the Indians called ocamaniro. Next he came to St. Maria la Antigua, which is above twenty-eight leagues in extent. Still holding on his courfe north-weft, there appeared feveral other ifiands towards the north, and lying north-weft and fouth-eaft, all very high and full of woods, in one of which they caft anchor, and called it St. Martin, where they took up pieces of coral, flicking to the anchor /looks,
which

6 2
LIFE OF COLON, EY HIS SON.
which made them hope they fliould find other ufeful things in thofe countries. Though the admiral was very defirous to know every thing, yet he refolved to hold on his courfe towards Hifpaniola to relieve thofe he had left there ; but the weather being bad, he came to an anchor on Thurfday the 13th of November in an ifland, where he ordered fome Indians to be taken, to know whereabouts he was. As the boat was returning to the fleet with four women and three children the men had taken, it met a canoe, in which there were four men and one woman, who perceiving they could not make their efcape, ftood upon their guard, and hit two of the Chriftians with their arrows, which they let fly with fuch force and dexterity, that the woman fhot a target quite through ; but the boat furioufly boarding, the canoe overfet, fo that they took them all fwimming in the water, and one of them fwimming, fhot feveral arrows, as if he had been upon dry land. Thefe had their members cut off, for they are taken by the Caribbees in other iflands and gelt, as we do to fat capons, that they may be more pleafing to the tafte. The admiral departing hence, continued his voyage weft-north- weft, where he found above fifty iflands, which he left to the northward ; the biggeft of them he called St. Urfula, and the others the Eleven thoufand Virgins. Next he came to the ifland which he called St. John Baptift, but the Indians, Borriquen, and the fleet anchored in a bay on the weft fide of it, where they took feveral forts of filh, as fkate, olaves, pilchards, and fhads, and faw falcons, and bullies like wild vines. More to the eaftward, fome Chriftians went to certain houfes well built after their falhion, with a fquare before them, and a broad road down to the fea, with towers made of cane on both fides, and the top of them curioufly interwoven with greens, as is feen in the gardens of Valencia. At the end of it next the fea, was a raifed gallery or balcony that could hold ten or twelve people, lofty and well built.
CHAP. XLIX. — How the Admiral arrived at Hifpaniola, where he underjlood the
Spaniards were dead.
ON Friday the 12th of November the admiral came up with the north fide of Hifpaniola, and prefently fent afliore at Samana one of the Indians born in that part, whom he brought out of Spain, being then converted to our holy faith, who offered to reduce all the Indians to fubmit to the Chriftians. The admiral continuing his voyage towards the town of Natal, or the Nativity, when he came to cape Angel, fome Indians went aboard to barter their commodities with the Chriftians. Coming to an anchor in the port of Monte Chrifto, a boat that went afliore found near a river two dead men, on'e of them feemed to be young, the other old, who had a rope made of a certain fort of broom, or fuch like furze that grows in Spain, called efparto, about his neck, his arms extended, and his hands tied' to a piece of wood, in the form of a crofs •, but they could not difcern whether they were Chriftians or Indians, but looked upon it as an ill omen. The next day, being the 26th of November, the admiral fent afhore in feveral places ; the Indians came very friendly and boldly to talk with the Chriftians, and touching our men’s Ihirts and doublets, faid, fhirt, doublet, in Spanifli, to fhew they knew how thofe things were called; which delivered the admiral from the jealoufy he had conceived on account of the dead men ; judging that if thofe people had wronged the Chriftians left there, they had not come fo boldly aboard the Ihips. But the next day, when he came to an anchor near the town of Navidad, or the Nativity, after midnight, a canoe came to the fleet, and afked for the admiral, and being bid to come aboard, for he was there, they would not do it, faying they were refolved not to go aboard till they faw and knew him. The admiral therefore was forced to come to the Ihip’s fide
to

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
6 3
to hear them, and then prefently two went up with two malks, which they gave to the admiral, from the Cacique Guacanagari, faying, he fent many commendations. They being afked by the admiral concerning the Chriftians left there, anfwered, that fome of them died of diftempers, fome parted from their company, and fome were gone into other countries; but that all of them had four or five wives, though it appeared by their way of fpeaking that all or moll of them were dead ; yet the admiral not thinking fit to take any notice at that time, fent back the Indians, with a prefent of fome things made of latten, and other baubles for Guacanagari and themfelves, and fo they went away that fame night, with the gifts for the Cacique.
CHAP. L. — How the Admiral went to the Town of Navidad, or the Nativity ; found it forfaken and burnt , and had an Interview with King Guacanagari.
ON Thurfday the 28th of November, about evening, the admiral with all his fleet came into the port, before the town of Navidad or the Nativity, found it all burnt, and that day nobody was feen all about there : next day in the morning, the admiral landed very much concerned to fee the houfes and fort burnt, and nothing left belonging to the Chriftians, but only ragged cloaths and fuch like things, as is ufual in a place plundered and deftroyed; and feeing nobody to inquire of, the admiral went with fome boats up a river that was hard by. Whilft he was going up it, he ordered the well he had made in the fort to be cleanfed, thinking to find gold in it; becaufe at his going away, fearing what might happen, he commanded thofe he left behind to throw all the gold they could get into that well, but nothing was found in it; and the admiral that way he went up with his boats could lay hold of no Indian, becaufe they all fled from their houfes to the woods. Having therefore found nothing but fome of the Chriftians* cloaths, he returned to Navidad, where he faw eight of the Chriftians, and three others, in the fields near the town, whom they knew to be Chriftians by their cloaths, and they feemed to have been dead about a month. The Chriftians going about to leek fome other tokens or writings of the dead, a brother of the Cacique Guacanagari, came with fome Indians to talk with the admiral. Thefe could fpeak fome words of Spanifh, and knew the names of all the Chriftians that had been left there, and faid that thofe Spaniards foon began to fall at variance among themfelves, and to fake every one what gold and as many women as they could; whereupon Peter Gutierres and Efcovedo killed one James, and then they and nine others went away with their women to a cacique, whofe name was Caunabo, who was lord of the mines, and killed them all - r then many days after came with a great many men to Navidad, where there was only James de Arana, with ten men who had remained with him to guard the fort,, all the reft being difperfed about the ifland. The Cacique Caunabo coming up by night,, fired the houles where the Chriftians lived with their women, for fear whereof they fled to the fea, where eight of them were drowned, and three died afhore, whom they lhewed. That Guacanagari himfelf, fighting with Caunabo in defence of the Chriftians, was wounded and fled. This account agreed with that given by other Chriftians, fent by the admiral to learn more of the country, who went to a town where Guacanagari lay ill of a wound, which he faid had hindered him from waiting on the admiral, and giving him an account of what was become of the Chriftians ; among whom he faid, foon after the admiral returned for Spain, there began to be diflenfion, and every one would barter gold for himfelf, and take what women he thought fit; and not fatisfied with what Guacanagari gave and allowed to be given them, they divided into feveral parcels, and difperfed fome one way and fome another, and that fome Bifcainers joins' ing

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
64
mg together, went where they were all killed •, and this was the truth of what had happened, which they might tell the admiral, defiring him by thofe fame Chriftians, that he would go fee him, becaufe he was in fuch a condition that he could not leave his houfe. The admiral did fo, going the next day to vifit him, and he with great figns of forrow, told him all that had happened, as has been related above, and that he and his men had been all wounded in defence of the Chriftians, as appeared by their wounds, which were not given by Chriftian arms, but with aragayas, or wooden fwords, and arrows pointed with filh-bones. This difcourfe being over, he prefented the admiral with eight firings of fmall beads, made of white, green, and red ftones, a firing of gold beads, a regal crown of gold, and three little calabafhes full of gold fand; all which might be about four marks weight in gold, each mark being half a pound. The admiral in return, gave him abundance of our baubles, which might be worth three royals, (or is. 6d.) and were valued by him above a thoufand. Though he was very ill, he would needs go with the amiral to fee the fleet, where he was courteoully entertained and much pleafed to fee the horfes, of which the Chriftians had before given him an account. And becaufe fome of thofe that were dead had mifinformed him concerning our hoiy faith, the admiral was forced to inftrucl him in it, and afterwards would have him wear an image of the Virgin Mary about his neck, which at firft he had refufed to receive.
CHAP. LI. — How the Admiral left the Colony of Navidad, and went to found the City
which he called Ifabella.
THE admiral reflecting on the difafter of thofe Chriftians, and his own misfortune at fea, having loft the men and fort afhore, and his fhip upon the water, and that not far off there were better and more commodious places to plant a colony ; on Saturday the 7th of December he failed with the whole fleet eaftward, and about evening cafl anchor not far from the iflands of Monte Chrifto, and the next day at Monte Chrifto, among thofe feven low little iflands, whereof mention has been made already, which, though they are without trees, are neverthelefs pleafant; for in that winter feafon, they there found flowers, and nefts with eggs, others with young birds, and all other things that are feen in fummer. Thence he went to anchor before a town of Indians, where, refolved to plant a colony, he landed with all the men, provifions and utenfils he brought aboard the fleet, in a plain near a rock, on which a fort might conveniently be built, where he built a town and called it Ifabella, in honour of Queen Ifabel or Elizabeth. This place was judged very convenient, forafmuch as the port was very large, though expofed to the north-weft, and had a molt delicate river a bow-fhot from it, from which canals of water might be drawn to run through the middle of the town, and beyond was a mighty open plain, from which the Indians faid the mines of Cibao were not very remote. For thefe reafons the admiral was fo eager upon fettling the faid colony, that what with the fatigue endured at fea, and what he here went through, he not only wanted time to write day by day what happened, according to his cuftom, but it happened he fell fick, which interrupted his writing from the nth of December till the 12th of March in the year 1494. During which time, having ordered the affairs of the town the beft he could, for affairs abroad he fent one Alonzo de Hojeda, with fifteen men, to feek out the mines of Cibao. Afterwards on the 2d February, twelve lhips of the fleet returned to Caftille, under the command of one Captain Anthony de Torres, brother to Prince John’s nurfe, a man of great judgment and honour, and in whom Their Catholic Majefties and the admiral much confided. He had all in writing at large that had happened, as alfo the nature of the country, and what it required. Not

LIFE OF COLON* BY HIS SON.
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long after Hodeja returned, and giving an account of his journey, faid, that the fecond day, after he fet out for Ifabella, he lay at the pafs of a mountain, which was very difficult of accefs, that afterwards, at every league’s diftance he found caciques, who had been very kind to him ; and continuing his journey the fixth day after he fet out, he came to the mines of Cibao, where the Indians immediately before him, took up gold in a fmall river, as they had done in many others of the fame province, where he affirmed there was great plenty of gold. This news much rejoiced the admiral, who was then recovered of his ficknefs, and he refolved to go afhore, to ob- ferve the difpofition of the country, that he might the better know what was to be done. Accordingly on Wednefday the 12th of March 1494, he fet out from Ifabella for Cibao, to fee the mines, with all the people that were in health, both a foot and a horfeback, leaving a good guard in the two fhips and three caravals that remained of the fleet, and caufing all the ammunition and tackle belonging to the other fhips to be put aboard his own, that none might rebel with them, as they had attempted to do whilft he was fick. Becaufe many having gone that voyage, upon the belief that as foon as they landed they might load themfelves with gold, and fo return rich home (which gold wherefoever it is found requires time, trouble, and labour to gather it); the thing not falling out as they expected, being therefore diffatisfied and offended, as alfo becaufe of the building of the new town, and weary of the difeafes, the climate, and change of dietcaufed among them, they had privately confpired to revolt from the admiral, and taking the fhips that remained by force to return in them to Spain. One Bernard de Pifa, who had been an officer of juftice at court, and went that voyage in the quality of their Catholic Majefties’ comptroller, was the ring-leader and head of thefe mutineers; therefore the admiral, when informed of it, would not puniffi him any otherwife than by fecuring him aboard a fhip, with a defign to fend him afterwards into Spain, with his procefs drawn up, as well for mutinying as for having writ a falfe information againft the admiral, which he had hid in the fhip. Having therefore ordered all thefe affairs, and having left fome perfons both at fea and affiore, together with his brother D. James Colon, to look to and fecure the fleet, he fet forwards towards Cibao, carrying along with him all the tools and neceffaries to build a fort, to keep that province under, and fecure the Chriftians left there to gather gold againft any attempts or defigns of the Indians. And the more to terrify them, and take away all hopes that they might do in the admiral’s prefence as they had done in his abfence with Arana and the thirty-eight Chriftians left among them, he then carried along with him all the men he could, that they might in their own towns fee and be fenfible of the power of the Chriftians, and be fenfible that whenfoever any wrong was done to one Angle man of ours travelling through the country, there was a force of men to chaftife it. And to appear the more formidable, when he fet out for Ifabella and other towns, he made his men march with their arms in rank and file as is ufual in time of war, and with trumpets founding and colours flying. In his way, he marched along that river which lay about a mufket-fliot from Ifabella; and a league beyond, he eroded another Id's river, and went to lie that night three leagues off, in a plain divided into pleafant fields, reaching to the foot of a craggy hill, and about two bow-fhots high. This he called Puerto de los Hidalgos, or the Gentleman’s Port (the Spaniards call paffes on mountains dry ports), becaufe fome gentlemen went before to order the road to be made; and this was the firft road made in the Indies, for the Indians make their vrays broad enough but for one man to pafs at a time. Beyond this pafs he came into a large plain, over which he travelled five leagues the next day, and went to lie near a great river, which the men paffed upon floats and in canoes. This river, which he called of Canes, VOL. XII. k fell

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON,
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fell into the fea at Monte Chriffo. In his journey he paffed by many Indian towns, the houfes whereof were round, thatched, and with fuch a little door, that he who goes in muft Hoop very low. Here, as foon as fome of the Indians brought from Ifabella went into the houfes, they took what they liked beft, and yet the owners were not at all difpleafed ; as if all things were in common. In the like manner, the people of the country coming near to any Chriftian, would take from him what they thought fit, thinking our things had been as common as theirs. But they were foon undeceived, being told the contrary. In their way they paffed over mountains moft pleafantly wooded, where there were wild vines, aloes, and cinnamon trees, and another fort that produces a fruit like a fig, and were vaftly thick at the foot, but the leaves were like thofe of the apple tree. Of this fort of tree the fcammony is faid to come.
CHAP. LII. — How the Admiral came to the Province of Cihao, where he found the Gold Mines , and built the Cajlle of St. Thomas.
ON Friday the 14th of March, the admiral fet forward from the river of Canes, and a league and a half from it found a great river, which he called the River of Gold, becaufe in palling it they gathered fome grains of gold. Having paffed it with fome difficulty, he proceeded to a large town, where many of the people fled to the mountains, but moll of them fortified their houfes, barring their doors with fome canes, as if that were a great defence to hinder any body from coming in; for according to their cuftom, no man dares break in at the door he finds fo barred, forafmuch as they have no wooden doors, or other means to fhut themfelves in, and it feems thefe bars are fufficient. Hence the admiral went to another fine river, which he called the Green River, the banks whereof were covered with bright round ftones, and there he relied that night. Holding on his journey the next day, he paffed by fome great towns, where the people had put Hicks acrofs their doors, like the others above-mentioned, and the admiral and his men being tired, they Hayed that night at the foot of a rugged mountain, which he called Port Cibao, forafmuch as the province of Cibao begins beyond the mountain. From this the firH mountain they paffed was eleven leagues diffant, all which diffance is a plain, and the way dire&ly fouth. Setting out the next day, he travelled along a path, where they were forced, with much difficulty, to lead the horfes; and thence he fent back fome mules to Ifabella to bring bread and wine •, for they began to want provifions, and the journey was long, and they fuffered the more becaufe they were not yet ufed to the Indian diet, as they are now who live and travel in thofe parts, who find the food of that country more eafy of digeflion and more agreeable to that country than what is carried from Europe, though it is not of fo great nourilhment. Thofe that went for provifions being returned, the admiral paffing over the mountain on Sunday the 16th of March, entered the country of Cibao, which is rough and Hony, full of gravel, plentiful of grafs, and watered by feveral rivers, in which gold is found. The further they went into this country, the more uncouth they found it, and encumbered with mountains, on the tops whereof there appeared grains of gold fand ; for as the admiral faid, the great rains carry it down from the tops of the mountains to the rivers in frnall fand.. This province is as big as Portugal, and there are in it abundance of mines, and gold in the brooks; but for the moff part there are very few trees, and thofe along the banks of rivers, and are moH of them pines and palms of feveral forts. Now Hojeda having,, as was faid, travelled that country, the Indians had fome knowledge of the Chriffians ; fo it happened^ that what way foev.er the admiral went, the faid. Indians came out to

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
6/
the road to meet him, with prefents of provifions, and fome fmall quantity of gold dull they had gathered, after they underftood they came for it. The admiral perceiving he was now eighteen leagues from Ifabella, and the country he had left behind very craggy, he ordered a fort to be built in a very pleafant and ftrong place, which he called the caftle of St. Thomas, to command the country about the mines, and to be a place of fafety for the Chriftians that went thither. The command of this new fort he gave to D. Peter Margarite, a perfon of account, with fifty-fix men, among whom were workmen of all forts to build the caftle, which was built with clay and timber, that being a fufficient ftrength to keep out any number of Indians that fhould come againft it. Here breaking ground to lay the foundation, and cutting a rock to make the ditches, when they were got two fathoms below the ftone, they found nefts made of hay and ftraw, and inftead of eggs, three or four round ftones as big as oranges, as artificially made as if they had been cannon-balls ; and in the river that runs at the foot of that hill the caftle now ftands upon, they found ftones of feveral colours, fome of them large, of pure marble, and others of jafper.
CHAP. LIII. — How the Adtniral returned to Ifabella , and found that Soil was very
fruitful.
THE admiral having given orders for the finifhing and fortifying of the caftle, fet out for Ifabella on Friday the 21ft of March, and near the Green River met the mules going with provifions, and not being able to ftay there, becaufe of the great rains, he flayed there, fending the provifions to the fort. Afterwards endeavouring to find the ford of that river and of the river del Oro, which is bigger than Ebro, he flayed fome days in thofe Indian towns, eating their bread and garlic, which they gave for a fmalL matter. On Sunday the 29th of March he came to Ifabella, where melons were already grown fit to eat, though it was not above two months fince the feed was put into the ground. So cucumbers came up in twenty days, and a wild vine of that country being pruned, had produced grapes which were good and large. The next day, being the 30th of March, a countryman gathered ears of wheat he had fown at the latter end of January. There were alfo vetches, but much bigger than thofe they fowed ; and all they fowed fprung up above ground in three days, and the twenty-fifth day they eat of it. The ftones of fruit fet in the ground fprouted out in feven days, and the vine branches fhot out in the fame time, and in twenty-five days after they gathered green grapes. The fugar-canes budded in feven days, which proceeded from the temperature of the climate, not unlike to that of our country, for it was rather cold than hot; befides, that the waters there are very cold, thin, and wholefome. The admiral was well enough pleafed with the air, the foil, and the people of the country. On Tuefday the ift of April there came a meflenger from fort St. Thomas, who brought news that the Indians of that country fled, and that a cacique, whofe name was Caunabo, was preparing to come and attack the fort. The admiral knowing how inconfiderable the people of that country were, made little account of that report, efpecially confiding in the horfes, by whom the Indians were afraid to be devoured, and therefore were fo much afraid that they durft not go into any houfe where a horfe flood. However the admiral thought fit to fend more men and provifions, confidering that fince he defigned to go and difcover the continent with three caravals he had left him, it was fit all things fhould remain quiet behind. Therefore on Wednefday the 2d of April he fent feventy men, with provifions and ammunition to the fort, twenty-five of which were to keep guard, and the others help to make another road, the firft being very
k 2 troublefome,

68
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
troublefome, as were the fords of the rivers. Thefe being gone, whilft the ftups were fitted to go upon the new difcovery, he attended to order all things neceffary for the town he was building, dividing it into ftreets, with a convenient market-place, and endeavouring to bring the river to it along a large cut canal; for which reafon he alfo made a dam that might ferve the mills, becaufe the town being almoft a cannon-fhot from the river, the people would have been troubled to fetch water fo far, efpecially then when moll of them were very weak and indifpofed, by reafon of the fharpnefs of the air, which did not agree with them; fo that fome were fick, and had no other Spanilh provifions but bifcuit and wine, by reafon of the ill management of the captains of the fhips, as alfo becaufe in that country nothing keeps fo well as in Spain. And though they had plenty of the country provifions, yet not being ufed to that food it did not agree with them. Therefore the admiral had refolved to leave but three hundred men in the illand and to fend the reft into Spain, which number, confidering the nature of the illand, and of the Indies, he knew was fufficient to keep that country in i’ubjection to Their Catholic Majefties. In the mean while, becaufe the bifcuit grew towards an end, and they had no flour but wheat, he refolved to make fome mills, though there was no fall of water fit for that purpofe within a league of the town; at which work, and all others, he was forced to ftand over the workmen, they all endeavouring to fave themfelves from any labour. After that, he refolved to fend out all the people that were in health, except handicraft-men and artificers, to the royal plain, that travelling about the country they might pacify it, ftrike a terror into the Indians, and by degrees be ufed to their food, fince they daily felt more want of that of Spain. Hojeda was fent to command thefe men till they came to St. Thomas’s, there to deliver them to D. Peter Margarite, who was to lead them about the illand, and Hojeda him- felf to command in the fort; he having taken the pains the winter before to difcover that province of Cibao, which in the Indian language fignifies ftony. Hojeda fet out from Ifabella on Wednefday the 29th of April, towards St. Thomas’s with all the aforefaid men, being above four hundred, and having palled the river del Oro, apprehended the cacique that lived there, and a brother and nephew of his, fending them in irons to the admiral, and cut off the ears of one of his fubjecls, in the great place of his town, becaufe three Chriftians coming from St. Thomas to Ifabella, this cacique gave them five Indians to carry their cloaths over the river at the ford, and they being come to the middle of the river, returned to their town with them, and the cacique inftead of punilhing them, took the cloaths for himfelf, refufing to reftere them. Another cacique who dwelt beyond the river, relying on the fervice he had done the Chriftians, refolved to go with the prifoners to Ifabella, and intercede with the admiral for them, who entertained him courteoufly, and ordered that the other Indians, with their hands bound, Ihodld be publicly fentenced to die in the market-place ; which the honeft cacique feeing, he with many tears obtained their lives, promifing they Ihould never be guilty of any other offence. The admiral having difcharged them all, a man a horfeback came from St. Thomas’s, and gave an account, that he had found in that fame cacique who had been prifoner in his town, five Chriftians taken by his fub- je£ts as they were coming for Ifabella, and that he frightening the Indians with his horfe had releafed them, above four hundred men running away from him, of whom he wounded two in the purfuit; and that when he had paffed the river, he faw they turned upon the faid Chriftians, whereupon he made as if he would go back againft them, but they for fear of his horfe all ran away, left the horfe Ihould fly over the river.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
69
CHAP. LIV. — How the Admiral fettled the Affairs of the If and, and went to difcover
Cuba, fuppofmg it to be the Continent.
THE admiral being refolved to go out to difcover the continent, appointed a council to govern the ifland in his a’ofence ; the perfons it confifted of were D. James Colon, his brother, with the title of prefident, F. Boyl, and Peter Fernandez Coronell, regents, Alonfo Sanchez de Carvajal, rector of Bacca, and John de Luxan of Madrid, gentlemen to Their Catholic Majefties. And that there might not want meal for fupport of the people, he haftened the building of the mills, notwithHanding the rain and flood very- much obftructed it. From thefe rains, the admiral fays, proceeds the great moiffiure, and confequently the fruitfulnefs of the ifland, which is fo wonderful, that they eat fruit of the trees in November, when they were blofloming afrefh, which Ihews that they bear twice a year. But herbs and feeds grow at all times, and fo they find on the trees, nefts with eggs, and young birds. As the fruitfulnefs of the foil appeared extraordinary, fo they daily received frelh advices of the wealth of the country ; for fome of thofe the admiral had fent out were always returning with news of new mines difcovered, befides the relation of the Indians concerning the great plenty of gold found in feveral parts of the ifland. The admiral not fo fatisfied, refolved to go out to difcover along the coaft of Cuba, not knowing whether it was an ifland or continent. Therefore taking three fhips along with him, he fet fail upon Thurfday the 24th of April, afternoon, and came to an anchor that day at Monte Chrifto, weft of Ifabella. On Friday he went to Guacanagari’s port, thinking to find him there, but he feeing the fhips fled for fear, though his fubjeds falfely affirmed he would foon return. But the admiral not caring to flay without great caufe, departed on Saturday the 26th of April, and went to the ifland Tortuga, which lies fix leagues to the weftward : he lay by it that night, in a calm with his fails abroad, the tide running back againft the currents. Next day the north-weft winds and currents fetting from the weft, obliged him to go back to an anchor in the river of Guadalquiver, which is in the fame ifland, there to wait for a wind that would Item the current, which both then and the year before he found to run ftrong there toward the eaft. On Tuefday the 29th of the fame month, the wind being fair he came to cape St. Nicholas, and thence crofted over to the ifland of Cuba, running along the fouth coaft of it, and having failed a league beyond Cabo Fuerte, put into a large bay which he called Puerto Grande, or great port, the mouth whereof was one hundred and fifty paces over, and had much water. Here he call anchor, and took fome refreffiment of broiled fiffi and oyfters, whereof the Indians had great ftore. On the lft of May he continued his voyage along the coaft, where he found commodious harbours* fine rivers, and high mountains. Upon the fea, after he left Tortuga, he met abundance of the weeds he faw on the ocean, in his voyage to and from Spain. He failing clofe along the ffiore, abundance of people came aboard in their canoes from the ifland, thinking our men were come down from heaven, bringing of their bread, water, and fiffi, and giving it all freely, without afking any thing for it; but the admiral, to fend them home well pleafed, ordered they ffiould be paid, giving them beads, bells, and fuch like baubles..
CHAP. LV.— The admiral difeovers the If and of Jamaica.
ON Saturday, the 3d of May, the admiral refolved to fail over from Cuba to Jamaica, that he might not leave it behind, without knowing whether the report of fuch
plenty

LITE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
70
plenty of gold they heard there was in it proved true, and the wind being fair, and he almoft half way over, difcovered it on Sunday. Upon Monday he came to an anchor, and thought it the beautifulleft of any he had yet feen in the Indies, and fuch multitudes of people in great and fmall canoes came aboard, that it was aftonifhing. The next day he ran along the coaft to find out harbours, and the boats going to found the mouths of them, there came out fo many canoes and armed men, to defend the country, that they were forced to return to the Ihips, not fo much for fear, as to avoid falling to enmity with thofe people. But afterwards, confidering that if they (hewed figns of fear, the Indians would grow proud upon it, they returned together to the port, which the admiral called Puerto Bueno, that is, Good Harbour. And becaufe the Indians ■came to drive them off, thofe in boats gave them fuch a flight of arrows from their crofs-bows, that fix or feven of them being wounded, they retired. The fight ending in this manner; there came abundance of canoes from the neighbouring places in a peaceable manner, to fee and barter provifions, and feveral things they brought, and gave for the lead trifle that was offered them. In this port, which is like a horfe-fhoe, the admiral’s (hip was repaired, it being leaky; and that done, they fet fail on Friday the 9th of May, keeping fo clofe along the coafl; weftward that the Indians followed in their canoes to trade, and get fomething of ours. The wind being fomewhat contrary, the admiral could not make fo much way as he wifhed, till on Tuefday the 13th of May he refolved to (land over again for Cuba, to keep along its coafl:, defigning not to return till he had failed five or fix hundred leagues, and were fatisfied whether it ■was an ifland or continent. That fame day, as he was going off from Jamaica, a very young Indian came aboard, faying he would come into Spain, and after him came feveral of his kindred and other people in their canoes, earneftly intreating him to go back, but they could never alter his refolution ; and therefore to avoid feeing his fifters cry and fob, he went where they could not come at him. The admiral, admiring his refolution, gave order that he (hould be ufed with all civility.
CHAP. LVI .—The Admiral from Jamaica returns to the coaft cf Cuba, JIM thinking it
to be the Continent,
THE admiral leaving Jamaica, on Wednefday the 14th of May came to that; point of Cuba, which he called Cabo de Santa Cruz, or Cape Holy Crofs, and running along the coaft, there happened a great ftorm of thunder and lightning, which together with the flats and currents, put him in no fmall danger and to very much trouble, being obliged at the fame time to ftruggle againft thefe two evils, which required contrary remedies; for it is a proper remedy againft thunder to ftrike the fails, and it was requifite to fpread them to avoid the flats, and had this calamity lafted for eight or ten leagues it had been infupportable. But the word of it was, that all over that fea, both north and north-eaft, the further they went the more low little iflands they met with, and though there were trees in fome of them, yet others were fandy, and fcarce appeared above the furface of the water, fome a league, fome more and fome lefs in compafs. True it is, that the nearer they failed to Cuba, the higher and pleafanter the little iflands appeared; and being a matter of difficulty, and to no purpofe, to give every one of them a name, the admiral called them all in general Jardin de la Reyna, the Queen’s Garden. But as many iflands as he faw that day, he faw many more and bigger the next day than he had before, and not only to the north-eaft, but north-weft and fouth-weft; infomuch that they counted one hundred and fixty iflands that day, all parted by deep channels, which the (hip failed through. In fome of thefe iflands they
3 faw

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
7 *
faw abundance of cranes, in fhape and bignefs like thofe of Spain, but that they were as red as fcarlet. In others they found abundance of tortoifes, and of their eggs, not unlike a hen’s, but that the fhells are very hard. The tortoifes lay thefe eggs in a hole they make in the fand, and covering them, leave them till the heat of the fun hatches and brings forth the tortoifes, which in time grow as big as a buckler, or great target. In thefe iflands they alfo faw crows and cranes like thofe of Spain, and fea- crows, and infinite numbers of little birds that fung fweetly, and the very air was as fweet as if they had been among rofes and the fineft perfumes in the world; yet the danger was very great, there being fuch abundance of channels, that much time was fpent in finding the way out. In one of thefe channels, they fpied a canoe of Indian filhermen, who very quietly, without the leaft concern expected the boat which was making towards them, and being come near, made a fign to them in it, till they had done filhing. Their manner of filhing was fo ftrange and new to our men, that they were willing to comply with them ; it was thus : they had tied fome final! fillies they call reves by the tail, which run themfelves againlt other filh, and with a certain roughnefs they have from the head to the middle of the back, they ftick fo faff to the next filh they meet, that when the Indians perceive it, drawing their line, they draw them both together: and it was a tortoife our men faw fo taken by thofe filhermen, that filh clinging about the neck of it, where they generally fallen, being by that means fafe from the other filh biting them, and have feen them fallen upon vail lharks. When the Indians in the canoe had taken their tortoife, and two other fifties they had before, they prefently came very friendly to the boat, to know what our men would have, and by their directions went along aboard the Ihips, where the admiral treated them very courteoully, and underftood by them, that there was an infinite multitude of iflands in that fea; and they freely gave all they had, though the admiral would fuffer nothing to be taken of them but the filh, the reft being their nets, hooks, and calabalhes full of water to drink. Having given them fome fmall trifles, they went away very well pleafed, and he held on his courfe with a defign not to do fo long, becaufe he began to want provifions already ; whereas, had he been well ftored, he thought not to have returned into Spain, but call about, though he was very much fpent, not only becaufe he fed ill, but alfo becaufe he had not ftript or lain in a bed ever fince he failed from Spain till the 19th of May, when he writ this, except eight nights, when he was much indifpofed. And if he had much care upon him at other times, it was doubled this voyage, by reafon of the innumerable quantity of iflands, among which he was failing, which were fo many, that on the 20th of May he difcovered feventy-one, befides many more he faw weft-fouth-weft at fun-fetting. Which iflands or lands are not only frightful by their multitude, appearing on all fides,. but what is yet more terrible, is, that every night there rifes off them a great fog eaft- ward, fo difmal to behold, that it feems as if fome great Ihower of hail would fall, the thunder and lightning are fo violent; but when the moon rifes it all vanilhes, part of it turning to rain and wind, which is fo ufual and natural in that country, that it did not only happen all thofe nights the admiral was there, but I faw the fame in thofe iflands in the year 1503, in my return from the difcovery of Veragua; and generally here at night the wind is north, coming off the ifland Cuba, and afterwards, when* the fun is up, it comes about eaft, and follows the fun till it comes to the weft..
CHAR.

7 2
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. LVII .—Of the great fatigue the Admiral underwent, failing among abundance
of Iflands.
THE admiral Hill holding on his courfe weftward, among infinite numbers of iflands, upon Thurfday the 22d of May came to an ifland fomewhat bigger than the reft, which he called St. Mary; and landing at a town, there was in it, not one Indian would ftay to talk to the Chriftians, nor did they find any thing in the houfes but fifh, which is all the food thofe people live on, and feveral dogs like maftiffs, who eat fifh too. Thus without talking to any body, or feeing any thing remarkable, he failed away north-eaft, among abundance of iflands, in which there were many cranes as red as fcarlet, parrots, and other forts of birds, dogs like thofe before mentioned, and abundance of thofe weeds he faw on the ocean when he firft difcovered the Indies. Thus failing among lb many fands and iflands fatigued him very much ; for fometimes he was forced to ftand weft, fometimes north, and fometimes fouth, according as the channels would permitfor notwithftanding his care in founding, and keeping men upon the round top to look out, yet the fhip often touched, and there was no avoiding it, there being no end of the flats on all hands. Sailing on in this manner, he came again to Cuba to take in water, whereof they had much need. And though there was no town where they put in, becaufe the place was. wooded, yet one of the feamen that went afhore, going up among the trees with a crofs-bow to kill fome bird or beaft, found thirty people armed with Inch weapons as they ufe, that is fpears and ftaves which they wear inftead of fwords and call macanas. Among them he faid he faw one clad with a white coat, or a veft down to his knees, and two that carried him had them down to their feet all three of them as white as the Spaniards; but that he had no talk with them, becaufe being afraid of fuch a number he began to cry out to his companions, and the Indians ran away without looking back. ■ Though the admiral the next day fent people afhore to know the truth of it, they could not travel above half a league, becaufe of the thicknefs of the trees and bufhes, and becaufe all that coaft is boggy and muddy, for two leagues up the country, where there are hills and mountains, fo that they only faw footfteps of fifhermen on the fhore, and abundance of cranes like thofe in Spain, but bigger. Then failing about ten leagues weftward, they faw houfes on the fhore, from which fome canoes came with water and fuch things as thofe people eat, which they brought to the Chriftians, who paid well for them; and the admiral caufed one of thofe Indians to be flopped, telling him and the reft by his interpreters that he would let him go freely home as foon as he had dire&ed him in his voyage, and given fome account of that country. At which the Indian was very much pleafed, and aflured the admiral that Cuba was an ifland, and that the king or cacique of the weftern part of it, never fpoke to his fubjefts but by figns, by whom all his orders were immediately obeyed ; that all that coaft was very low, and full of fmall iflands, which was found to be too true. The next day, being the nth of June, to pafs from one channel to another, the admiral was forced to have the fhips towed over a flat, where there was not a foot water, and all the breadth of it was not above two fhips length. Bearing up clofer to Cuba, they faw tortoifes of a vaft bignefs, and in fuch numbers that they covered the fea. At break of day they faw fuch a cloud of fea-crows that they darkened the fun, coming from the feaward to the ifland, where ’ they all lighted; befides them, abundance of pigeons, and .birds of other forts were feen, and the next day there came fuch fwarms of butterflies, that they darkened the air, and failed till night, when the great rain carried them away.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
75
CHAP. I,VIII .—How the Admiral returns back towards Hifpaniola.
ON Friday the 13th of June, the admiral perceiving that the coaft of Cuba ran far weft, and that it was a matter of the greateft difficulty to fail that way, by reafon of the infinite multitude of iflands and fands that were on all ftdes, and that he already began to want provifions, for which reafon he could not continue his voyage as he had intended, he refolved to return to the town he had began to build in Hifpaniola, and to furnifh himfelf with wood and water; he anchored in the ifland Evangelifta, which is thirty leagues in compafs, and feven hundred from Dominica. Having provided himfelf with what he wanted, he dire&ed his courfe fouthward, hoping to get out better that way ; and failing through the channel he faw looked cleareft, after failing a few leagues, found it fhut up, which did not a little trouble and terrify the men feeing themfelves as it were hemmed in on all fides, and deftitute of provifions and all comfort. But the admiral, who was wife and courageous, perceiving their faint-heartednefs, faid with a chearful countenance, that he thanked God for forcing him back the fame way he came; forafmuch as if they had continued their voyage that way they intended to go, it might perhaps have happened they might have run themfelves into fome place whence it would have been hard getting o.ut, and at a time when they had neither fhips nor provifions to go back, which at prefent they could eafily do. Thus with great fatisfa&ion of all the men, he returned to the ifland Evangelifta, where he had watered, and on Wednefday the 25th of June failed thence north-weft towards fome fmall iflands that appeared five leagues off. Going ftill a little forward he came into a fea fo patched with green and white, that it looked like one entire fand, though there was two fathoms water; along which he failed feven leagues, till he met another fea, as white as milk, which he much admired, the water being very thick. This fea dazzled the eyes of all that beheld it, and feemed to be all a fhoal, without water enough for the fhips, yet there were about three fathoms water. But when he had failed about four leagues upon that fea, he came into another fea as black as ink, and five fathoms deep, through which he held his courfe till he came up with Cuba. Thence Handing to the eaftward, with fcant winds, through narrow channels and fhoals; on the 30th of June, as he was writing his journal of the voyage, his fhip run aground fo faft, that neither anchors nor other inventions being able to get it off,, it pleafed God it was drawn off a- head, though with fome damage becaufe of its beating, on the fand. However, with God’s afliftance they got off at laft, and he failed on as the wind and fhoal-water would permit, always through a very white fea and two fathoms deep, neither deeper nor fhallower, unlefs he came too clofe to fome of the fands, where there was want of water. Befides which trouble, every day about fun- fetting he was troubled with mighty fhowers, which rife in the mountains from the moraffes near the fea, which were a great fatigue to him, till he came clofe to Cuba towards the eaft, the way he came at firft. Thence, as he had found before, came off a mod fragrant fcent, as it were of flowers. On the 7th of July he landed to hear mafs, and there reforted to him an old cacique lord of that province, who was very attentive at mafs ; when it was ended, by figns, and the belt he could exprefs, he faid it was very well done to give thanks to God, becaufe the foul which was good would go to heaven, and the body remain on earth, but that the wicked fouls mult go to hell. And among other things he faid, he had been in the ifland Elifpaniola, where he knew fome of the chief men ; that he had been at Jamaica, and a great way towards the weft of Cuba, and that the cacique of that port was clad like a prieft.
VOL. XII. l CHAP.
f

74
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. I.IX . — The great Hunger and other Calamities the Admiral and his Men endured , and how he returned to Jamaica.
THE admiral failing thence on Wednefday the 16th of July, ftill attended by terrible rains and winds, drew near to Cape Cruz in Cuba, where he was on a fudden alfaulted by fuch a violent rain and ftorrn as bore his {hip’s fide under water; but it pleafed God they immediately {truck all their fails, and dropped their belt anchors ; but they took in fo much water at the deck, that the men were .not able to pump it out, efpecially in the condition they were, being much fpent for want of provifions : for they eat nothing but a pound of rotten bifeuit a day, and about half a pint of wine, unlefs they happened to catch fome fifh, which yet they could not keep from one day to the next, provifions in thofe parts being of a very flight nature, and becaufe the weather was always more inclinable to heat than in our countries; and this want being common to all, the admiral in his journal fpeaks thus concerning it: “I myfelf am at the fame allowance, God grant it may be to his honour, and for Your High- nefs’s fervice, for I {hall never again for my own benefit expofe myfelf to fuch fuffer- ings and dangers ; never a day palling, but I fee we are all upon the brink of death.” In this danger and diftrefs he arrived at Cape Cruz the x 8th of July, where he was friendly entertained by the Indians. They brought him abundance of cazabi, fo they call their bread made of roots grated, a great deal of fifh, ftore of fruit, and fuch other things as they eat. The wind being contrary to fail for Hifpaniola, he flood over to Jamaica on Wednefday the 22d day of July, and failed along weftward clofe under the {hore, the country all along rnoft delightful and fruitful, with excellent harbours at every league diflance, and all the coaft full of towns, the people whereof followed the {hips in their canoes, bringing fuch provifions as they eat, and much better liked by the Chriftians than that they found in the other iflands. The climate, air, and weather was the fame as the reft ; for in this weftern part of Jamaica there gathered every evening adtorm of rain which lafted about an hour more or lefs, which the admiral faid, he attributed to the great woods that were in thofe countries, for that he knew this was ufual at firft in the Canary iflands, Madera, and the Azores ; whereas, now the woods are cut down that {haded them, there are not fo great and frequent ftorms and rains as there were formerly. Thus the admiral failed on, though with contrary winds, which obliged him every night to take the fhelter of the land, which appeared green, pleafant, fruitful, abounding in provifions, and fo populous that he thought none excelled it, efpecially near a bay which he called De las Vacas, becaufe there are nine iflands clofe to the land, which he faid was as high as any he had feen, and believed reached above the region where the ftorms bred, yet it is all peopled, very fruitful and pleafant. This ifland he judged to be eight hundred miles in compafs, and when fully difeovered, computed it to be fifty leagues in length and twenty in breadth. Being much taken with its beauty, he had a great mind to ftay there to be fully informed of the nature of it, but the great want of provifions we mentioned, and the leakinefs of the vefiels would not permit. Therefore as foon as the weather was a little fair, he failed away eaftward, fo that on Tuefday the 19th of Auguft he loft fight of that ifland, {landing over directly for Hifpaniola, and called the moll eaftward cape of Jamaica on j:he fouth coaft Cabo del Faroi.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
75
CHAP. LX. The Admiral di/covers the South Side of Hifpaniola , till he returned Eajt
about the Town of lfabella.
ON Wednefday the 20th of Auguft the admiral had fight of the fouth fide of Hifpaniola, and called the firft point Cape St. Michael, which was thirty leagues diftant from the eafterlieft point of Jamaica, yet at prefent through the ignorance of the failors it is called Cape Tiburon. From this cape on Saturday the 23d of Auguft there came aboard a cacique, who called the admiral by his name, and had fome other Spanifh words, by which he was convinced this was the fame land as Hifpaniola. At the end of Auguft he anchored in an ifland which is called Alto Velo, and having loft fight of the other two fhips under his command, he caufed fome men to go aihore in that little ifland, whence being very high they might fee a great way round ; but they difcovered none of their companions. As they were going aboard they killed eight fea-wolves, that lay afleep on the fand, and took abundance of pigeons and other birds; for that ifland not being inhabited, nor thofe creatures ufed to fee men, they ftood ftiil to be killed with ftaves. The fame they did the two following days, waiting for the fhips that had been aftray ever fince the Friday before, till at the end of fix days they came, and all three together went away to the ifland Beata twelve leagues diftant from Alto Velo. Hence they pafled on coafting Hifpaniola, in fight of a delightful country, which was a plain running up a mile from the fea, fo populous that it feemed to be one continued town for a league in length. In which plain there appeared a lake five leagues long from eaft to weft. The people therefore of the country having fome knowledge of the Chriftans, came aboard in their canoes, bringing- news that fome Spaniards from lfabella had happened to come among them, and that they were all well, which much pleafed the admiral, and to the end they too might hear of his health and his company’s, and of his return, being fomewhat more towards the eaft, he fent nine men to crofs the ifland, palling by the forts of St. Thomas and the Magdalen to lfabella, and he with his three fhips ftiil keeping along the coaft eaftward, fent the boats for water to a place, where a great town appeared. The Indians came out againft them with bows and poifoned arrows, and with ropes in their hands, making figns that they would bind the Chriftians they fhould take with them. But as foon as the boats came to the fhore, the Indians laid down their arms, and offered to bring bread and water, and all they had, afking in their language for the admiral. Going hence they faw in the fea a fifh as big as a whale, which on its neck had a great fhell, like a tortoife, and bore its head, which was as big as a hogfhead, above water, had a tail like a tunny fifh, very long, and two large fins on the Tides. The admiral by this fifh and other figns, perceiving there would be fome change of weather, he fought for fome harbour to f'ecure himfelf. And on the 15th of September it pleafed God to fhew him an ifland, being near the eaft part of Hifpaniola, called by the Indians Adamanai, and the weather being very ftormy, dropped anchor in the channel between it and Hifpaniola, clofe to a fmall ifland that lies between both, where that night he faw the eclipfe of the moon, which he faid varied five hours twenty-three minutes from Cadiz to the place where he was. This I fuppofe made the bad weather' laft fo long, for he was forced to lie clofe in that very place till the 20th of the month, not without fear for the other fhips, which could not get in, but it pleafed God to fave them. Being afterwards together again, on the 24th of September they failed to the molt eafterly point of Hifpaniola, and thence pafled over to a little ifland lying between Hifpaniola and St. John de Borriquen, called by the Indians Mona. From this ifland
l 2 the

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
76
the admiral does not continue the journal of his voyage, nor does he fay- how he returned to Ifabella, but only that going from Mona to St. John, the great toil he had gone through, his own weaknefs and want of provifions call him into a dangerous difeafe between a peftilential fever and a lethargy, which prefently deprived him of all his fenfes and memory. Whereupon all the men aboard the (hips refolved to defi.il from the defign he had in hand of difcovering all the iflands of the Caribbees, and to return to Ifabella, where they arrived in five days, on the 29th of September, and there it pleafed God to reftore his health, though his ficknefs lalled above five months, which was attributed to the great fufferings he had gone through during that voyage, and to his extraordinary weaknefs; tor fometimes he had not fleep three hours in eight days, which feems almoil impofiible, were not he himfelf and his men witneffes of the truth of it.
CHAP. LXI. — How the Admiral fubdued the IJland Hifpaniola^ and took fuch Order
that they might not revolt again.
THE admiral returning to Hifpaniola from the difcovery of Cuba and Jamacia, found there his brother Bartholomew Colon, who, as was faid before, had been fent to treat with the King of England about the difcovery of the Indies. He returning to Spain with the grant of his demands, underftood at Paris, by Charles King of France, that the admiral his brother had difcovered the Indies, and he fupplied him with one hundred crowns to proceed on his journey. Upon this news he made all the hafte he could to overtake the admiral in Spain ; yet when he came to Sevil, his brother was fet out for the Indies with feventeen fail. Therefore to fulfil the orders he had left him at the beginning of the year 1494, he went away to Their Catholic Majefties, carrying me and my brother D. James Colon to ferve Prince John as his pages, as had been appointed by the Queen, who was then at Valladolid. As foon as we came thither, Their Majefties fent for D. Bartholomew Colon, and fent him to Hifpaniola with three Ihips, where he ferved fome years, as appears by a manufcript I found among his papers, in which are thefe words. “ I ferved as captain from the 14th of April 1494 till the 12th of March 1496, w'hen the admiral fet out for Spain, and then I began to act as governor till the 24th of Auguft 1498, when the admiral returned from the difcovery of Paria, when I again ferved as captain till the nth of December 1500, when I returned to Spain.” But to return to the admiral: he returning from Cuba made him governor of the Indies, though afterwards there arofe a controverfy on this account, becaufe Their- Catholic Majefties faid they had not granted the admiral power to appoint any fuch. But to decide this difference Their Highneffes granted it a new, and fo for the future he was called Adelantado, that is, lieutenant of the Indies.
The admiral having the afiiftance and advice of his brother, took fome reft, and lived in quiet, though on the other fide he met with trouble enough, as well from his ficknefs, as becaufe he found almoft all the Indians had revolted, through the fault of D. Peter Margarite, of whom we fpoke above. He, though obliged to refpect and honour him that at his departure for Cuba had left him the command of three hundred and fixty foot and fourteen horfe, to travel over the illand, and reduce it under the obedience of Their Catholic Majefties and the Chriftians, and particularly the province of Cibao, whence the chief profit was expe&ed, yet did all things fo much to the contrary, that as foon as the admiral was gone, he went with all his men to the great plain called Vega Real, ten leagues from Ifabella, without ftirring to over-run
4 and

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
77
and reduce the illand. Hence there enfued difcord and factions at Ifabella ; he endeavouring that thofe of the council inftituted by the admiral, Ihould obey his orders, fending them very infolent letters, till perceiving he could not fucceed in his defign of getting the whole command into his hands, rather than hay the coming of the admiral, who would call him in queflion for his behaviour, he went aboard the firft fhips that came from Spain and returned in them, without giving any account of himfelf, or any ways difpofing of the men left under his command. Upon this every one went away among the Indians where he thought fit, taking away their goods and their women, and committing fuch outrages that the Indians refolved to be revenged on thofe they found alone or ftraggling; fo that the Cacique of the Magdalen, whofe name was Guati- guana, had killed ten, and privately ordered a houfe to be fired in which there were eleven fick. But he was feverely punilhed when the admiral returned ; for though he himfelf could not be taken, yet fome of his fubjefts were made prifoners and fent into Spain in four Ihips, Antony de Torres brought on the 24th of February 1495. Six or feven more, who in other parts of the illand had done harm to the Chriftians fuffered for it. The caciques had certainly killed many, and would have deftroyed more, but the admiral came in time to curb them all, who found the illand in fuch diforder, that moll of the Chriftians committed a thoufand infolencies, for which they were mortally hated by the Indians, who refufed to fubmit to them.. It was no difficult matter for them all to agree to call off the Spaniffi yoke ; becaufe, as has been faid, there were four principal Kings or caciques, to whom all the others were fubjedt. The names of thofe four were Caunabo, Guacanagari, Behechico, and Guarionex; and each of thefe had under him feventy or eighty other little lords; not that they paid tribute or gave any thing, but were obliged, whenfoever called upon, to affift them in their wars and till the ground ; but Guacanagari, one of thefe who was lord of that part of the illand where the town of the Nativity had been built, continued a friend to the Chriftians. As foon therefore as he heard of the admiral’s coming, he went to vifit him, faying, he had no way been aiding or advifing with the others, which might appear by the great civility the Chriftians had found in his country, where one hundred men had been always very well ufed and furnilhed with all things he could get to pleafe them ; for which reafon the other Kings were become his enemies, and particularly Behechico had killed one of his women, and Caunabo had taken another, wherefore he prayed him to caufe her to be reftored, and affift him to revenge thefe wrongs. The admiral refolved to do fo, believing what he faid was true, becaufe he wept every time he called to mind thofe that had been killed at the Nativity, as if they had been his own children ; and he was the more inclinable to it, considering that the difcord among them would make it more practicable to conquer the country, and punilh the revolt of the other Indians, and killing of the Chriftians. Therefore on the 24th of March 1495 he fet out from Ifabella to carry on the war, and the afore- faid Guacanagari with him, being very defirous to crufh his enemies, though the undertaking feemed very difficult, they having raifed above one hundred thoufand Indians, whereas the admiral had not along with him above two hundred Chriftians, twenty horfes, and as many dogs. The admiral being acquainted with the nature and qualities of the Indians, when he was two days journey from Ifabella, divided his forces, giving half to his brother the lieutenant, that he might attack that multitude fcattered about the plains in two places, believing the terror of hearing the noife in feveral places would put them to flight fooner than any thing elfe, as in effect it proved. The battalions of foot on both fides falling upon the multitude of Indians, and breaking them with the firft difcharge of their crofs-bows and mulkets, the horfe and dogs fell

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
78
in next in mod furious manner, that they might not rally; whereupon thofe fainthearted creatures fled, fome one way and fome another ; and our men purfuing and killing a great number, made fuch havock that in a fhort time, through God’s affiftance, they obtained a complete vi&ory, many of the enemies being flain, and others taken, among whom was Caunabo, the chief cacique of them all, together with his wives and children. This Caunabo afterwards confeffed he had killed twenty of the Chrif- tians left with Arana in the town of the Nativity, the firft voyage when the Indies were difcovered, and that afterwards, under colour of friendlhip, he went in great hade to fee the town of Ifabella, to obferve how he might bell; attack it, and do as he had done at the Nativity. Of all which things the admiral had been fully informed by others; and therefore to punifh him for that offence, and this fecond revolt, and gathering of forces he had now marched againft him, and having taken him and his brother, he fent them all prifoners into Spain ; for he would not, without the knowledge of Their Catholic Majefties, execute fo confiderable a perfon, being fatisfied with punifliing fome of thofe that were moft in fault. The viftory obtained, and this man’s imprifonment, put the affairs of the Chriftians into fuch a good pofture, that though at that time they were but fix hundred and thirty, many of them fick, and others women and children, yet in the fpace of a year the admiral fpent in ranging the ifland, without being forced to draw fword any more, he reduced it to fuch obedience, that they all promifed to pay tribute to Their Catholic Majefties every three months, that is all that inhabited the province of Cibao, where the gold mines were, from fourteen years of age upward to pay a large horfe-bell full of gold-duft, and all the reft twenty-five pounds of cotton a head. And that it might be known who had paid this tribute, there was a fort of brafs and tin coin (tamped, one of which pieces was to be given to every one that paid, and he to wear it about his neck, that whofoever was found without it might be known not to have paid and puniflied. And doubtlefs this order u'ould have proved effectual, had not thofe troubles we (hall fpeak of afterwards happened among the Chriftians; for after the taking of Caunabo, the country was fo peaceable, that for the future one Angle Chriftian went fafely where he pleafed ; and the Indians themfelves would carry him about on their Ihoukiers, which the admiral attributed only to God and the good fortune of Their Catholic Majefties, confidering it had been otherwife impoflible for two hundred men, half fick and ill-armed, to overthrow fuch a multitude, which it pleafed his Divine Majefty not only to bring under his command, but to fend fuch Scarcity of provifions, and fuch violent difeafes among them, that they were reduced to one-third of what they had been at firft, to make it appear the more plain, that fuch miraculous victories, and the fubduing of nations are his gift, and not the effect of our power or condu£t, or of their want of courage; for though our men had been fu- perior to them, yet their multitude might make amends for any advantage we had over them.
CHAP. LXII .—Some remarkable Things in the IJland, as the Cujloms, Ceremonies , and
Religion of the Indies.
THE people of the ifland being brought under, and converfing more freely with our men, many other particulars, and the fecrets of their religion were found out, but particularly that there were mines of copper, azure, and amber; as alfo ebony, cedar, frankincenfe, and other rich gums and fpice of feveral forts, but wild, which being cultivated, might be brought to perfection ; as for inftance, cinnamon of good colour, but bitter, ginger, long pepper, abundance of mulberry trees for making of filk, which
bear

LIFE OF COLON, EY HIS SON. 79
tear leaves all the year, and many other ufeful trees and plants not known in our parts. Befides, the Spaniards were informed of many other things relating to their cultonis, which to me feem to deferve a place in our hiftory. To begin with their religion, I will here fet down the admiral’s own words, writ by himfelf, which are thefe :
“ I could difcover neither idolatry nor any other fedt among them, though every one of their kings, who are very many, as well in Iiifpaniola as in all the other illands and continent, has a houfe apart from the town, in which there is nothing at all but fome wooden images carved, by them called cetnies; nor is there any thing done in thofe houfes but what is for the fervice of thofe cemies, they repairing to perform certain ceremonies, and pray there, as we do to our churches. In thefe houfes they have a handfome round table, made like a dilh, on which is fome powder, which they lay on the head of the cemies with a certain ceremony ; then through a cane that has two branches clapped to their nofe, they fnuff up this powder : the words they fay none of our people underfland. This powder puts them befides themfelves, as if they were drunk. They alfo give the image a name, an.d I believe it is their father’s or grandfather’s, or both ; for they have more than o^e, and fome above ten, all in memory of their forefathers, as I laid before. I have heard them commend one above another, and have obferved them to have more devotion, and £how more refpedt to one than another, as we do in proceffions in time of need; and the people and caciques boaft among themfelves of having the bell cemies. When they go to thefe their cemies they Ihun the Chriftians, and will not let them go into thofe houfes; and if they fuf- pe<T they will come, they take away their cemies, and hide them in the woods for fear they fhould be taken from them; and what is molt ridiculous, they ufe to fteal one another’s cemies. It happened once, that the Chriftians on a fudden rufhed into the houfe with them, and prefently the cemi cried out, fpeaking in their language, by which it appeared to be artificially made ; for it being hollow they had applied a trunk to it, which anfwered to a dark corner of the houfe' covered with boughs and leaves, where a man was concealed who fpoke what the cacique ordered him. The Spaniards therefore refle&ing on what it might be, kicked down the cemi, and found as has been faid ; and the cacique feeing they had difcovered his practice, earneftly begged of them not to fpeak of it to his fubje&s, or the other Indians, becaufe he kept them in obedience by that policy. This we may fay has fome refemblance of idolatry, at leaft among thofe that are ignorant of their caciques’ fraud, fince they believe it is the cemi that fpeaks, and all of them in general are impofed upon, and only the cacique and he that combines with him abufe their credulity, by which means he draws what tribute he pleafes from his people. Mod of the caciques have three great ftones alfo, to which they and their people fhew a great devotion. The one they fay helps the corn and all forts of grain ; the fecond makes women be delivered without pain ; and the third procures rain or fair weather, according as they ftand in need of either. I fent Your Highnefs three of thefe ftones by Antony de Torres, and have three more to carry along with me. When thefe Indians die, they have feveral ways of performing their obfequies, but the manner of burying their caciques is thus : they open and dry him at the fire, that he may keep whole. Of others they take only the head, others they bury in a grot or den, and lay a calabafh of water and bread on his head ; others they burn in the houfe where they die, and when they are at the laft gafp, they fuffer them not to die but ftrangle them ; and this is done to caciques. Others are turned out of the houfe, and others put them into a hammock, which is their bed, laying bread and water by their head, never returning to fee them any more. Some that are dangeroufly ill are carried to the cacique, who tells them whether they are to be ftrangled or not, and what
2 he

8o
LIFE 01? COLON, BY HIS SON.
he fays is done. I have taken pains to find out what it is they believe, and whether they know what becomes of them after they are dead ; efpecially I enquired of Cau- nabo, who was the chiefeft King in Hifpaniola, a man in years, knowing, and of a moll piercing wit. He and the reft anfwered, that they go to a certain vale, which every great cacique fuppofes to be in his country, where they affirm they find their parents, and all their predeceflors, and that they eat, have women, and give them- felves up to pleafures and paftimes, as appears more at large in the following account, in which I ordered one F. Roman, who underftood their language, to fet down all their ceremonies and antiquities, though there are fo many fables that nothing can be made of it, but that they have all fome regard to a future ftate, and hold the immortality of the foul.”
The Manufcript of F. Roman , concerning the Antiquities of the Indians , which he , as
being Jkilled in their Tongue , has carefully gathered by order of the Admiral.
I F. Roman, a poor anchorite of the order of St. Jerome, by order of the moft illuftrious lord admiral, viceroy and governor of the iflands and continent of the Indies, write what I could hear and learn of the belief and idolatry of the Indians, and how they ferve their Gods. Every one obferves fome particular way and fuperftition and worshipping idols, which they call cemies. They think there is an immortal being, like heaven, invifible, and that has a mother, but has no beginning, and this being they call Jocakuvague Maorocon, and its mother they call Atabei, Iermaoguacar, Apito and Zuimaco, which are feveral names. Thofe I here write of are the people of the ifland Hifpaniola, for I know nothing of the others, having never been in them. They alfo know whence they came, the original of the fun and’ moon, how the fea was made, and whither the dead go. And they believe the dead appear to them upon the roads when any of them go alone, for when there are a great many together they do not appear to them. All this their ancefiors have made them believe, for they can neither read nor tell beyond ten,
CHAP. I. — Whence the Indians came, and after what Manner.
THERE is a province in Hifpaniola called Caanan, in which there is a mountain called Canta, where there are two grots or caverns ; the one called Cacibagiagua, the other Amaiauva ; moft of the people that firft inhabited the ifland came out of Cacibagiagua. Thefe being in thofe caverns, kept watch by night, and one Marocael had the charge of it, who coming one day too late to the door, they fay the fun took him away. Seeing therefore that the fun had carried him away for his neglect, they ffiut the door againft him, and fo he was turned into a ftone near the door. Then they fay, that others going a fiffiing were taken by the fun, and became trees, by them called Jobi, but otherwife Mirabolans.
The reafon why Marocael watched and warded, was to obferve whether he would fend and diftribute the people, and it appears he ftaid to his own harm.
CHAP. II. — How the Men parted from the Women.
IT happened that one Guagugiana bid another, whofe name was Giadruvava, go and gather an herb called digo, wherewith they cleanfe their body when they go to walh. He went out before day, the fun took him by the way, and he became a bird
that

LIFU OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
8r
that fings in the morning, like the nightingale, and is called giahuba bagiaci. Guagu- giana perceiving he did not return, whom he had fent to gather digo, refolved to go out of the aforefaid grot Cacibagiagua.
CHAP. III.
GUAGUGIANA refolved to go away in a paffion, feeing they did not return whom he had fent to gather digo to walh him, and faid to the women, leave your hufbands, and let us go into other countries, and we fhall get jewels enough. Leave your children, and let us only carry the herbs along with us, and we will come again for them.
CHAP. IV..
GUAGUGIANA fet out with all the women, and went to feek another country, and came to Matinino, where he immediately left the women, and went into another country, called Guanin, having left the children by a brook. Afterwards, when hunger began to pinch them, they fay they cried, and called their mothers, that were gone; and the fathers could not relieve the children, who for hunger, called their mothers, faying, “ ma, ma,” to fpeak, but in truth to beg of the earth. And they thus crying and begging of the earth, faying, “ too, too,” like one that very earnedly begs a thing, they were transformed into little creatures like dwarfs, and called tona, becaufe of their begging of the earth. And thus all the men were left without women.
CHAP. V.
THAT there went women again to the faid ifland of Hifpaniola, formerly called Aiti, and fo the inhabitants of it are called, and the other iflands called them Bouchi: and forafmuch as they have no letters, nor way of writing, they can give no good account how they underhand this dory of their ancedors, and therefore they do not agree in what they fay, nor is what they relate to be put into any order. When Guagugiana, who carried away all the women went od', he took with him the wives of his cacique, whofe name was Anacacugia, deceiving them as he had done the others. Befides, a kinfman of Guagugiana, who followed him, went upon the fea, and Guagugiana faid to his kinfman, when he was in the canoe, look what a fine cobo there is in the water, which cobo is the fea-fnail, or periwinkle; astd he looking down for the cobo, Guagugiana his kinfman took him by the feet and threw him into the fea, and fo took all the women to himfelf, and left thofe at Matinino, where it is faid there are none but women to this day ; and he went away to another ifland called Guanin, and it was fo called for what he carried to it when he went thither.
CHAP. VI.
THAT Guagugiana returned to the fame Canta, whence he had carried the women : they fay that Guagugiana being in that country whither he went, faw he had left a woman in the fea, at which he was not pleafed, and looked about where to walh himfelf, being full of thofe blotches we call the French pox. The woman put him into a guanara, that is, a by-place j and being there, he was healed of his fores.
vol. xii. m After-

82' LIFE of colon, by his son.
Afterwards he afked her leave to go his way, and fhe gave it him. This woman’s name was Guabonito ; and Guagugiana changed his name, calling himfelf from that time forwards, Biberoci Guahagiona. And the woman Guabonito gave Biberoci Guahagiona much Guanine and Cibe, that he might carry them tied to his arms; for in thofe countries, the Colecibi are of ftone, very like marble, and they wear them about their wrifts and necks ; and the Guanini’s wear them at their ears, making holes in them when they are little, and they found like fine mettle. They fay, that Guabonito, Albeborael, Guahagiona, and the father of Albeborael, were the firft of thefe Guanini’s. Guahagiona ftaid in that country with the father, called Hiauna, his fon from his father took the name Hia Guaili Guanin, which fignifies fon of Hiauna, and from henceforward, was called Guanin, and is fo to this-day. And they not knowing how to write, cannot give a good account of thefe fables, nor can I write them well; wherefore I believe, I mention the laft firft and the firft laft. But all I write is related by them, and fo I deliver it as I had it fropa the people of the country.
CHAP. VII. — How Women came again to the aforefaid IJland Aiti , now called Hif-
faniola.
THEY fay the men went one day to wafh themfelves, and when they were in the water it rained much, and they were very defirous to have women; and that very often, when it rained, they had gone to feek out the track of their women, and could find no news of them ; but they fay, that as they were walhing themfelves that day, they faw fall down from the trees, as it were Hiding down the branches, the fhape of people, which were neither men nor women, nor had the fecret parts of men or women, which they went to catch, but they fled as fwift as if they had been eagles. Therefore by order of their cacique, they called two or three men, fince they themfelves could not catch them, to watch how many there were of them, and find out for each of them a man that was Caracaracoli; for thofe men had rough hands, and therefore would hold fall. They told the cacique they were four, and fo they took four men that were Caracaracoli, which is a diltemper like the itch, that makes the body very rough. When they had taken thofe creatures, they held a council about them, how to make them women, fince they had neither the privities of man or woman.
CHAP. VIII. — How .they found the Way to make Women.
THEY fought out a bird called turiri, formerly turire cahuvail, that is, a woodpecker, that makes holes in trees, and taking thofe creatures that had neither the parts of man nor woman, tied them hands and feet, and bound the faid bird to their body ; the which bird taking them to be trees, began to work as it ufes, pecking and boring that part where women’s privities fhould be ; and thus fay the antienteft Indians, they came to have women. I writing in haffce, and not having paper enough, could not place every thing rightly, but through miftake tranfpofed fome; but the miftake is not great, for they believe all that is here writ. Let us now return to what we fhould have faid firft, that is, their opinion concerning the original and beginning of the fea.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BV HIS SON.
S3
CHAP. IX. —- How they fay the Sea was made.
THERE was a man they call Giaia, whole right name they know not, his fon was called Giaiael, that is, Giaia’s fon. This Giaiael intending to kill his father, he ba- nifhed him, where he remained an outlaw four months ; after which his father killed him, put his bones into a calabafh, and hung it to the top of his houfe, where it continued fome time. It happened that being defirous to fee his fon, Giaia one day faid to his wife, I have a mind to fee our fon Gaiael, and fhe was content. Taking down the calabafh, he turned it over to fee his fon’s bones, and there came out of it abundance of great and fmall fifhes. Perceiving that the bones were turned into fifhes, they re- folved to eat them. Now they fay, that one day, when Giaia was gone to his Conichi., that is, his lands he had by inheritance, there came four fGns of a certain woman, called Itiba Tahuvava, all born at one birth ; for the faid woman dying in labour, they cut her open, and took out the faid fons; and the firft they cut was Cara-
caracol, that is, Mangy; which Caracaracol had to name.the others had
no name.
CHAP. X.
HOW the four fons of Itiba Tahuvara, who died in labour, went r to take down Giaia’s calabafh ; in which was his fon Giaiael who had been converted into fifh, and none of them durft lay hold of it but Dimivan Caracaracol, who unhung it; and they all eat their belly full of filh, but whilfl they were eating, they perceived Giaia was coming from his eflate, and going about in that hurry to hang up the calabafh ; they did not hang it right, fo that there ran fo much water from it, as overflowed all the country, and with it came out abundance of fifh ; and hence they believe the fea had its original.» Afterwards they went and met with a man whofe name was Cone, and he was dumb.
CHAP. XI. —- What happened to the Four Brothers , when they fled from Giaia.
AS foon as they came to Baflfamanaco’s door, and found he brought cazzabi, they faid, Ahiacavo Gearocoel; that is, let us be acquainted with this grandfire of ours. So Demivan Caracaracol, feeing his brothers before him, went in to try whether he could get fome cazzabi, which is the bread they eat there. Caracaracol going into the houfe of Aiamavaco, afked fome cazzabi of him, which, as has been faid, is bread. He clapt his hand on his nofe, and threw on him a guanguaio, full of cogioba, which he had made that day, and is a fort of powder they take fometimes to purge them, and for other purpofes you fhall know hereafter. This they take through a cane half a cubit long, one end whereof they put to their nofe, and the other to the powder, and fo fnuff it up, which purges them very much. So he gave him that guanguaio inflead of bread, and leaving what he was about, went away very angry becaufe they
afked it of him..-After this, Caracaracol returned to his brothers, and told them
what had happened to him with Baiamanicoel, and the ftroke he gave him on the fhoulder with the guanguaio, and that it pained him very much. His brothers looked upon his fhoulder, and perceived it was much fwollen, which fwelling increafed fo much, that he was like to die. Therefore they endeavoured to cut it open, and could not ; but taking an inftrument of Hone, they opened it, and out came a live female
m 2 tortoife $

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.'
tortoife; fo they built their houfe, and bred up the tortoife. I underflood no more of this matter, and what we have writ fignifies but little. They fay further, that the fun and moon came out of a grotto, that is in the country of a cacique, whofe name is Maucia Tiuvel, and the grotto is called Giovovava ; and they pay a great veneration to it, and have painted it all after their fafhion, without any figure, but leaves and the like. In the faid grotto, there were two little flone cernies, about a quarter of a yard long, their hands bound, and they looked as if they fweated. Thefe cernies ■ they honoured very much ; and when they wanted rain, they fay they ufed to go vifit them, and they prefently had it. One of the cernies is by them called Boinaiel, the other Maroio.
CHAP. XII. — What their Opinion is concerning the wandering of the Dead, after what
Manner they are and what they do.
THEY hold there is a place to which the dead go, called Coaibai, and lying in a part of the ifland known by the name of Soraia. The firft that was in Coaibai, they fay was one Machetaurie Guaiava, who was lord of the faid Coaibai, the habitation and dwelling-place of the dead.
CHAP. XIII. — Of the Figure they ajfign the Dead.
THEY fay they are fhut up in the day, and walk abroad in the night; that they feed
on a certain fruit called guabazza, which tafles like-, that in the day-time they
are-, and at night were converted into fruit, and that they feafl, and go about
with the living ; and thus it is they know them : they feel their belly, and if they cannot find their navel, they fay they are dead ; for they fay the dead have no navel; and therefore they are fometimes deceived, when they do not obferve this, and lie with fome of the women of Coaibai, whom when they think they have in their arms, they have none, becaufe they vanifh of a fudden. This they frill believe as to this affair. Whilfl a man is living, they call the foul goeiz, and when dead opia, which goeiz they fay often appears to them, as well in the fhape of a man as of a woman; and they fay there have been men that would fight with it, and when they came to clofe it vanifhed, and the man clapped his arms elfewhere about fome tree, to which he clung fafl. This they believe all in general, great and fmall, and that it appears to them in the fhape of their father, mother, brother, kindred, or any other. The fruit they fay the dead feed on is about the bignefs of a quince. The dead do not appear to them in the day-time, but always at night; and therefore if any one ventures to go abroad at night, it is with great fear.
CHAP. XIV. — Whence they have this , and who makes them hold fuch an Opinion.
THERE is a fort of men among them called Bohutis, who have many juggling tricks, as we fhall fay hereafter, to make them believe they talk with the dead, that they know all their a&ions and fecrets, and when they are fick, cure them. Thus they impofe upon them, which I have feen with my own eyes ; though as to the other particulars I relate only what I have heard from many of them, efpecially the principal men, with’whom I converfed more than with others ; for thefe believe fuch fables more firmly than the others, for they have all their fuperflition sreduced into old fongs, and are dire&ed by them, as the Moors are by the Alcoran. When they fing thefe fongs
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they play upon an inftrument called maiohavan, made of wood, hollow, ftrong, yet very thin, and as long as a man’s arm; that part where they play on it is made like a fmith’s tongs, and the other end like a club, fo that it looks like a calabaffi with a long neck. This inftrument they play on, and is fo loud, that it is heard a league and a half off; and to that mufic they fing thofe fongs they have got by heart. The chief men play on it, who learn it from their infancy, and fo fing to it according to their cuftom. Let us now proceed to fpeak of many other ceremonies and cuftoms of thefe Gentiles.
CHAP. XV. — Of the Ohfcrvations of the Indian Buhuitihus ; how they profefs Phyfc t teach the People , and are often deceived in their Cures.
ALL, or moll of the people of the ifland of Hifpaniola have abundance of cemies of feveral forts: fome have their father, mother, kindred and predeceffors; fome figures cut in ftone and wood, and many of both forts, fome that fpeak, others that caufe things to grow, fome that eat, and others that caufe rain, and others that make the wind blow; which things thofe ignorant people believe the idols perform, or rather thofe devils, they having no knowledge of our holy faith. When any one is fick they bring him to buhuitihu, that is, as was faid above, the phyfician. The doctor is obliged to be dieted as the fick man is, and to look like him, which is done thus: he is to purge himfelf as the fick man does, which is done by fnuffing a certain powder, called cohoba, up his nofe, which makes him drunk, that he knows not what he does, and fo fays many extravagant things which they affirm is talking with the cemies, and that they tell them how the ficknefs came.
CHAP. XVI. — What thefe Buhuitihus do.
WHEN they go to vifit any fick body, before they fet out from their houfe, they take the foot off a pot, or pounded charcoal, and black all their face, to make the fick man believe what they pleafe concerning his diftemper. Then they take fome fmall bones, and a little fieffi, and wrapping them all up in fomething that they may not drop, put them in their mouth, the fick man being before purged with the powder aforefaid. When the phyfician is come into the fick man’s houfe, he fits down, and all perfons are filent; and if there are any children, they put them out, that they may not hinder the Buhuitihu in performing his office; nor does there remain in the houfe any but one or two of the chief perfons: being thus by themfelves, they take
fome of the herb gioia-broad, and another herb, wrapped up in the web of
an onion half a quarter long ; one of the gioias and the other they hold, and drawing it in their hands they bruife it into a pafte, and then put it in their mouths to vomit what they have eaten, that it may not hurt them; then prefently begins their fong, and lighting a torch, take the juice. This done, having flayed a little, the buhuitihu rifes up, and goes towards the fick man, who fits all alone in the middle of the houfe, as has been faid, and turns him twice about, as he thinks fit; then Hands before him, takes him by the legs, and feels his thighs, defcending by degrees to his feet; then draws hard, as if he would pull fomething off; then he goes to the door, ffiuts it, and fays, Begone to the mountain, or to the fea, or whither thou wilt; and giving a blaft, as if he blowed fomething away, turns about, claps his hands together, ffiuts his mouth, his hands quake as if he were cold, he blows on his hands, and then draws in his blaft as if fucking the marrow of a bone, fucks the fick man’s neck, ftomach, ffioulders,

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jaws, breaft, belly, and feveral other parts of his body. This done they begin to cough, and make faces, as if they had eaten fome bitter thing, and the do ft or pulls out that we faid he put into his mouth at home, or by the way, whether ftone, flefli, or bone, as above. If it is any thing eatable, he fays to the lick man, “ Take notice, you have eaten fomething that has caufed this diftemper; fee how I have taken it out of your body ; for your cemi had put it into you becaufe you did not pray to him, or build him fome temple, or give him fome of your goods.” If it be a ftone, he fays, “ Keep it fafe.” Sometimes they take it for certain, that thofe ftones are good and help women in labour; wherefore they keep them very carefully wrapped up in cotton, putting them into little balkets, giving them fuch as they have themfelves to eat, and the fame they do to the cemies they have in their houfes. Upon any folemn day, when they provide much to eat, whether filh, flelh, or any other thing, they put it all into the houfe of the cemies, that the idol may feed on it. The next day they carry all home, after the cemi has eaten. And fo God help them, as the cemi eats of that, or any other thing, they being inanimate flocks or ftones.
CHAP. XVII. — How the aforefaid Phyjlcians have been fometimes deceived.
WHEN they have done as has been faid, and yet the patient dies, if the dead man has many friends, or was lord of a territory, and can oppofe the faid buhuitihu, that is phyfician, for mean people dare not contend with them, he that would do him harm does it thus : when they would know whether the patient died through the phyfician’s fault, or whether he did not obferve what was prefcribed ; they take an herb, called gueio, whofe leaves are like balll, thick and broad, being called by another name, za- chon; they take the juice of this leaf, pare the dead man’s nails, and cut off the hair on his forehead, which they powder between two ftones, and mix with the aforefaid juice of the herb, and pour it down the dead man’s throat, or noftrils, and fo doing, alk him, whether the phyfician was the occafion of his death? and whether he obferved order? this they alk feveral times, till he fpeaks as plain as if he were alive ; fo that he anfwers to all they alk of him, faying, the buhuitihu did not obferve order, or was the. caufe of his death; and they fay, the phyfician alks him whether he is alive, and how he comes to talk fo plain ; and he anfwers he is dead. When they have known what they defire of him, they return him to his grave, whence they took him to make this enquiry., They ufe another method to know what they defired: they take the dead body and make a great lire, like that ufed for making of charcoal, and when the wood is turned into a live coal, they throw the body into that violent lire, and cover it with earth, as the colliers do the coals, where they let it lie as long as they think fit, and there alii queftions, as was faid before; who anfwers, he knows nothing. This they alk ten times, and then he fpeaks no more. They alk, whether he is dead, but he fpeaks only thofe ten times.
CHAP. XVIII. — How the Kindred of the Party departed revenge themfelves , when they have got an Anfwer by means of the Drench.
THE dead man’s kindred get together upon a day appointed, wait for the aforefaid buhuitihu, and baftinado him, till they break his legs, arms, and head, fo that he is all battered, and fo they leave him for dead. At night, they fay, there come abundance of fnakes of feveral forts, white,black, green, and of feveral other colours, which lick the faid phyfician’s face, and all his body, fo left as has been faid, and remains in that manner
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two or three days. Whilft he is thus, they fay the bones of his legs and arms knit together again, he gets up, and walks fair and foftly towards his houfe, and they that faw him afk the queftion of him, were not you dead? he anfwers, the ceinies came to his affiftance in the fhape of fnakes. The dead man’s kindred, in a rage, becaufe they thought they had revenged their relation’s death, feeing him alive, grow defperate, and endeavour to lay hold of him to put him to death ; and if they can catch him again, they put out his eyes, and bruife his tefticles; for they fay none of thefe phyficians can die, though never fo much baftinadoed, if they do not cut out his tefticles.
How they know what they deftre of him they burn , and how they take their revenge ..
When they uncover the fire, the fmoke that comes from it, rifes till they lofe fight of it, and makes a noife, as it breaks out: then it turns down again, and goes into the houfe of the buhuitihu, or phyfician: and that very moment, he that did not ob- ferve order, falls fick, is covered with fores, and all the fkin of his body flays off; and this they take for a fign that he did not do his duty, and therefore the patient died; for which reafon they endeavour to kill him, as was faid in the other cafe. Thefe are the forceries they ufe.
CHAP. XIX. — How they make and keep their wooden andJlone Cemies.
THOSE of wood are made thus: when any one is travelling he fays he fees fome tree that lhakes its root; the man, in a great fright, Hops, and afks who he is; it anfwers my name is Buhuitihu, and he will inform you who I am. The man repairing to the faid phyfician, tells him what he has feen. The wizard, or conjurer, runs immediately to fee the tree the other has told him of, fits down by it and makes it cogioba, as was faid above in the ftory of the four brothers. The cogioba being made, he Hands up, gives it all its titles, as if it were fome great lord, and alks of it, “ Tell me who you are, what you do here, what you will have with me, and why you fend for me? Tell me whether you will have me cut you, whether you will go along with me, and how you will have me carry you ; and I will build you a houfe and endow it.” Immediately that tree, or cemi, becomes an idol, or devil, anfwers, telling how he will have him do it. He cuts it into fuch a fhape as he is diredted, builds his houfe, and endows it; and makes cogioba for it feveral times in the year; which cogioba is to pray to it, to pleafe it, to alk and know of the faid cemi, what good or evil is to happen, and to beg wealth of it, When they would know whether they fhall be vidtorious over their enemies, they go into a houfe, whither none but the chief men are admitted.. The lord of them is the firft that begins to make the cogioba, and to make a noife ; whilft he does it, none of the company fpeaking till he has done. His prayer being ended, he ftands awhile with his head turned about, and his arms on his knees; then he lifts up his head, and looks towards heaven, and fpeaks. Then they all anfwer him with a loud voice, and when they have all fpoke, giving thanks, he tells the vifion he faw, being made drunk with the cogioba he fnuffed up his nofe, which flies into his head : He fays, he has talked with the cemi, and fhall obtain vidfory, or that his enemies fhall fly, or that there fhall be a great mortality, or war, or famine, or fome: fuch thing as occurs to him in his drunken fit.
Confider, what a condition their brains are in ; for they fay the houfes feem to them to be turned topfy tunry, and that the men go upon their heads. This cogioba they make for ftone and wooden cemies, as well as for the dead bodies, as has been faid
above..

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above. The ftone cemies are of feveral forts: fome there are, which, they fay, the phyficians take out of the body of the fick, and thofe they look upon as the bed to help women in labour. Others there are that fpeak, which are lhaped like a long turnip, with the leaves long and extended, like the fhrub bearing capeis. Thofe leaves for the moll part are like thofe of the elm. Others have three points, and they think they caule the giuca to thrive. Their roots are like a radifh, The leaves of giuca have at lead fix or feven points; nor do I know what to compare them to, for I have feen nothing like it in Spain or el few here. The Item of the giuca is as high as a man. Let us now fpeak of their opinions concerning the idols and cemies, and how they are deceived by them.
CHAP. XX. — Of the Cemi, Bugid, and Aiba.
THEY fay in the time ef the wars he was burnt, and afterwards being wafhed with the juice of giuca, his arms grew out again, his body fpread, and he recovered his eyes. The giuca was fmall, and they waflied it with the above-mentioned water and juice to make it grow bigger, and they affirm it made thofe fick who had made the faid cemi, becaufe they had not brought it to Giuca to eat. This cemi was called Baidrama, and when any one fell fick, they called the buhuitihu, and afked him whence the dif- temper proceeded: he anfwered, Baidrama had fent it, becaufe they had not fent him to eat by thofe that had charge of his houfe. This the buhuitihu faid, the cemi Baidrama had told him.
CHAP. XXI. — Of Guamorete 1 s Cemi.
THEY fay that when they built the houfe of Guamorete, who was a man of note, they put into it a cemi that was on the top of his other houfe, which cemi was called Corocofe; and when they had wars among themfelve, Guamorete’s enemies burnt the houfe in which this cemi Corocofe was. They fay he prefently got up, and went a bow-fhot from that place, near to a water. They further fay, that when he was on the top of the houfe, he would come down and lie with the women. That afterwards Camorefe died, and the cemi fell into the hands of another cacique, and ftill continued to lie with the women: and moreover, that he had two crowns grew on his head; for which reafon they faid, fince fuch a one has two crowns, he is certainly Corocofe’s fon; and this they looked upon as moft certain. This cemi came afterwards to another cacique, called Guatabanex, and his country is called Giacoba.
CHAP. XXII. — Of another Cemi, called Opigielguoviran, which belonged to a great Man whofe Name was Cavavaniova, who had many Subjedls.
THIS cemi Opigielguoviran, they fay, has four feet like a dog’s, and is made of wood, and that he would often at night go out of the houfe into the woods, whither they went to feek him out, and when brought home again, they bound him with cords, yet he would go away to the woods. They fay that when the Chriftians came to the ifland of Elifpaniola he broke loofe and went into a morafs, whither they followed him by the track, but never faw him fince, nor know any thing of him. As I received this, fo I deliver it.
CHAP.

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CHAP. XXIII. — Of another Cemi, called Guabancex.
THIS cemi Guabencex was in the country of a great cacique, whole name was Aumatex ; and they fay, it is a woman cemi, and has two others with it; one a crier, the other gatherer, or governor of the waters. When Guabancex is angry, they fay, it raifes the winds and waters, overthrows houfes, and Ihakes the trees. This cemi they fay, is a female, and made of Hones of that country. The other two cemies that are with it, are called, one of them Guatauva, and is a crier, that by order of Guabancex, makes proclamation for all the other cemies of that province to help to raife a high wind, and caufe much rain, The other is, Coatrifchie, who they fay, gathers the waters in the vallies among the mountains, and then lets them loofe-to deftroy the country. This they believe as moft certain.
CHAP. XXIV. — Their belief of another Cemi , called Faraguvaol.
THIS cemi belongs to a principal cacique of the ifland of Hifpaniola, is an idol, has feveral names, and was found as you (hall now hear. They fay, that on a certain day in part times, before the ifland was difcovered, they know not how long fince, being abroad a hunting, they found a certain creature; they ran back, and that got into a ditch ; looking into it, they faw a beam, which looked like a thing that had life in it. The huntfman feeing it, ran to his lord, who was a cacique, and father to Gua- raionel, telling him what he had feen. They went thither, and found the thing as the huntfman had given information, and taking that log, they built a houfe to it. They fay it went out of that houfe feveral times, and returned to the place whence they brought it, not exactly to the fame fpot, but near it; for the aforefaid lord, and his fon Guaraionel, ordering it to be fought out, found it hid; and that another time they bound and put it in a fack, and yet bound as it was, it went away as before. Thole ignorant people look upon this as undoubted truth.
CHAP. XXV. — Of thofe 'Things they affirm were reported by two principal Caciques of the ijland Hifpaniola; one of them called Cazziva, father to the aforefaid Guaraionel ; the other Gamanacoei.
THAT great lord, who, they fay, is in heaven, at the beginning of the book, is this Cazziva, who kept a fort of abftinence here, which all of them generally perform ; for they lhut themfelves up fix or feven days,, without taking any fultenance but the juice of herbs, with which they alfo walh themfelves. After this time they begin to eat fomething that is nourilhing. During the time they have been without eating, weaknefs makes them fay, they have feen fomething they earneftly defired, for they all perform that abftinence in honour of the cemies, to know whether they lhall obtain victory over their enemies, or to acquire wealth, or any other thing they defire. They fay, this cacique affirmed he had fpoke with Giocauvaghama, who told him, that whofoever furvived him, would not long enjoy his power, becaufe they ffiould fee a people clad in their country, who would rule over, and kill them, and they lhould die for hunger. They thought at firft, thefe lhould be the canibals, but afterwards confidering, that they only plundered and fled, they believed it was fome other people the cemi fpoke of; and now they believe it is the admiral and thofe that came with him. Now I will give an account of what I faw and knew, when F. Roman, a poor VOL. xii. N anchorite,

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anchorite, went to the province Madalena, to a fort built by D. Chriftopher Colon, admiral, viceroy, and governor of the iflands and continent of the Indies, for their majefties King Ferdinand and Queen Ifabel. I being in that fort, with Arriaga, appointed governor of it by the aforefaid viceroy D. Chriftopher Colon, it pleafed God to give the light of his faith to a whole family of ill principled people of that province of Madalena, which province was called Maroris, and the lord of it Guavaouvionel, that is, fon of Guavaenechin. In the faid houfe are his fervants, and retainers, whofe furname is Giahuvavariu, and were in all fixteen perfons, all relations, and among them five brothers. Of thefe one died, and the other four were baptized; and I believe, they died martyrs, for fo it appeared by the manner of their death and their con- ftancy. The firft that received baptifm was an Indian called Guaticava, afterwards John. This was the firft Chriftian that fuffered a cruel death, and to me he feems to have died a martyr; for I have heard from fome that were by when he died, that he faid, Dio aboridacha , Dio aboridacha , that is, I am God’s fervant. So died his brother Anthony, and another with him, faying the fame words. All the people of this houfe attended me, to do whatfoever I pleafed. Such as are left alive at this day, are now Chriftians, by means of D. Chriftopher Colon, viceroy and governor of the Indies, and by the grace of God they are very numerous at prefent.
Let us now fay what happened in the province of Madalena. When I was there, the aforefaid lord admiral came to the affiftance of Arriaga and fome Chriftians, be- fieged by the fubjecls of a principal cacique, called Caovalto. The admiral told ine, that the language of the province Madalena Maroris was different from the reft, and not underftood in all parts of the country; and therefore bid me go and refide with another principal cacique, called Guarionex, lord of many fubje&s, whofe language was underftood all over the illand. In obedience to his orders, I went to refide with the faid Guarionex. True it is, I faid to D. Chriftopher Colon, my lord, why will you have me go to live with Guarionex, when I know no language but that of Maroris ? Be pleafed to give leave that one of thofe Nobuircis, (who were afterwards Chriftians, and knew both the languages) may go along with me ; which he granted, and bid me carry whom I pleafed ; and it pleafed God to give me for a companion, the belt of the Indians, and who was belt inftructed in the Catholic faith ; and afterwards took him from me; God be praifed who gave and took him away; for indeed, I looked upon him as a good child and a brother ; and it was that Guaica- vanu, who was afterwards a Chriftian, and called John. What happened to us there I fliall not relate, and how I and Guaicavanu went to Ifabella, where we waited for the admiral, till he returned from the relief of Madalena. As foon as he came, we went where he had ordered, with one John de Aguada, who had the command of a fort, which D. Chriftopher Colon had built, half a league from the place where we were to refide. The admiral commanded the faid John de Aguada to allow us fuch provifions as there were in the fort, which is called the Conception. We continued with that cacique, Guarionex, almoft two years, inftrutting him in our faith, and the manners of Chriftians. At firft he appeared well inclined, and gave fome hopes of complying and becoming a Chriftian, bidding us teach him the Lord’s prayer, the creed, and all other Chriftian prayers, which many in his houfe learnt; and he faid his prayers every morning, and caufed all his family to do fo twice a day; yet afterwards he fell off from his good purpofe, through the fault of fome of the principal men of that country, who blamed him for fubmitting to the law of Chrift, fince the Chriftians were ill men, and drove them out of their country by force. Therefore they ad- vifed him never to mind any thing that belonged to the Chriftians; but that he Ihould
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join and confpire with them for their deftruction, becaufe they could not fatisfy them, and were refolved to fubmit no longer. Thus he fell off from his good beginning, and we perceiving he neglefted what he had learnt, refolved to depart thence, and go where we might be more fuccefsful in inftructing the Indians in the faith. We therefore went away to another principal cacique, who (hewed a favourable inclination, faying, he would be a Chriftian ; his name was Maviatue.
Accordingly we fet out to go to the faid Maviatue’s country; I F. Roman Pane, poor anchorite, and F. John Borgognon of the order of St. Francis, and John Matthew the firft that was baptized in Hifpaniola.
The fecond day after we fet out from the town and habitation of Guarionex, to go to the other cacique, called Maviatue; we found Guarionex’s people building a houfe near the houfe of prayer, where we left fome piftures for the catecumens, to kneel and pray before them. Thefe were the mother, brothers, and kindred, of the afore- faid John Matthew, the firft Chriftian; afterwards feven more joined them, and at laft all the family became Chriftians, and perfevered in the faith; fo that all the afore- faid family was left to keep that houfe of prayer, and fome lands I had caufed to be tilled. They being fo left to keep the houfe, two days after we were gone towards the aforefaid Maviatue, fix men went to the aforefaid houfe of prayer, left in the cuftody of the feven catecumens, and by order of Guarionex, told them, they fhould take thofe pictures, left by F. Roman, and deftroy them, fince he and his companion were gone, and they knew not what was become of them. Thefe fix fervants of Guarionex found fix children keeping the houfe of prayer, who being fo inftrudted, faid, they fhould not come in; but they went in by force, took the pictures, and carried them away.
CHAP. XXVI. — What became of the Pictures, and a Miracle God wrought to Jhew
his Power.
THESE men being gone out of the houfe, threw the pictures down, covered them with earth, and piffed upon them, faying, now you will yield much fruit. This they faid, becaufe they buried them in a field that was fown, faying, what grew there would be good; but this they did in fcorn. The children that were keeping the houfe by order of the catecumens, feeing this, they ran to their friends who were upon their lands, and told them, that Guarionex’s men had abufed and fcorned the pictures; which they underftanding, left what they were about, and ran crying out to give an account of it to D. Bartholomew Colon, who was then governor, his brother being gone into Spain. He, as lieutenant to the viceroy, proceeded againft the offenders, and having convicted them publickly, burnt them. This did not deter Guarionex and his fubjects, from their defign of murdering all the Chriftians on the day when they were to bring in their tribute; but the confpiracy was difcovered, and they apprehended on the fame day they were to put it in execution. Still they held on their refolution, and accordingly killed four Spaniards, befides John Matthew and his brother Anthony, who had been baptized; and running where they had hid the pi&ures, tore them in pieces. Some days after, the owner of that field went to dig up his agi’s, which are certain roots like turnips, and fome like radifhes; and in the place where the pictures had been buried, two or three agi’s were grown in the fhape of a crofs, as if they had been ftuck one through another ; nor could any man find this crofs, but only the mother of Guarionex, who was the worft woman I knew in thofe parts, who looked upon this as a great miracle, and faid to the commander of
n 2 the

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
9 2
the fort of the Conception, this miracle has been {hewn by God, where the images were found : God knows to what end.
Let us now give an account, how they were converted that firft became Chrif- tians, and how much will be requifite to convert them all. To fay the truth, that ifland Hands in much need of people to punilh the lords, when they will not fuffer their people to be inftru&ed in the faith; for they have nothing to fay againlt it, which I can with truth maintain, becaufe it has coft me much labour to know it; as I am fadsfied may be gathered by what has been faid hitherto ; and a word to the wife is enough.
The firft Chriftians were thofe we have beforementioned in the ifland of Hifpa- niola, that is, Gianauvariu, in whofe houfe there were feventeen perfons who all became Chriftians, only giving them to underftand, that there is one God, who has made all things, and created heaven and earth, without any further arguments or controverfy ; for they were eafy of belief. With others there muft be force and ingenuity ufed, for all of them are not alike; forafmuch, as if thofe had a good beginning and a better end, they were none of thofe others that begin well, and then fall off from what has been taught them ; and therefore there is need of force and punifliment.
The firft that received baptifm in the ifland Hifpaniola, was John Matthew, who was baptized on the feaft of St. Matthew the evangelift, in the year 1496, and after him all his family; where were many Chriftians, and a greater progrefs had been made, had they been inftructed in the faith, and the Spaniards been in a condition to keep them under. And if any one Ihould alk, why I make this fo eafy a matter ? I fay, it is becaufe I know it by experience, efpecially in the perfon of a principal cacique, called Mahuviativire, who has continued now for three years in his good purpofe, faying, he will be a Chriftian, and have but one wife; for they ufed to have two or three, and the great men twenty five or thirty. This is what I could learn and find out as to the cuftoms and ceremonies of the Indians of Hifpaniola, with all the pains I have taken; wherein I expect no fpiritual nor temporal advantage. May it pleafe our Lord, if this turns to his honour and fervice, to give me his grace to perfevere; and if it muft fall out otherwife, may he deprive me of my under- ftanding.
The End of the Work of the poor Anchorite Roman Pane.
CHAP. LXIII. — How the Admiral returned to Spain to give their Majejlies an Account
of the Condition he left the Ifland in.
\
TO return to the main fubjeft of our hiftory; I fay, the admiral having brought the ifland into a peaceable condition, and built the town of Ifabella, befides three forts about the country, he refolved to ■ return into Spain, to acquaint their Catho- lick Majefties with feveral matters he thought convenient for their fervice; but particularly becaufe of many malicious flanderers, who through envy ceafed not to give the king a falfe information of the affairs of the Indies, to the great prejudice and difhonour of the admiral and his brothers. For thefe reafons he went on board on Thurfday the 10th of March 1496, with 225 Spaniards and 30 Indians, failed from Ifabella about break of day, and turned it along the coaft with two caravals, one called Santa Cruz, the other Nina, the fame he went in to difcover the ifland of Cuba. On Tuefday the 22d of March he loft fight of the eaft point of Hifpaniola, holding on to his

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
93
his courfe eaftward as the wind would permit. But the wind for the moil part continuing at eaft, on the 6th of April, finding his provifions fell fliort, and his men were weary and difcouraged, he fell off towards the fouth to the Caribbee iflands, and came up with them in three days, anchoring at Marigalante on Saturday the 9th of April. The next day, though it was not his cuftom to weigh anchor on a Sunday, when in any port, he fet fail, becaufe his men muttered, faying, when they were to feek their bread, they needed not fo ftri<ftly obferve days. So he anchored at the ifland Guadaloupe, and fending the boats well-manned alhore, before they came to land, abundance of women came out of a wood, with bows and arrows and feathers, as if they would defend their ifland. For this reafon, and becaufe the fea ran fomewhat high, thofe in the boats kept aloof, and fent two Indian women, they brought from Hifpaniola, alhore fwimming, of whom thofe other women particularly inquired concerning the C.hriftians; and underftanding they only defired provifions in exchange for fuch things as they had, bid them go with their Ihips to the north- fide, where their hulbands were, who would furnilh them with what they wanted. The Ihips failing clofe under the Ihore, faw abundance of people come down to the Ihore with bows and arrows, who let fly upon our men with great cries, though in vain, for their arrows fell Ihort. But perceiving the boats full of men were going alhore, the Indians went back into an ambulh, and when our men drew near, came out to hinder their landing, till being frighted with the cannon fired at them from the Ihips, they fled to the wood, leaving their houfes and goods, where the Chrif- tians took and deftroyed all they found. Being acquainted with the way of making bread, they fell to work, and made enough to fupply their want. Among other things they found in the houfes, there were great parrots, honey, wax and iron, whereof they had hatchets to cut, and looms like thofe for tapeftry-work, in which they weave their tents. Their houfes were fquare, and not round, as is ufual in the . other iflands. In one of them was found the arm of a man roafting upon a fpit. Whilft the bread was making, the admiral fent forty men up the country, to learn fomething of it ; who the next day returned with ten women and three boys, the reft of the people being fled. Among thefe women, was the wife of a cacique, whom a Canaryman, that was very nimble, had much difficulty to overtake; and lhe had got from him, but that feeing him alone, lhe thought to take him, and clofing lhe got him down, and had ftifled him, but that others came in to his afliftance. Thefe women’s legs are fwathed with cotton from the ancle to the knee, that they may look thick, which ornament they call coiro, and look upon it as very genteel; and they gird fo hard, that if it happen to flip off the leg, that part appears very thin. The fame both men and women ufe in Jamaica, who fwathe their arms up to the arm-pits, that is, about the fmalleft parts like the old fafhioned fleeves ufed among us. Thefe women are alfo exceflive fat, and there were fome thicker than a man could grafp. As foon as children can ftand upon their legs and walk, they give them a bow, that they may learn to Ihoot; and they all wear their hair long and loofe upon their Ihoulders, nor do they cover any part of the body. That lady they took,' laid, the ifland was only inhabited by women, and that thofe who would have hindered the men landing were women, except only four men, who were there accidentally from another ifland; for at a certain time in the year they come to fport, and lie with them. The fame was obferved by the women of another ifland, called Matrimonio, of whom lhe gave the fame account we read of the Amazons ; and the admiral believed it by what he faw among thofe women, and becaufe of the courage and ftrength that appeared in them. They alfo fay, thofe women feem to be endowed with clearer
under-

94 '.LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
underltandings than thofe of the other iflands; for in other places they only reckon the day by the fun, and the night by the moon; whereas thefe women reckoned by other ftars, faying, when the Charles Wain rifes, or fuch a liar is north, then it is time to do fo and fo.
CHAP. LXIV. — The Admiral fails from the Ifland Guadaloupe for Spain.
WHEN they had made provifion of bread for twenty days, befides what they had aboard, the admiral refolved to continue his voyage towards Spain ; but perceiving that ifland “was an inlet to the others, he thought fit firft to fatisfy thofe women with fome gifts, in fatisfaction for the lofs they had fuftained, and therefore fent them all alhore, except the chief lady, who chofe to go into Spain with her daughter, among the other Indians of the ifland Hifpaniola, one of whom was Cuonabo, who, it has been faid, was the chief man in all the ifland, and that becaufe he was not a native of it, but of the Caribbees, and therefore that lady was content to go into Spain with the admiral. He having furnifhed himfelf with bread, wood, and water, fet fail on Wednefday the 20th of April from Guadaloupe, with the wind very fcant, keeping near the latitude of 22 degrees ; for at that time they had not found out the method of running away north to meet the fouth-weft winds.
Having made but little way, and the Ihips being full of people, on the 20th of May, they all began to be much afflicted for want of provifions, which was fo great, that they had but fix ounces of bread a day for each, and lefs than a pint of water, without any thing elfe. And though there were eight or nine pilots in thofe two Ihips, yet none of them knew where they were ; but the admiral was confident they were but a little weft of the Azores, whereof he gives an account in his journal thus.
This morning the Dutch compafles varied, as they ufed to do, a point; and thofe of Genoa, that ufed to agree with them, varied but a very little, but afterwards failing eaft vary more, which is a fign we are one hundred leagues, or fomewhat more, welt of the Azores; for when we were juft one hundred, there were but a few fcattered weeds in the fea; and the Dutch needles varied a point, thofe of Genoa cutting the north point; and when we are fomewhat farther eaft-north-eaft, they will alter again ; which was verified on Sunday following, being the 2 2d of May; by which, and the exactnefs of his account, he found he was one hundred leagues from the iflands Azores, which he was furprized at, and afligned this difference to the feveral forts of load-ftones the needles are made by; for till they come juft to that longitude, they all varied a point, and there fome held it; and thofe of Genoa exactly cut the north-ftar. The fame was yet farther demonftrated the next day, being the 24th of May. Thus continuing their voyage, though all the pilots went like blind men, on Wednefday the 8th of June, they came in fight of Odemira, between Lilbon and Cape St. Vincent, all the pilots for feveral days having ftill made for the land, except the admiral, who the night before flacked his fails for fear of land, faying, he did fo becaufe they were near cape St. Vincent, which all laughed at; fome of them affirming they were in the Englilh channel, and thofe that erred Ieaft, faid, they were on the coaft of Gallicia, and therefore ought not to take in any fail, it being better to die afhore than ftarve miferably at fea, the fcarcity being fo great, that there were many, who, like the canibals, were for eating the Indians they had aboard; and others, to fave the little provifion there was left, were for throwing them overboard; which they would have done, had not the admiral ufed all his authority to prevent it, confidering they were human creatures, and therefore ought not to be worfe ufed than the reft j and fo it pleafed God to reward
him

LITE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
95
him with the fight of land next morning, as he had promifed them all, for which reafon he was afterwards looked upon by the feamen as molt expert, and almoft prophetical in fea affairs.
CHAP. LXV. — How the Admiral went to Court , and their Gatholick Majejlies fet
him out again for the Indies.
THE admiral being landed in Spain, began to prepare for his journey to Burgos, where he was favourably received by Their Catholic Majefties, who were there celebrating the nuptials of Prince John their fon, who married Margaret of Auftria, daughter to Maximilian the Emperor, who was conduced into Spain, and received by moft of the nobility, and the greateft appearance of perfons of quality that had ever been feen together in Spain. But though I was prefent as page to Prince John, I ihall not mention the particulars of this folemnity, as well becaufe it does not belong to our hiflory, as becaufe Their Highneffes hiftoriographers have doubtlefs taken care to do it. Therefore to return to what concerns the admiral, I fay, that being come to Burgos, he prefented Their Majefties with feveral things he brought as famples from the Indies, as well birds and beafts, as trees, plants, inftruments and other things the Indians ufe. for their fervice and diver ft on; alfo feveral girdles and mafks, with eyes and ears of plates of gold, befides much gold fand, grofs and fmall, as nature produced it: fome grains as big as vetches, fome as beans, and fome as pigeons eggs. This was not afterwards fo much valued, becaufe in progrefs of time, there were pieces of gold found that weighed above thirty pounds. Yet at this time what he brought was much valued, in hopes of what was hoped for, and accordingly Their Majefties received it in good part. When the admiral had given them an account of all that related to the improving and peopling the Indies; he was deftrous to return with fpeed, for fear fome dil’after ihould happen in his abfence, efpecially becaufe he had left the people there in great want of all neceffaries. Though he preffed hard on this account, yet the affairs of that court being fubject to delays, he could not be fo foon difpatched, but that ten or twelve months elapfed before he obtained two fhips, which were fent before with fuccours under the command of Peter Fernandez Coronel. Thefe fet out in February 1498, and the admiral ftayed to negociate the obtaining fuch a fleet as was requifite for him to return to the Indies. But he was forced to ftay above a year at Burgos and at Medina del Campo; where, in the year 1499, Their Catholic Majefties granted him many favours, and gave the neceffary orders for his affairs, and for the government, and fettling of the Indies. Whereof I here make mention, that it may appear how ready Their Catholic Majefties were as yet to reward his merits and fervice, and how much they afterwards altered, through the falfe informations of malicious and envious perfons, infomuch as to fuffer the wrongs to be done him, which we fhall give an account of hereafter. But to return to his departure from court to Seville, there the fitting out of the fleet was retarded much longer than was convenient, through the negligence and ill management of the King’s officers, and particularly of D. John de Fonfeca, arch-deacon of Seville. Whence it proceeded, that the faid D. John, who was afterwards bifhop of Burgos, ever was an utter enemy to the admiral and his affairs, and was chief of thofe that brought him into difgrace with Their Catholic Majefties. And to the end that D. James my brother and I, who had ferved as pages to Prince John, who was now dead, might not fuffer by his delays, nor be abfent from court, till the time of his departure; he fent us, on the 2d of November 1497,from Seville, to ferve ftill as pages to Her Majefty Queen Ifabel, or Elizabeth, of glorious memory.
CHAP.

9 6
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
CHAP. LXVI. — The Admiral Jets out from Spain to difcover the Continent of Paria.
THE admiral forwarding his expedition with all poffible care, on the 30th of May 1498, fet fail from the bay of St. Lucar de Berrameda, with fix fhips loaded with provisions and other neceffaries, for the relief of the planters in Hifpaniola, and peopling of that ifland.
On the 7th of June he arrived at the ifland of Puerto Santo, where he heard mafs, and ftaid to take in wood and water, and what elfe he flood in need of; yet that fame night failed away towards Madeira, whither he came on Sunday the 9 th of June, and there at the town of Fonchal, was courteoufly received and treated by the governor of that ifland, with whom he ftaid to provide himfelf farther till Saturday in the afternoon, when he failed, and on Wednefday the i 9 th of June arrived at Gomera, where there was a French {hip that had taken three Spaniards; who feeing the admiral’s fquadron, weighed and flood to fea with them. The admiral fuppofmg they had been merchant fhips, and fled, believing him to be a Frenchman, took no care to purfue, till when they were at a great diftance, he was informed what they were, and fent after them three of his fhips; for fear of which the French left one of the fhips they had taken, and fled with the other two, fo that the admiral could not fetch them up. They might have carried the other off too, had they not forfaken it; for when the admiral appeared in the port, in the confternation they were in, they had not time to man it; fo that there being but four Frenchmen aboard, and fix Spaniards of thofe that had been taken in it; thefe feeing the afliftance coming to them, clapt the French under hatches, and returned to the port, where the fhip was reftored to its mafter; and the French had fuffered, but that D. Alvaro de Lugo the governor, and all the ifland interceded for them, who begged them to exchange for fix of their men the French had carried away, which the admiral granted. Still haftening on his way, he failed for the ifland Ferro on Thurfday the 21ft of June. There he refolved to fend away three of his fix fhips to Hifpaniola, and to fail away with the reft towards the iflands of Capo Verde; thence to fail directly over, and difcover the. continent. He therefore appointed a captain over each fhip, of thofe he fent to Hifpaniola, one of which was Peter de Arana, coufin to that Arana who died in Hifpaniolathe fecond, Alonza Sancher de Carvagal; and the third, one John Anthony Colon, his own kinfman ; to whom he gave particular in (traction, that each of them fhould command a week in his turn. This done, he fet out for the iflands of Capo Verde, and thofe captains for Hifpaniola. But that climate he was then entering upon being unhealthy at that time, he had a terrible fit of the gout in one leg, and four days after he fell into a violent fever; yet notwithftanding his ficknefs, he was ftill himfelf, and diligently obferved the way the fhip made, the alterations of the weather that happened, as he had done fince his firft voyage.
On Wednefday the 25th of June he difcovered the ifland de Sal, one of thofe of Capo Verde; pafling by it, he came to another called Boa Vi ft a, a name remote from the truth, for it fignifies a good fight, and the place is dull and wretched. Here he caft anchor in a channel near a fmall ifland on the weft fide of it, near to where there are fix or feven houfes of the inhabitants for perfons troubled with the leprofy, who came thither to be cured. And as failors rejoice when they difcover land, fo do thefe wretches much more,- when they fee any fhips. Therefore they prefently ran down to the fhore, to fpeak to thofe the admiral fent afhore in the boats to take in water and fait, there being alfo abundance of goats there. Underftanding they were Spaniards,
the

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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the Portuguefe who had charge of the ifland for the owner, went aboard to fpeak to the admiral, and offer him all he demanded; for which the admiral thanked him, ordered him to be well treated, and fome provifion given him, becaufe by ^eafon of the barrennefs of the ifland, they always live miferably. The admiral being defirous to know what method they ufed to cure the lepers, that man told him, that the temperature of the air was one main caufe of it; and the next was their diet, becaufe there came thither a vaft number of tortoifes, on which the fick feed, and anoint themfelves with their blood, and continuing it a fhort time they recover ; but that thofe who are born infected with this diftemper are longer a curing. That the reafon of having fo many tortoifes, was the fhores being all fandy, whither the tortoifes, in the months of June, July, and Auguft, came over from the fhore of Africk, moft of them as big as an ordinary target, and that every night they came up to fleep and lay their eggs on the fand; that, the people went along the fhore in the night with lanthorns or other light, feeking the track the tortoife leaves on the fand, which they follow till they find the fifh; which deing tired with coming fo far, fleeps fo found that it hears not its enemy. He having found and turned his belly up, without doing any more harm, goes on to feek more; for when turned, they cannot ftir from the place, or recover their feet. Having got as many as they think fit, they come again in the morning to chufe thofe they like beft ; and letting go the lead, carry away the others to eat. So wretchedly do the fick live, without any other employment or fuftenance, the ifland being very dry and barren, without trees or fprings, fo that they drink of certain wells whole water is thick and brackifh. Thofe who had charge of the ifland, which were only that man and four more, had no other employment, but only to kill goats and fait them to fend into Portugal. He faid, there were l’uch multitudes of thefe goats on the mountains, that fome years they killed to the value of thtee or four thoufand ducats; and that they all came from eight goats, carried thither by the proprietor of the ifland, whofe name was Roderick Alfonfo, the King of Portugal’s fecretary of the cufloms. That very often the hunters are four or five months without bread, or any other thing to eat, except goats’ flefh and fifh; for which reafon he made great account of the provifion he had given him. That man and his companions, with fome of the admiral’s men, went out a goat-hunting ; but perceiving it required much time to kill all he had need of, he would flay no longer, being in great hafte.
On Saturday the 30th of June he failed for the ifland of Santiago, the chief of Capo Verde, where he arrived the next day in the evening, and anchored near a church, fending afhore to buy fome cows and bulls to carry alive to Hifpaniola: yet obferving it was a difficult matter to furnifh himfelf fo foon as he defired, and how prejudicial delays were to him, he refolved to flay no longer; and the more for fear his men ffiould ficken, that country being unhealthy. He fays, that all the while he was at that ifland, he never faw the fky nor any flar; but there was always a thick hot fog, infomuch that three parts of the inhabitants were fick, and they all of them had a bafe colour.
CHAP. LXVII. — How the Admiralfailed from the IJlands of Capo Verde, to difcover the Continent; of the violent Heat he endured, and great Brightnefs of the North-Star.
ON Thurfday the 5th of July the admiral left the ifland of Santiago, failing fouth- weft, with a refolution to hold that courfe till he was under the equinoctial, and then to fleer due weft, that he might find fome other land, or crofs over to Hifpaniola. But the currents among thofe iflands fetting violently towards the north and north- vol. xji. o weft,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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weft, he could not fail as he defigned; fo that he fays, on Saturday the 7th of July he was ftill in fight of the illand of Fogo, which is one of thofe of Capo Verde; which, he fays,'’’-is very high land on the fouth fide; and at a diftance, looks like a great church, with a fteeple at the eaft end, which is a vaft high rock; whence before the eaft winds blow, there ufually breaks out much fire ; as is feen at Tenerif, Veftivius, and mount iEtna. From this laft country of Chriftians he held on his courfe fouth- weft, till he came into only five degrees of north latitude, where he was becalmed, having been till then continually attended by the fog we mentioned above. The calm lafted eight days, with fuch violent heat, that it almoft burnt the fhips j and there was no man could abide under deck, and had it not rained fometimes, and the fun been clouded, he thought they would have been burnt alive, together with the fhips; for the firft day of the calm, which was fair, the heat was fo violent, that nothing could withftand it, had not God miraculoufly relieved them with the aforefaid rain and fog. Having therefore got off a little to the northward, into feven degrees of latitude, he refolved not to make any more to the fouth, but fail due weft,, at leaft till he faw how the weather fettled; becaufe he had loft many calks with the great heat; the hoops flew, and the corn and all provifions were fcorched up. About the middle of July, he fays, he very carefully took the latitude, and found a wonderful difference between that and the parallel of the Azores. For there, when the Charles’s Wain was on the right, that is, eaft, then the North-Star was loweft, and from that time began to rife; fo that when the Charles’s Wain was over head, the North-Star was two degrees and an half higher, and being once paffed that, began again to defcend the fame five degrees it afcended. This, he fays, he obferved feveral times very carefully, the weather being very fit for that purpofe. But that where he was at this time in the torrid zone, it happened quite contrary ; for when the Charles’s Wain was in its greateft elevation, he found the North-Star fix degrees high ; and when the Charles’s Wain came to the weft, in fix hours fpace he found the North-Star eleven degrees high ; and then in the morning, when the Charles’s Wain was quite depreffed, though it could not be feen becaufe of the inclination of the pole, the North-Star was fix degrees high, fo that the difference was ten degrees, and it made a circle, whofe diameter was ten degrees, whereas in the other place it made but five, lowering the pofition; for there it is loweft when the other is weft, and here when in its elevation. The reafon of it he thought very difficult to comprehend; and not being completely mafter of it, without farther reflections on it, he fays, he is of opinion, that in what relates to the circumference of the ftar’s orb, it may be faid, that at the equinoctial the full appears, and the nearer a man goes to the pole it feems the lefs, becaufe the heaven is more oblique. As for the variation, 1 believe the ftar has the quality of all the four quarters, as has the needle, which if touched to the eaft fide points to the eaft, and fo of th,e weft, north, and fouth; and therefore he that makes the compafs, covers the load-ftone with a cloth, all but. the north part of it, viz. that which has the virtue to make the fteel point north.
CHAP. LXV 1 II. — j How the Ad?niral difcovered the Jjland of the Trinity , and faw
the Continent.
ON Tuelday the laft day of July 1498, the admiral having failed many days weft, infomuch, that in his judgment, the Caribbee iflands were north of him, he refolved not to hold that courfe any longer, but to make for Hifpaniola, not only becaufe he was in great want of water, but alfo becaufe all his provifions perifhed, and he was
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afraid left during his abfence mutiny or diforder had happened among the people he left there, as in effeft there had, as we lhall Ihew hereafter. Therefore altering his courfe from the weft, he flood north, thinking to light on fome of the Caribbee illands, there to refrefh his men, and take in wood and water, whereof he had great want.
As he was thus failing one day about noon, Alonzo Perez Nirando, a failor of the town of Gullva, going up to the round-top, faw land to the weftward at about fifteen leagues diftance, and there appeared three mountains all at the fame time; but not long after they perceived the fame land ftretched out towards the north-eaft, as far as the eye could reach, and that did not feem to be the end. Having given thanks to God, faid the Salve Regina , and other prayers the feamen ufe in time of diftrefs or joy, the admiral called that land the ifland of the Trinity; as well becaufe he had before thoughts of giving that name to the firft land that he found, as in return, becaufe it had pleafed God to fhew him three mountains all together, as has been faid. He failed due weft, to make a cape that appeared to the fouth of him, and making for the fouth fide of the ifland, till he came to an anchor, five leagues beyond a point, which he called de la Galera, or of the galley, becaufe of a a rock that lay near the point, and at a difiance looked like a galley under fail. Having now but one cafk of water for all his fhip’s crew, and the other fhips being in the fame condition, there being no conveniency here to take in any, on Wednefday following in the morning he continued his courfe ftill weft, and call anchor at another point, which he called de la Plaga, or, of the Strand, where the people landed, and took water, in a delicate brook, without feeing any town or people there; though along the coaft they left behind, they had feen many houfes and towns. True it is, they found the tokens of fifhermen, who had fled, leaving behind them fome of their fifhing tackle. They alfo faw the prints of the feet of beafts, which feemed to be of goats, and faw the bones of one, but the head being without horns, they thought it might be of fome catamountain, or monkey, as they afterwards found it to be, feeing abundance of thofe cats in Paria. This fame day, being the firft of Auguft, failing between cape Galera and that of la Plaga fouthwards, they difcovered the continent, about twenty-five leagues diftance, as they gueffed; but they thinking it another ifland, called it Ifla Santa, or Holy Ifland. The land they faw of the Trinity, between the two points, was thirty leagues in length eaft and weft, without any harbour; but all the country very pleafant with trees down to the fea, and abundance of towns. This fpace they ran in a very fhort time, becaufe the current of the fea fet fo very violent weftward, that it looked like a rapid river both day and night, and at all hours, notwithftanding the tide flowed, and ebbed along the fhore above forty paces, as happens at St. Lucar de Berrameda, when there are floods; for though the water rife and fall never fo much, yet it never ceafes running towards the fea.
CHAP. LXIX. — How the Admiral failed to the Cape , called Puntal del Arenal , and
a Canoo came out to talk to him.
PERCEIVING they could have no account of the people of the country at this cape, and that there was no conveniency of taking water, without exceflive labour, and there was no conveniency of careening the fhips and getting provifions, the next being the fecond of Auguft, the admiral went on to another point of land, which feemed to be moft wefterly in that ifland, and called it del Arenal, where he came to an anchor, thinking the eafterly winds which reign there would not be fo troublefome
o 2 to

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.LIKE OE COLON, BY HIS SON.
to the boats in going backwards and forwards. On the way before they came to this point, a canoo began to follow them with twenty-five men in it, and flopped at about a cannon fhot diftance, calling out and talking very loud. Nothing could be underflood, though it was fuppofed they inquired who our men were, and whence they came, as the other Indians ufed to do at firfl. There being no poffibility of perfuading them with any words to come aboard, they began to fhew them feveral things, that they might covet to have them, fuch as little brafs bafons, looking-glaffes, and other things the reft of the Indians ufed to make great account of. But though this drew them a little, yet they foon flopped again ; and therefore the more to allure them, the admiral ordered one to get upon the poop with a tabor and pipe, and fome young fellows to dance. As foon as the Indians faw it, they put themfelves into a pofture of defence, laying hold of their targets, and fhooting their arrows at thofe that danced, who, by the admiral’s command, that thofe people might not go unpunifhed, or contemn the Chriftians, leaving their dance began to fhoot with their crofs bows, fo that they were glad to draw off, and made to another caraval, clapping clofe to its fide without any apprehenfion. The pilot of the fhip went over into the canoo, and gave them fome things they were very well pleafed with, and faid, if they had been afhore they would have brought him bread from their houfes, and fo they went towards land ; nor would they in the fhip flop ever a one, for fear of difpleafing the admiral. The account they gave of them was, that they were well-fhaped people, and whiter than thofe of the other iflands; and that they wear their hair long, like women, bound with fmall firings, and covered their privities with little clouts.
CHAP. LXX. — Of the Danger the Ships were in, entering the Mouth of the Channel , they called Boca del Drago, or the Dragon's Mouth ; and how Paria was difeovered, being the JirJl Difcovery on the Continent.
AS foon as the fhips had anchored at Punto del Arenal, the admiral fent the boats afhore for water, and to get fome information of the Indians; but they could do neither, that country being very low, and unpeopled. He therefore ordered them the next day to dig trenches on the ifland, and by good luck they found them ready made, and full of excellent water, and it was thought the fifhermen had made them. Having taken what they wanted, the admiral refolved to proceed on to another mouth or channel which appeared towards the north-weft, which he afterwards called Boca del Drago, or the Dragon’s Mouth, to diflinguifh it from that where he was, to which he had given the name of Boca de la Sierpe, or the Serpent’s Mouth. Thefe two mouths or channels, like the Dardanelles, were made by the two wefterinoft points of the Trinity ifland, and two others of the continent, and lay almoft north and fouth of one another. In the midft of that, where the admiral anchored, was another rock, which he called El Gallo, that is the Cock. Through this mouth, he called Boca de Sierpe, the water continually ran fo furioufly northward, as if it had been the mouth of fome great river, which was the reafon of giving it that name, becaufe of the fright it put them into. For as they lay very fecurely at anchor, there came a ftronger flream.of water than ufual, with a hideous noife, running through that mouth northward. And another current running out of the gulph now called Paria, oppofite to that before- mentioned, they met with hideous roaring, and caufed the fea to fwell up like a high .mountain, or ridge of hills along that channel, which mountain foon came towards the fhips, to the great terror of all men, fearing they fhould over-fet. But it pleafed God * it paffed under, or rather lifted them up without doing any harm, though it drew the
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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anchor of one of them, carrying the veflel away; but by the help of their fails they efcaped the danger, not without mortal fear of being loft. That furious current being palled, the admiral confidering the danger he was in there, ftood for the Dragon’s Mouth, which was between the north point of the Trinity ifland, and the eaft point of Paria; yet went not through it at that time, but failed along the fouth coaft of Paria weftward, believing it to be an ifland, and hoping to find a way out northwards towards Hifpaniola. And though there were many ports along that coaft of Paria, he would put into none, all the fea being a harbour locked in with the continent.
CHAP. LXXI. — How there was fome Gold and Pearls found in Paria, and a People
of good Converfation.
THE admiral being at an anchor on the fifth of Auguft, and it being his particular devotion never to weigh on a Sunday, he fent the boats aftiore, where they found abundance of fruit of the fame fort they had l'een in the other iflands; great numbers of trees, and figns of people that had fled for fear of the Chriftians. But being unwilling to lofe time, he failed down the coaft fifteen leagues farther without going into any harbour, for fear he Ihould mifs of wind to bring him out. Being at an anchor on the coaft, at the end of thefe fifteen leagues, there came out a canoo to the caraval called El Borreo, with three men in it; and the pilot knowing how much the admiral coveted to receive fome information from thofe people, he pretended to talk to them, and let himfelf fall into the canoo, and the Spaniards in the boat took thofe three men, and carried them to the admiral, who made very much of them, and fent them aftiore with many gifts, where there appeared abundance of Indians. Thefe hearing the good account the three gave them, came all in their canoos to barter for fuch things as they had, which were much the fame as had been feen in the iflands before dilcovered, only that here they had no targets, nor poifoned arrows, which thefe people do not ufe, but only the cannibals. Their drink was a fort of liquor as white as milk, and another fomewhat blackifh, tailing like green wine made of grapes not quite ripe, but they could not learn what fruit it was made of. They wore cotton cloths well wove, of feveral colours, about the bignefs of a handkerchief, fome bigger and fome lefs; and what they moll valued of our things was brafs, and efpecially bells. The people feem to be more civilized and traftable than thofe of Hifpaniola. They cover their nakednefs with one of thofe cloths above-mentioned, and have another wrapped about their head. The women cover nothing, not even their privities: the fame they do in the Trinity ifland. They faw nothing of value here, except fome little plates of gold they hung about their necks; for which reafon, and becaule the admiral could not ftay to dive into the fecrets of the country, he ordered fix of thofe Indians to be taken, and continued his voyage weftward, believing that land of Paria, which he called the Holy Ifland, was no continent. Soon after another ifland appeared towards the fouth, and another no lefs than that towards the weft, all high land, fowed and well peopled; and the Indians had more plates of gold about their necks than the others, and abundance of guaninis, which is very low gold. They faid that was produced in other weftern iflands, inhabited by people that eat men. The women had firings of beads about their arms, and among them very fine large and fmall pearls ftrung, fome whereof were got in exchange to fend their Catholic Majefties as a fample. Being afked where they found thofe things, they made figns to fhow that in the oyfter-fhells which were taken weftward of that land of Paria, and beyond it towards the' north. Upon this, the admiral ftaid there to know more of that good difcovery, and fent the
boats

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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
boats alhore, where all the people of the country that had flocked together, appeared fo tractable and friendly, that they importuned the Chriftians to go along with them to a houfe not far off, where they gave them to eat, and a great deal of that wine of theirs. Then from that houfe, which it is likely was the King’s palace, they carried them to another, which was his fon’s, and {hewed them the fame kindnefs. They were all in general whiter than any they had feen in the Indies, and of better afpedls and fhapes, with their hair cut fhort by their ears, after the Spanifh fafhion. From them they underftood that land was called Paria, and that they would be glad to be in amity with the Chriftians. Thus they departed from them, and returned to the" {hips.
CHAP. LXXII. — How the Admiral pajfed through Boca del Drago, and the Danger
, he was in there.
THE admiral holding on his voyage weftward, they ftill found lefs and lefs water, infomuch that being come through four or five fathom, they found but two and a half at ebb, for the tide differed from that at the Trinity ifland; for at the Trinity, the water fwelled three fathom, and here being forty-five leagues to the weftward, it rofe but one; and there always, whether ebb or flood, the current ran weft and here upon the ebb they ran eaft, and upon the flood weft; there the water was but brackilh, here it was like river water. The admiral perceiving this difference, and how little water he found, durft proceed no farther in his {hip, which required three fathom water, being of a hundred ton, and therefore came to an anchor on that coaft, which was very fafe, being a port like a horfe-lhoe, locked with that land on all fides. However, he fent the little caraval, called El Borreo, or the Poft, to difcover whether there was any pafs weftward among thofe illands. She having gone but a little way, returned the next day, being the eleventh of Auguft, faying, that at the weftermoft point of that fea, there was a mouth or opening, two leagues over from north to fouth, and within it a round bay, with four other little bays, one towards each quarter of heaven •, that from each of them flowed a river, whofe water made that fea fo fweet, which was yet much fweeter farther in; adding, that all that land which feemed to be iflands, was one and the fame continent; that they had every where four or five fathom water, and fuch abundance of thofe weeds they faw in the ocean, that they hindered their failing. The admiral, therefore, being certain he could not get out weftward, that fame day, flood back to the eaft ward, defigning to pafs the ftreights, which he faw between the land the Indians call Paria, and the Trinity. In this ftreight there are four little iflands eaft near the point of the Trinity, which he called cape Boca, becaufe it was blunt, weft upon the point of the continent, which he called cape Lapa, and in the middle.. The reafon why he called this, the Dragon’s Mouth, was, becaufe it is very dangerous, by reafon of the abundance of frefli water that ftruggles to get out there into the fea, and made three boifterous channels, extending from eaft to weft the width of the ftreight. And becaufe, as he was failing through, the wind failed him, and he was in danger of being drove on fome fand or rock; therefore he with reafon gave it a name anfwerable to that of the other mouth, where he was in no lefs danger, as was faid above. But it pleafed God, that what they molt dreaded Ihould be their greateft fafety, the ftrength of the current carrying them oft’ Therefore on Monday the 17th of Auguft, he began to fail weftward along the coaft of Paria, in order to ftand over afterwards for Hilpaniola, giving thanks to God,, who delivered him from fo many troubles and dangers, ftill {hewing him new countries full of peaceable people and great ■wealth, efpecially that which he certainly concluded to be
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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the continent, becaufe of the great extent of that gulph of pearis, of the rivers that ran from it, of the fea, which was all fweet water; and by the authority of Efdras, in the eighth chapter of the 4th book; where he fays, that dividing the globe into feven parts, only one of them is covered with water; for all the Indians of the Caribbee iflands had told him, there was a vaft land fouthward.
CHAP. LXXIIL— How the Admiral Jlood over from the Continent to Hifpaniola.
THE admiral failing along weftward on the coaft of Paria, Hill fell farther off from it towards the north-weft, the currents in being calm driving him that way; fo that on Wednefday the 15th of Auguft, he left the cape, he called De las Conchas, or of Shells, fouth of him, and the ifland Margarita weft, which name he gave this ifland, perhaps by divine infpiration, becaufe clofe by it lies that of Cubagua, where an infinite quantity of pearls has been found $ and in Hifpaniola and Jamaica at his return he called fome Mountains of Gold, where afterwards was found the greateft quantity and largeft pieces that ever were carried from thence into Spain. But to return to his voyage, he held on his courfe by fix iflands, which he called Las Gardes, or The Guards, and three others more to the north, Los Teftigos, or The Witnefles. And though they ftill difcovered much land of Paria weftward, yet the admiral fays, he could not from this time give fuch an account of it as he could with, becaufe through overmuch watching, his eyes were inflamed, and therefore was forced to take molt of his obfervations from the failors and pilots. He alfo fays, that this fame night, being Thurfday the 16th of Auguft, the compaffes which till now had not varied, did at this time, at leaft a point and a half, and fome of them two points, wherein there could be no miftake, becaufe feveral perfons had always watched to ob- ferve it. Admiring at this, and grieved that he had not the opportunity of following the courfe of the continent, he held on north-weft, till on Monday the 20th of Auguft he came to anchor between Beaca and Hifpaniola; whence he fent a letter by fome Indians to his brother the Adelantodo, acquainting him with his fafe arrival and fuccefs. He was furprized to find himfelf fo far weftward ; for though he knew the force of the currents failed, yet he did not think it had been fo much. Therefore to the end his provifions might not fail him in time of need, he flood to the eaftward for S. Domingo, into which harbour he failed on the 30th of Auguft; for here the lieutenant his brother had appointed the city to be built on the eaft-fide of the river, where it Hands at prefent, and was called Santo Domingo in memory of his father, whofe name was Dominick.
CHAP. LXXIV.— The Rebellion and Troubles the Admiral met with in Hifpaniola , raifed by the wickc chiefs of one Francis Roldan , whom he had left as Alcalde Mayor , or Chief Jitftice.
THE admiral being come to S. Domingo, almoft blind with over-watching, he hoped there to reft himfelf after his voyage, and find peace among his people, but found all quite contrary, for all the people in the ifland were in diforder and rebellion ; for abundance of thofe he had left were dead, and of thofe that remained, above one hundred and fixty were fick of the French pox, and befides that many were in rebellion with Roldan, he found not the three Ihips, we faid he fent before him from the Canary iflands. Of thefe things it is requifite we fpeak orderly, beginning from the time the admiral fet out for Spain, which as we faid, was in March 1496, thirty
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months before his return ; the firft part of which time the people continued pretty quiet, in hopes of his return, and of being fpeedily relieved: But the firft year being palfed, the Spanifh provifions failing, and ficknefs and fufferings increasing, they began to be dilfatisfied with what was, and to defpair of any better; fo that the complaints of many difcontented perfons were heard, who never want lomebody to ftir them up, defiring to be head of a party, as was now done by one Francis Roldan, born at Torre de D. Ximeno, whom the admiral had left in fuch power among both Chrif- tians and Indians, by making him chief juftice, that he was as much obeyed as him- ielf. For this reafon it is to be fuppofed there was not that good underftanding between him and the admiral’s lieutenant, as ought to have been for the publick good, as time and experience made it appear. For the admiral, neither returning himfelf, nor fending any fupplies, this Roldan began to think of polTeffing himfelf of the illand, defigning for this purpofe to murder the admiral’s brothers, as thofe that could bell oppofe his rebellion, and waited an opportunity to put this in execution. It happened that the lieutenant of the illand, one of the admiral’s brothers, went to a province in the weft, called Xaragua, eighty leagues from Ifabella, where the faid Roldan remained in his employ, but fubordinate to D. James, fecond brother to the admiral. This Roldan was fo offended at, that whilft the lieutenant was taking order how the kings of the illand Ihould pay tribute to their Catholick Majefties, as the admiral had rated all the Indians, Orlando began underhand to draw fome of them over to his party. But that it might not prove fatal to rife on a fudden, and without fome pretence; that which Roldan laid hold of was, that there was a caraval alhore at Ifabella, built by the lieutenant of the illand, to fend to Spain in cafe of necellity, and there being no launching of it for want of tackle and other neceffaries, Roldan feigned and gave out there was fome other reafon for it, and that it behoved the publick, that caraval Ihould be fitted out, that fome of them might go to Spain in it, to give an account of their fuff erings. Thus, upon pretence of the publick good, he preffed that it might be launched, and D. James Columbus not confenting to it for want of tackle, as has been faid, Roldan began more boldly to treat with fome about launching the caraval in defpite of him; telling thofe he thought to agree with him, that if the lieutenant and D. James were difplealed at it, the reafon was becaufe they would fecure to themfelves the dominion of the country, and keep them in lubjection, without any Ihip that might carry the news of their revolt to their Catholick Majefties. And fince they were fatisfied and convinced of the cruelty and ill- nature of the lieutenant, and what a reftlefs life he led them, building towns and forts, and that they had no hopes of the admiral’s coming with fupplies, it was fit they Ihould take that caraval and procure their liberty, and not fuffer themfelves under pretence of pay, which they never received, to be kept under by a foreigner, whereas it was in their power to live at eafe and in plenty; for that whatfoever could be had in the illand would be equally divided among them, and they would be ferved by the Indians to their own content, without being fo much in fubjection that they could not take to wife any Indian woman they pleafed. That the lieutenant made them keep the three vows of religious men; and befides that, they wanted not for falls and difciplines, as alfo imprifonment, and other punilhments, which they endured for the leaft fault. Therefore, fince he had the rod of juftice and regal authority, which fecured them againft any thing that might befal them on this account, he advifed them to do what he dire tied, wherein they could- not do amifs. With thefe and the like words, proceeding from the hatred he bore the lieutenant, he drew fo many over to his own party, that one day when the lieutenant was come back from Xaragua to Ifabella,
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fome of them refolved to flab him, looking upon it as fo eafy a matter, that they had provided a halter to hang him up after he was dead. What at prefent the more incenfed them, was the imprifoning of one Barahona, a friend to the confpi- rators, againft whom, if God had not put it into the heart of the lieutenant not to proceed to execution of juftice at that time, they had then certainly murdered him.
CHAP. LXXV. — How Francis Roldan endeavoured to make the Town of Conception
mutiny , and plundered Jfabella.
FRANCIS ROLDAN, perceiving he had miffed of the murder of the lieutenant, and his confpiracy was difcovered, he refolved to poffefs himfelf of the town and fort of The Conception, thinking from thence he might eafily fubdue the ifland. It fell out conveniently for his defign, that he was near the faid town; for whilft the lieutenant was aboard, he had been fent with forty men about that province, to reduce the Indians that had revolted, with the fame defign of making themfelves mailers of that town, and dellroying the Chriftians. So that Roldan, under pretence of putting a Hop to this evil, and punilhing the Indians, gathered his men at the refidence of one of their caciques, called Marche, defigning to put his project in execution upon the firft opportunity. But Ballefter, the commander of the fort, having fome jealoufy of him, he Hood upon his guard, and acquainted the lieutenant of the ifland with the danger he was in, who with all fpeed, and what men he could gather, threw himfelf into the fort. Thither Roldan came upon a fafe conduct, now his confpiracy was difcovered, rather to obferve by the lieutenant what might do him harm, than through any defire of coming to an accommodation, and with more boldnefs and impudence than became him, required the lieutenant to caufe the caraval to be launched, or give him leave to launch it, which he and hi,s friends would do. The lieutenant incenfed at thefe words, anlwered, that neither he nor his friends were feamen, or knew what was proper to be done in that cafe; and that though they had known how to launch it, yet they could not fail in her for want of rigging and other neceffaries, and therefore it would be only expoling the men and the caraval. And, forafmuch as the lieutenant underllood that affair, as a feaman, and they not being fuch, knew nothing of it, therefore they varied in their judgments. Thefe, and other difpleafing words having paffed between them, Roldan went away in a pafiion, refufing to quit his rod of juftice, or Hand trial, as the lieutenant ordered, faying, he would do both, when Their Majefties, whofe the ifland was, commanded him ; knowing he could expert no juftice from him, becaufe of the hatred he bore him, but that right, or wrong, he would find means to put him to death with ftiame: that in the mean while, not to exceed the bounds of reafon, he would go and refide where he fliould bid him. But he at prefent appointing him the refidence of the cacique James Colon, he refufed it, faying, there were not provifions there for his men, and that he would find a more convenient place. He fet out towards Ifabella, and having gathered fixty five men, perceiving he could not launch the caraval, he plundered the magazines, he and his followers taking away what arms, fluffs, and provifions they thought fit; D. James Colon, who was there, not being able to oppofe him, but would have been in danger, had he not retired to the fort with fome friends and fer- vants. Yet in the procefs afterwards drawn up on this fubject, there were fome that depofed, that Roldan promifed to fubmit to him, provided he would take his part againft his own brother: which he refufing, and Roldan not being able to do him any further harm, as alfo fearing the fuccours that were coming from the lieutenant,
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he went out of town with all the mutineers, and falling on the cattle that grazed thereabouts, they killed fuch as they liked to eat, and took the hearts of burden to ferve them in their journey, refolving to go into the province of Xaragua, whence the lieutenant was lately come deligning to fettle there, that being the pleafanteft and moft plentiful part of the ifland; the people here being more civilized and wifer than the reft of the natives of Hifpaniola ; but above all, becaufe the women were the handfomeft, and of the moft pleafing converfation of any others; which moft invited them to go thither. But that they might not go without making trial of their ftrength, before the lieutenant could increafe his power, and punifh them as they de- ferved, they refolved to take the town of The Conception in their way, to furprize it, and kill the lieutenant; and in cafe this did not fucceed, to befiege him. The lieutenant having intelligence of their defign, ftood upon his guard, encouraging his men with good words, and promifing them many gifts, and each of them two flaves. And forafmuch as he underftood, that moft of thofe that were with him liked the life Roldan and his men led, fo well, that many of them gave ear to his meffages; therefore Roldan having conceived hopes that they would all go over to him, had the boldnefs to undertake that enterprize, which did not fucceed as he expected. For the lieutenant having provided, as has been faid, being himfelf a man of great refo- lution, and having the beft men on his fide, was refolved to do that by force of arms, which he could not compafs by fair means and arguments. Having therefore gathered his men together, he marched out of town to attack the rebels on the road.
CHAP. LXXVL — How Francis Roldan incenfed the Indians againjl the Lieutenant, and went away with his Men to Xaragua.
FRANCIS ROLDAN, perceiving he was fo difappointed, and that not one of the lieutenant’s men came over to him, as he had expected, refolved to retire in time, and go away to Xaragua, as he defigned at firft, not daring to meet him, yet prefumed to talk contemptibly of him, and to ftir up the Indians, wherever he went, to rebel againft him, telling them, the caufe of his forfaking him was his being a man naturally revengeful and morofe, as well towards the Chriftians as Indians ; and abominably covetous, impofing great burdens and tributes on them ; which if they bore with, he would increafe every year, though againft Their Catholic Majefties’ will; who required nothing of their fubjefts but obedience, maintaining them in juftice, liberty and peace; which, if they feared they fhould not be able to maintain, he with his friends and followers, would alfift them to affert, and would declare himfelf their protector and deliverer. After which, they refolved to forbid paying the tribute, we faid, had been im- pofed on them, by which means it could not be gathered of thofe that dwelt far from the lieutenant, nor durft he exact it of thofe near about him, for fear of provoking them to join with the rebels. Yet this condefcenfion towards them had not fo good an effect, but that as foon as the lieutenant was gone from The Conception, Guarionex, who was the principal cacique of that province, with the affiftance of Roldan, refolved to befiege the fort, and deltroy the Chriftians that kept it. The better to effect it, he drew together all the caciques of his party, and agreed with them privately, that every one fhould kill thofe that were within his precinct, becaufe the territories in Hifpaniola being too fmall for any of them to maintain a great number of people, the Chriftians had been obliged to divide themfelves into fmall parcels of eight or nine in each liberty. This gave the Indians hopes, that furprifing them all at the fame time, they might have it in their power to fuffer none to efcape. But they hav-
10 ing

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
I07
ing no other way of fixing a time, or ordering any thing elfe that requires counting, but only by their fingers, they refolved, that every one Ihould be ready to deftroy the Chriftians at the next full moon. Guarionex having thus difpofed his caciques to put this in execution, the chiefeft of them being defirous to gain honour, and looking upon the matter as very eafy, and being no good aftronomers, to know when the full moon was, fell on before the time appointed, and were forced to fly, after many blows. He thinking to find affiftance in Guarionex, found his own ruin; for he put him to death, as he had deferved, for having caufed the confpiracy to be dif- covered, and the Chriftians to be upon their guard. The rebels were not a little concerned at this mifcarriage; for, as was reported, it had been contrived with their con- fent, and therefore they waited to fee, whether Guarionex brought affairs to fuch terms, that joining with him they might deftroy the lieutenant: but perceiving this did not fucceed, they thought not themfelves fecure in the province where they were, but went away to Xaragua, ftill proclaiming themfelves protectors of the Indians ; whereas they were thieves in their actions and inclinations, having no regard for God or the world, but following their inordinate appetites; for every one ftole what he could, and Roldan their leader more than all of them, perfuading and commanding every cacique to entertain him, that could and would defend the Indians and rebels from paying the tribute the lieutenant demanded of them, though at the fame time he under this pretence took much more from them; for from only one cacique, whofe name was Manicaotex, he received every three months, a calabalh, containing three marks of pure gold, that is, a pound and a half, and to be the more fure of him, kept his fon and nephew as hoftages. He that reads this, muft not wonder that we reduce the marks of gold to the meafure of a calabalh, which we do to Ihew, that the Indians in thefe cafes dealt by meafure, becaufe they never had any weights.
CHAP. LXXVII. — How the Ships came from Spain with Provifions and Supplies.
THE Chriftians being thus divided, as has been laid, and no Ihips yet coming from Spain with fupplies, neither the lieutenant nor his brother D. James, could keep the people quiet that had remained with them; for moft of them being mean perfons, and defirous to lead that eafy life Roldan promifed them, they durft not punilh the guilty, for fear of being forfaken ; which made them fo infolent, that it was impoflible to keep them in order, and therefore they were forced to bear with the affronts of the rebels. But it being God’s will to afford them fome comfort, it pleafed him to order that the two Ihips Ihould arrive, which, as was faid before, had been fent a year after the admiral’s departure from the Indies, not without great application ufed by him at court for fitting them out; for he, confidering the nature of the country, the difpofitions of the people he left behind, and the great danger that might accrue from his long abfence, preffed for, and obtained of Their Catholic Majefties, that thofe two Ihips might be fent before, of eighteen he ,had been ordered to fit out. The arrival of thefe, the fupplies they brought of men and provifions, and the affur- ance that the admiral was fafe arrived in Spain, encouraged thofe that were with the lieutenant to ferve him more faithfully, and made thofe that followed Roldan, appre- henfive of being punilhed. Thefe being defirous to hear news, and furnilh themfelves with what they wanted, refolved to repair to St. Domingo, where the Ihips had put in, hoping to draw fome of the men over to their party. But the lieutenant having intelligence of their march, and being nearer that harbour, he moved towards them to hinder their paffage; and having left guards on the paffes, went to the port to fee
p 2 the

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life of colon, by his son.
the Ihips, and order the affairs of that place. And being defirous the admiral lhould find the ifland in a peaceable condition, and all troubles ended, he again made new overtures to Roldan, who was fix leagues off with his men, fending to him for this purpofe the commander of the two fhips lately arrived, whofe name was Peter Fernandez Coronel; as well becaufe he was a man of worth and in authority, as becaufe he hoped his words would prove more effeftual, fince he as an eye-witnefs, could certify him of the admiral’s arrival in Spain, the good reception he had found, and the willingnefs Their Majefties expreffed to make him {till greater. But the chief men among them, fearing the impreffion this mefienger might make upon their followers, would not fuffer him to fpeak in publick; lb that they received him with their bows and arrows on the road, and he could only fpeak fome few words to thofe that were appointed to hear him. Thus having done nothing, he returned to the town, and the rebels to their quarters in Xaragua, not without apprehenfions, left Roldan and fome of the principal men of his gang, lhould write to their friends that were with the lieutenant, defiring them when the admiral came, to intercede for them, fince all their complaints were againft the lieutenant, and not againft the admiral hiim- felf, for which reafon they defired to be reftored to his favour.
CHAP. LXXVIII. — How the three Ships the Admiral fent from the Canary IJlands
arrived where the Rebels were.
HAVING fpoke of the arrival of the two Ihips the admiral fent from Spain to Hifpaniola, it is fit we give an account of the three that parted from him at the Canary illands, which proceeded on their voyage with fair winds till they came to the Caribbee illands, which are the firft that failors meet with in their way to the port of St. Domingo. The pilots then not being fo well acquainted with that voyage, as they have been fince, it happened they knew not how to hit that port, and were carried away by the currents fo far to weftward, that they arrived in the province of Xaragua, where the rebels were, who as foon as they underftood that thofe Ihips were out of their way, and knew nothing of their revolt, fome of them went peaceably aboard, pretending they were there by the lieutenant’s orders, the better to be fupplied with provifions, and keep that country under. But it being very eafy for a fecret, that is among many, to be difcovered, Alonfo Sanchez de Caravajal, who was the Ikilfulleft of the captains of thofe Ihips, being aware of the rebellion and difcord, began immediately to make overtures of peace to Francis Roldan, thinking to bring him to fubmit to the lieutenant. But the familiar converfation the rebels had before entertained aboard the Ihips, was the caufe that his perfuafions had not the defired effect ; for Roldan had privately obtained promifes from many of thole that came frelh out of Spain, that they would ftay with him, and by that acceffion he hoped to become ftill greater. Caravajal therefore finding things were not in fuch a pofture that he might hope for a fpeedy conclufion of what he had in hand, thought it convenient, with the advice of the other two captains, that the people they brought under pay to work in the mines, and other employments, lhould go by land to St. Domingo, becaufe the winds and currents being let there againft that voyage, it was poflible they might not perform it in two or three months; fo that they would not only confume the provifions, but the men might fall lick, and the-time be loft, which ought to have been employed in the fervice they came for. Having agreed upon this, it fell to John Anthony Colon his lot to march with the men, which were forty, to Arana, to .fail about with the Ihips, and to Caravajal to ftay and endeavour to bring the rebels
to

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
IOC)
to an accommodation. John Anthony Colon fetting forward the fecond day after they landed, thofe labourers and vagabonds fent over to work went away to the rebels, leaving their captain with only fix or feven men that ftuck to him. He feeing their bafe infidelity, without apprehending any danger went to Roldan, and told him, that fince he pretended to promote the fervice of Their Catholic Majefties, it was not reafon- able he Ihould fuffer thofe men that were come to people and cultivate the country, and to follow their callings with wages in hand, to ftay there and lofe their time, without doing any thing of that they were obliged to; and that if he had turned them away, it had been a token that his words and his actions agreed; that his flaying there caufed the divifion and diforder with the lieutenant, and not any inclination in him to obftruct the King’s fervice. But that which had happened turning to the account of Roldan and his followers, as well for the carrying on their defign, as becaufe the crime committed by many is generally fooneft connived at; he excufed himfelf as to that point, faying, he could not ufe violence towards them, and that his was a religious order, which refufed no man. John Anthony knowing it was not the part of a difcreet man to expofe himfelf to the danger of preffing farther -without hopes of fuccefs, refolved to go aboard again with thofe few that followed him; and therefore that they might not be ferved fo by thofe that were left, they two captains failed immediately with their two flaps towards St. Domingo, with the wind as contrary as they had feared ; for they fpent many days, fpoiled their provifions, and Caravajal’s flap was much damaged upon certain fands, where ihe loft her rudder and fprung a leak, fo that they had much to do to bring her in.
CHAP. LXXIX. — How the Captains of the Ships that came from Xaragua, found
the Admiral at St. Domingo.
THE captains With their flaps arriving at St. Domingo, in their return from Xaragua, found the admiral there, after his difcovery of the continent. lie being fully informed of the condition of the rebels, and having feen the procefs his lieu* tenant had made againft them, though the crime was plainly made out to deferve fevere puniflnnent, yet he thought fit to form a new procefs, and give Their Majefties an account of it, refolving at the fame time to ufe all the moderation he could in this matter, and endeavouring to reduce them by fair means. For which reafon, and that neither they nor any others might have caufe to complain of him, or fay he kept them there by force, he made proclamation on the 12th of September, giving leave to all that would return to Spain, and promifing them free pafiage and provifions. And being informed on the other hand, that Roldan was coming towards St. Domingo with fome of his men, he ordered Michael Ballefter, commander of The Conception, to fecure his own town and fort; and in cafe Roldan came that way, he Ihould tell him from the admiral, that he was much concerned at his fuft’er- ings and all that was pall, and would have no more faid of it, granting a general pardon to all, and defiring him to come away immediately to the admiral, without fearing any thing, that by his advice things might be ordered, as was for Their Majefties fervice; and if he required any fafe conduct, he would fend it him in fuch form as he required. Ballefter returned anfwer on the 14th of February, that he had received certain information, that Riquelme was the day before come to the town of Bonao, and that Adrian and Roldan, who were the ring-leaders, would meet there in leven or eight days, at which time he might there apprehend them, as he did. For having dilcourfed them according to the inftructions given him, he found them ob-
ftinate

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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
ftinate and unmannerly, Roldan telling him, they were not come to treat, nor did they defire, or care for peace, for he had the admiral and his authority at his beck, either to fupport, or fupprefs it, as he pleafed; and that they mull not talk to him of any accommodation, till they had fent him all the Indians taken at the fiege of The Conception, fince they had met together to ferve the King, and upon his promife of fecurity. Other things he added, by which it appeared he would make no agreement, but what was much to his advantage. To this purpofe he demanded, that the admiral Ihould fend Caravajal to him, becaufe he would treat with no other but him, he being a man that would hear reafon, and had difcretion, as he had found by experience, when the three Ihips, as has been faid, were at Xaragua. This anfwer made the admiral fufpect Caravajal, and not without much caufe.
Firjl, becaufe before Caravajal was at Xaragua, where thefe rebels then were, they had often writ and fent meffages to their friends that were with the lieutenant, telling them, they would come and deliver themfelves up to the admiral as foon as he arrived, and therefore they defired them to intercede for them, and appeafe him.
Secondly , becaufe, fince they did this, as foon as they heard there were two fhips come to the afliftance of the lieutenant, they had much more caufe to perform it, knowing the admiral was not come, had not the long conference Caravajal had with. them prevented it.
Thirdly, becaufe if he would have done his duty, he might have kept Roldan, and the chief men of his gang prifoners, aboard his caraval, they having been two days aboard without any fecurity given.
Fourthly, becaufe knowing as he did, that they were in rebellion, he ought not to fuffer them to buy aboard the fhips, as they did, fifty-fix fwords, and fixty crofs- bows.
Fifthly, becaufe there being fome proofs that the men who were to land with John Anthony to go to St. Domingo, would join the rebels, he ought not to fuller them to land, or at lealt when they were gone over to them, he ought to have been more induftrious to endeavour to recover them.
Sixthly, becaufe he gave out that he came to the Indies as companion to the admiral, that nothing might be done without him, for fear the admiral Ihould commit l'ome offence.
Seventhly, becaufe Roldan had writ to the admiral by Caravajal himfelf, acquainting him, that he was drawing near to St. Domingo with his men, by the advice of Caravajal, to be the nearer to treat of an accommodation, when the admiral arrived in Hif- paniola; and now he was come, his actions not fuiting with his letter, it appeared he had rather invited him to come thither, to the end that if the admiral had been long coming, or had not come at all, he, as the admiral’s affociate, and Roldan as chief juftice, might govern the ifland in defpite of the lieutenant.
Eighthly, becaufe at the fame time that the other captains came with the three cara- vals to St. Domingo, he came by land attended by a guard of the rebels, and one of the chief of them called Gamir, who had been two days and two nights with him aboard his fliip.
Ninthly, becaufe he writ to the rebels when they came to Bonao, and fent them prefents and provifions.
Tenthly and laftly, becaufe, befides that the faid rebels would not treat with any body but him, they all unanimoufly faid, if there had been occafion, they would have taken him for their captain.
Yet

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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Yet the admiral, on the other fide, confidering that Caravajal was a difcreet prudent perfon, and a gentleman, and that every o/ie of thofe arguments might be anfwered, and perhaps what he had been told was not true, and looking upon him as one that would not do any thing contrary to his duty, having a great defire to put out that fire, he refolved to confult with all the chief men he had about him, about Roldan’s anfwer, and refolve upon what was to be done on this occafion. All agreeing upon it, he fent Caravajal, with Ballefter, to treat, who had no other anfwer from Roldan, but that fince they had not brought the Indians he demanded, they fhould not without them talk of any accommodation. Caravajal difcreetly anfwering to thefe words, made fo taking a difcourfe, that he moved Roldan and three or four of the chief men to go wait upon the admiral and agree with him ; but the others difliking of it, as Roldan and the others were mounting their horfes to go with Caravajal to the admiral, they fell upon them, faying, they would not allow them to go, and that if any agreement was to be made, it fhould be drawn up in writing, that they might all know what was doing: fo that after fome days palled, upon this refolution, on the 20th of October, Roldan, by the confent of all his men, writ a letter to the admiral, laying the blame of their feparation on the lieutenant; and telling the admiral, that fince he had not in writing fent them fecurity to come and give an account of thern- felves, they had refolved to fend him their demands in writing, which were the reward of what they had hitherto done, as fhall appear hereafter. Though their propofals were extravagant and infolent, yet the commander Ballefter, the next day, writ to the admiral, extolling Caravajal’s moving difcourfe, and faying, that fince it was not of force to remove thofe people from their wicked defign, nothing lels than granting them what they demanded would prevail; for he found them fo refolute, that he looked upon it as rnoft certain, that molt of the people that were with his lordfhip would go over to the rebels. And though he might rely on his fervants and men of honour, yet they would not be able to withftand fuch a number, many daily reforting to them, which the admiral already knew by experience; for when Roldan was near St. Domingo, he muftered all that were fit to bear arms, if it were requifite, and obferved that fome feigning themfelves fick, and fome lame, he 'had not found above feventy men, of which there were not forty that he could confide in. For which reafon, the next day being the 17th of Odtober 1498, the aforefaid Roldan, and the chief of his followers, who would have gone to the admiral, fent him a letter fubfcribed by them, telling him, they had withdrawn from the lieutenant to fave their lives, he having a defign to deftroy them; and that they being his lordfhip’s fervants, whofe coming they had expected, as of one that would look upon what they had done, complying with their duty, as good fervice, they had hindered their people from doing harm to any that belonged to his lordfhip, as they might eafily have done. But that fince he was come, and was fo far from thinking fo, that he infilled upon taking revenge, and doing them harm, that they might with honour do what they had undertaken, and be at liberty to do it, they took leave of him and his lervice. Before this letter was delivered to the admiral, he had fent Roldan an anfwer. Caravajal, whom he fent to him, telling him what confidence he always repofed in him, and what a good account he had given His Catholic Majefty of them; adding, that he did not write to him, for fear of fome inconveniency, if his letter fhould be feen by the common fort, which might redound to his difadvantage; and therefore, inftead of hand and feal, he had fent that perfon to him, in whom he' knew how much he confided, and might regard what he faid as if it were under his feal, which was the commander Ballefter; and
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
therefore he might confuler what was proper to be done, and he fhotdd find him moft ready to comply. On the 18th of October he ordered five fliips to depart for Spain, fending Their Catholic Majefties by them a moft particular account of affairs, and faying, he had kept thofe fliips till then, believing that Roldan and his men would have gone away in them, as they had given out at firft; and that th$ other three he kept with him, were fitting out for his brother to go in them to purfue the difcovery of the continent of Paria, and take order about the fifliery and trade for pearls, a fample whereof he fent them by Arogial.
CHAP. LXXX.— How Francis Roldan went to treat with the Admiral, but came to
no Agreement with him.
ROLDAN having received the admiral’s letter, anfwered the third day, feeming to incline to do all he ordered him; but his men not allowing him to go to treat without a fafe conduct, he defired him to fend one, drawn up according to thofe heads he fent under his hand, and figned by the chief men about him. This fafe conduct was immediately fent him by the admiral on the 26th,of October, and Roldan having received it foon came, but rather with a defign to draw fome body over to him, than to conclude any thing, as appeared by his impudent propofals. Thus he returned without concluding any thing, faying, he would give his company an account of matters, and write word what they refolved on. And that there might be fome body from the admiral to treat and fign what was agreed on, the admiral’s fteward went with him ; his name was Salamanca. After much talk, Roldan fent articles of agreement for the admiral to fubferibe, telling him, that was all he could obtain of his people, and if his lordfhip thought fit to grant it, he fhould fend his affent to The Conception ; for at Bonao they had no longer provifions to fubfift on, and they would expect his anfwer till the next Monday. The admiral having read their anfwer and propofals, and confidering what difhonourable things they demanded, would not grant them, left he fliould bring himfelf, his brothers, and juftice itfelf, into contempt. But that they might have no caufe to complain, or fay he was too ftiff in this affair, he ordered a general pardon to be proclaimed, and to be thirty days upon the gates of the fort, the purport whereof was as follows :
“ That forafmuch as during his abfence in Spain, fome difference had happened between the lieutenant and the chief juftice Roldan, and other perfons who had fled with him, notwithHanding any thing that had happened, they might all in general, and every one in particular, fafely come to ferve Their Catholic Majefties, as if no difference had ever been; and that whofoever would go into .Spain fhould have his paflage, and an order to receive his pay, as was ufual with others, provided they pre- fented themfelves before the admiral within thirty days, to receive the benefit of this pardon: protefting that in cafe they did not appear within the time limited, they fhould be proceeded againft according to courfe of law.”
This pardon, fubferibed by himfelf, he fent to Roldan by Caravajal, giving him, in writing, the reafons why he neither could nor ought to grant the articles fent by him, and putting him in mind what they ought to do, if they aimed at Their Majefties’ fervice. Caravajal went to the rebels at The Conception, where they were very haughty and proud, laughing at the admiral’s pardon, and faying, he fhould foon have occafion to afk one of them. All this happened in the fpace of three weeks, during which time, under colour of apprehending a man Roldan would execute, they kept the commander
Ballefter

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
”3
Ballefter befieged in the fort, and cut off his water, believing the want of it would oblige him to furrender; but upon Caravajal’s arrival, they raifed the fiege, and after many altercations made on both fides, came to the following conclufion.
CHAP. LXXXI. — The Agreement made between the Adniiral and Roldan with his
Rebels.
THE articles figned and agreed to by Francis Roldan and his company, in order to their return to Spain, are as follows:
I. “ That the lord admiral give him two good fhips, and in. good order, according to the judgment of able feamen, to be delivered to him at the port of Xaragua, becaufe molt of his followers were there; and becaufe there is no other port more commodious to provide and prepare victualling and other necelfaries, where the faid Roldan and his company fhall embark, and fail for Spain, if fo God pleafe.
II. “ That his lordlhip fhall give an order for the payment of the falaries due to them all till that day, and letters of recommendation to Their Catholic Majefties, that they may caufe them to be paid.
III. “ That he fhall give them flaves for the fervice they have done in the ifland, and their fufferings, and certify the faid gift: and becaufe fome of them have women big with child, or delivered ; if they carry them away, they fhall pafs inflead of fuch flaves they were to have ; and the children fhall be free, and they may take them along with them.
IV. “ His lordlhip fhall put into the aforefaid fhips all the provifions requifite for that voyage, as have been given to others before; and becaufe he could not furnifh them with bread, the judge and his company have leave to provide in the country, and that they have thirty hundred weight of bifket allowed them, or for want of it thirty facks of corn; to the end, that if the carabi or Indian bread fhould fpoil, as might eafily happen, they may fubfift upon the aforefaid bifket or corn.
V. “ That his lordfhip fhall give a fafe conduct for fuch perfons as fhall come to receive the orders for their pay.
VI. “ Forafmuch as fome goods belonging to feveral perfons, who are with Roldan, have been feized, his lordfhip fhall order reftitution to be made.
VII. “ That his lordfhip fhall write a letter to Their Catholic Majefties, acquainting them, that the faid Roldan’s fwine remain in the ifland, for the inhabitants' provifion, being one hundred and twenty great ones, and two hundred and thirty fmall, praying Their Highnefs to allow him the price for them they would have bore in the ifland; the which fwine were taken from him in February 1498.
VIII. “ That his lordfhip fhall give the faid Roldan full authority to fell fome goods he has, which he muft part with to go away, or to do with them as he pleafes, or to leave them for his own ufe with whom he thinks fit, to make the beft of them.
IX. “ That his lordfhip will order the judges to give fpeedy judgment concerning the horfe.
X. “ That if his lordfhip fhall find the demands of Salamanca to be juft, he fhall write to the faid judge to caufe him to be paid.
XI. “ That his lordfhip fhall be difcourfed concerning the captain’s flaves.
XII. “ That forafmuch as the faid Roldan and his company miftruft, that his lordfhip, or fome other perfon by his order, may offer them fome violence, with the other fliips that are in the ifland, he fhall therefore grant them a pafs or fafe conduct, promiftng in Their Majefties’ name, and upon his own faith, and the word of a gentle-
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
man, as is ufed in Spain, that neither his lordfhija, nor any other perfon fliall offend them, or obftruft their voyage.”
“ Having examined this agreement made by Alonfo Sanchez de Caravajal and James de Salamanca with Francis Roldan and his company, this day being Wednefday the 2ift of November 1498, I am content it be fully obferved, upon condition that the faid Francis Roldan, nor any of his followers, in whofe name he fubfcribed and ratified the articles by him delivered to the aforefaid Alonfo Sanchez de Caravajal and James de Salamanca, fhall not receive into their company any other Chriftian of the ifland, of any ftate or condition whatfoever.”
“ I Francis Roldan, judge, do promife and engage my faith and word for myfelf and all thofe with me, that the articles above mentioned fhall be obferved and fulfilled, without any fraud, but faithfully as is here fet down, his lordfhip performing all that has been agreed on between Alonfo Sanchez de Caravajal and James de Salamanca and myfelf, as is in the written articles.”
I. “ That from the day of the date hereof, till the anfwer be brought, for which ten days fhall be allowed, I will admit no perfon whatfoever of thofe that are with the lord admiral.
II. “ That within fifty days after the faid anfwer fhall be delivered to me here in The Conception, figned and fealed by his lordfhip, which fhall be within the ten days before mentioned, we will embark and fet fail for Spain.
III. “ That none of the flaves freely granted us, fhall be carried away by force.
IV. “ That whereas the admiral will not be at the port where we are to embark, the perfon or perfons his lordfhip fhall fend thither, be honoured and refpected as Their Majefties’ and his lordfhip’s officers, to whom fhall be given an account of all we put aboard the fhips, that they may enter it, and do as his lordfhip fliall think fit; as alfo to deliver to them fuch things as we have in our hands belonging to Their Majefties. All the aforefaid articles are to be fubfcribed and performed by his lordfhip, as Alonfo Sanchez de Caravajal and James de Salamanca have them in writing ; the anfwer whereof I expeft here at The Conception for eight days to come; and if it be not then brought, I fhall not be obliged to any thing here mentioned.”
u In teftimony whereof, and that I and my company may obferve and perform what I have faid, I have fubfcribed this writing. Given at The Conception, on the 16th of November 1498.”
CHAP. LXXXII.— How after the Agreement concluded , the Rebels went away to Xaragua , faying , they would embark on the two Ships fent them by the Adtniral.
THINGS being adjufted as above, Caravajal and Salamanca returned to St. Domingo to the admiral, and at their requeft, on the 21ft of November, he fubfcribed the aforefaid articles brought by them, and granted a new fafe condutt or leave to all thofe that would not go to Spain with Roldan, promifing them pay, or the liberty of planters, as they liked beft, and for others to come freely to manage their affairs. Thefe the Caftellan Ballefter delivered to Roldan and his company at The Conception, on the 24th of November, and they having received them, went away toward Xaragua, to prepare for their departure, as was afterwards known. And though the admiral was fenfible of their villainy, and much concerned that the good fervice his brother might have done in continuing the difcovery of the continent of Paria, and fettling the pearl fifhery and trade, was obftrufted by giving them thofe fhips, yet he would not give the rebels cccafion to blame him, faying, he had refufed them their
to paffage.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
US
paffage. He began therefore prefently to fit out the (hips as had been agreed, though the equipment was fomewhat retarded for want of necelfaries. To fupply which defect, and that no time might be loft, he ordered Caravajal to go over by land to provide and difpofe all things for the departure of the rebels, whilft the Ihips came about, giving him ample commiffion for it, refolving himfelf to go foon to Ifabella, to fettle affairs there, leaving his brother James at St. Domingo, to look to that place. After his departure, about the end of January, the two caravals, furnifhed with all necelfaries for the voyage, fet out to take up the rebels; but a great ftorm rifing by the way, they were forced to put into another port till the end of March; and becaufe the caraval Ninna, one of the two, was in the word condition, and required moft repairs, the admiral fent orders to Peter de Arana and Francis de Garai to repair to Xaragua, with another called Santa Cruz, or the Holy Crofs, aboard which Caravajal went, and not by land. He was eleven days by the way, and found the other caraval waiting for him.
CHAP. LXXXIII. — How the Rebels altered their Refolution of going to Spain , and came to a new Agreement with the Admiral.
IN the mean while, the caravals not coming, and moft of Roldan’s men having no ' mind to embark, they took chat delay for a pretence to ftay, blaming the admiral, as if he had not difpatched them as foon as he might; whereof he being informed, writ to Roldan and Adrian, perfuading them in a friendly manner to perform the agreement, and not fall into difobedience. Befides, Caravajal, who was with them at Xaragua, on the 20th of April entered his proteftation before a notary, called Francis de Garai, afterwards governor of Panuco and of Jamaica, requiring them, fince the admiral had fent the (hips, to accept of them, and embark according to articles. And becaufe they would not, on the 25th of April he ordered the (hips to return to St. Domingo, becaufe they were deftroyed by the worms, and the men fuffered much for want of provifions. The rebels were no way concerned, but rather rejoiced and grew haughty, feeing fuch account was made of them, and were fo far from acknowledging the admiral’s civility, that they laid it to his charge in writing, that it was through his fault they (laid, faying, he had a mind to be revenged on them, and had therefore delayed the fending of the caravals, which were in fuch ill cafe, that it was impoflible they (hould go in them to Spain; and that though they had been never fo good, their provifions were fpent expecting them, and they could not get more under a long while, for which reafon they had refolved to expedft redrefs from Their Majefties. Caravajal returned with this anfwer by land to St. Domingo, to whom, at the time of his departure, Roldan faid, he would willingly go wait on the admiral, to endeavour for fuch an accommodation as might pleafe all parties, provided he would fend him his fafe conduct. Caravajal fent the admiral word of it from St. Domingo on the 15th of May, who anfwered on the 21 ft, commending him for the pains he took, and fent the 1 fafe conduct he required, with a (hort letter to Roldan, though very pithy, perfuading him to peace, fubmiflion, and Their Majefties’ lervice; which he afterwards repeated at St. Domingo more at large on the 29th of June; and on the 3d of Auguft, fix or feven of the chief men about the admiral fent Roldan another fafe conduct;, that he might come to treat with his lordfhip. But the diftance being great, and the admiral having occafion to vifit the country, he refolved to go with two caravals to the port of Azua in the fame ifland Hilpaniola, weft of St. Domingo, to be the nearer the province where the rebels were, many of whom came to the faid port; and the admiral
q 2 arriving

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON'.
116
arriving there about the end of Auguft with his fhips, conferred with the chief of them, exhorting them to defift from their ill courfe, and promifing them all poffible favour and kindnefs, which they promifed to do, provided the admiral granted them four things, viz.
I. “ That he iliall fend fifteen of them to Spain in the firffc fhips that went.
II. “ That to thofe that remained, he fhould give land and houfes for their pay.
III. “ That proclamation fhould be made, that all .that had* happened was caufed by falfe fuggeftions, and through the fault of ill men.
IV. “ That the admiral fhall anew appoint Roldan perpetual judge.”
This being concluded among them, Roldan returned afhore from the admiral’s caraval, and fent his companions the articles, which were fo much to their mind, and fo unreafonable, that they concluded, faying, in cafe the admiral failed in any part, it fhould be lawful for them by force, or any other means, to oblige him to performance. The admiral being eager to conclude this difficult matter, which had lafted above two years; and confidering his adverfaries continued more obftinate than ever, and that many of thofe, who were with him, had a mind to join companies, and confpire together, to go to other parts of the ifland, as Roldan had done; he refolved to fign the articles whatfoever they were, viz. To grant Roldan a patent for perpetual judge, and the other three above-mentioned particulars, befides all they had fent in writing, a copy whereof was inferted above. On Tuefday following, being the 5th of November, Roldan to exercife his office, and accordingly it being a part of his grant, he conftituted Peter Riquelme judge of Bonao, with power to imprifon offenders in criminal cafes, but that he fhould fend criminals upon life and death, to be tried by him at the fort of The Conception. The fubftitute being no honefter than his mafter, he prefently went about to build a ftrong houfe at Bonao, had not Peter de Arana forbid him, becaufe he plainly perceived it was contrary to the refpect due to the admiral.
CHAP. LXXXIV. — How Ojeda , returning from his Difcovery , excited new Troubles
in Hifpaniola.
TO return to the courfe of our hiftory, the admiral having adjufted matters with Roldan, appointed a captain with fome men to march about the ifland to pacify it, and reduce the Indians to pay the tribute, and be always in a readinefs, that upon the leaft mutiny among the Chriftians, and fign of rebellion among the Indians, he might fupprefs and puniffi them, which he did with a defign to go himfelf over to Spain, and carry with him his brother the lieutenant, becaufe it would be difficult, if he were left behind, to forget old grudges. As he was preparing for his voyage, Alonfo de Ojeda, who had been difcovering with four fhips, arrived in the ifland. And for- afmuch as this fort of men failed about to make their fortune, on the 5th of September he put into the port the Chriftians called Brafil, and the Indians Yaquimo, defigning to take what he could from the Indians, and load with wood and flaves. Whilft he was thus employed, he did all the harm he could; and to (hew he was a limb of the bifhop we have mentioned, endeavoured to raife another mutiny, gave out, that Queen Ifabel or Elizabeth was ready to die; and as foon as ffie was dead, there would be nobody left to fupport the admiral, and that he, as a faithful fervant to the faid bifhop, might do what he pleafed againft the admiral, becaufe of the enmity there was between them. Upon thefe grounds he began to write to fome that were not very found, after the late troubles, and to hold correfpondence with them. But Roldan
being

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
JI 7
being informed of his proceedings and defigns, by the admiral’s order, went againft him with twenty-one men, to prevent him doing the harm he intended. Being come within a league and a half of him, on the 29th of September, he underftood he was with fifteen men at a cacique’s, whofe name was Haniguaaba, making bread and bilket; and therefore he travelled that night to furprize him. Ojeda underftanding that Roldan was coming upon him, and being too weak to oppofe him, to make the belt of a bad cafe, went to meet him, faying, want of provifions had brought him thither, to fupply himfelf in the King his mailer’s dominions, without defigning any harm. And giving him an account of his voyage, faid, he had been difcovering fix hundred leagues weftward along the coaft of Paria, where he found people that fought the Chriftians even hand, and had wounded twenty of his men; for which reafon he could make no advantage of the wealth of the country, where he faid he had feen deer and rabbits and tygers’ Ikins and paws and gaaninies, all which he Ihewed Roldan aboard the caravals, faying, he would foon repair to St. Domingo to give the admiral an account of all. He at this time was much troubled, becaufe Peter de Arana had fignified to him, that Riquelme, judge of Bonao, for Roldan, under colour of building a houfe for his herds, had made choice of a ftrong rock, that he might from thence, with a few men, do all the harm he thought fit; that he had forbid him: whereupon Riquelme had drawn up a procefs, attefted by witneffes againft him, and fent it to the admiral, complaining that Arana ufed violence againft him, and praying relief, that no diforder might happen among them. Hereupon, though the admiral knew that man was not of a quiet difpofition, yet he thought fit to conceal his jealoufy, yet fo as to be upon his guard; being of opinion it was enough to provide againft Ojeda’s open intrufion, without taking notice of that which might tolerably be connived at. Ojeda holding his wicked purpofe, and taking leave of Roldan in February 1500, went away with his Ihips to Xaragua, where a great many of thofe lived, who had before rebelled with Roldan. And becaufe avarice is the moll beneficial and ready way to promote any mifchief, he began to give out among thofe people, that Their Catholic Majefties had appointed him and Caravajal the admiral’s counfellors, that they might not fuffer him to do any thing, which they did not think was for Their Majefties’ fervice ; and that among many other things they had ordered him to do, one was, that he fhould immediately pay in ready money, all thofe that were in the ifland in their fervice ; and fince the admiral was not fo juft as to do it, he was ready to go along with them to St. Domingo, to oblige him to pay them out of hand ; and that done, if they thought fit, to turn him out of the ifland dead or alive; for they ought not to rely on the agreement made, or the word he had given them, for he would keep it no longer than neceftity obliged him to it. Upon thefe promifes, many refolved to follow him ; and therefore, being affifted by them, he one night fell upon others who oppofed him, and there were fome killed and wounded on both Tides. And being fatisfied that Roldan, who was returned to the admiral’s fervice, would not join with them, they refolved to furprize and make him prifoner; but he, being informed of their defign, went well attended where Ojeda was, to put a flop to his diforders, or punilh him, as he Ihould find expedient. Ojeda, for fear of him, retired to his fhips, and Roldan continuing alhore, they treated about a conference ; each of them fearing to put himfelf into the power of the other. Roldan perceiving that Ojeda was unwilling to come alhore, he offered to go treat with him aboard: to which purpofe he fent to alk his boat, which he fent him well manned, and having taken in Roldan with fix or feven. of his followers, when they leaft fuf- pecled it, Roldan and his people on a fudden fell upon Ojeda’s men, with their naked
fwords.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
Il8
fwords, and killing fome and wounding others, made themfelves mailers of the boat, returning with it to land, Ojeda having only a fmall ikiff left him, in which he refolved to come peaceably to treat with Roldan. Having made fome excufe for his offences, he agreed to reftore fome men he had taken by force, that his boat and men might be returned him; alleging, if it were not reftored, it would be the ruin of them all and their ihips, becaufe he had no other fit to ferve them. Roldan readily granted it, that he might have no caufe to complain, or fay, he was loft through his means; yet making him promife and give fecurity that he would depart the ifland by a time appointed, as he was obliged to do, by the good guard Roldan kept afhore. But as it is a hard matter to root out cockle, fo that it may not fprout up again; fo it is no lefs difficult for people that have got a habit of doing ill to forbear relapfing into their crimes, as happened to fome of the rebels a few days after Ojeda was gone. For one D. Ferdinand de Guevara, being in difgrace with the admiral, as a feditious perfon, and having taken part with Ojeda, in hatred to Roldan, becaufe he would not permit him to take to wife the daughter of Canua, the principal queen of Xaragua, began to gather many confpirators to fecure Roldan, and fucceed him in the ill things he had done. Particularly he gained to his party one Adrian de Moxica, a chief man among the late rebels, and other wicked men, who, about the middle of July 1500, had contrived to fecure or murder Roldan. He having intelligence of the defign, flood upon his guard, and ordered his bufinefs fo well, that he feized the aforefaid D. Ferdinand, Adrian, and the chief men of their party ; and fending the admiral an account of what had happened, afked what his pleafure was he fhould do with them ? The anfwer was, That fince they had endeavoured, without any provocation, to difturb the "country, (and if they were not punifhed, every thing muft run to ruin,) he fhould punifh them according to their demerits, and as the law direfted. The judge did it accordingly, and proceeding legally againft them, hanged Adrian as chief author of the confpiracy, banifhed others, and kept D. Ferdinand in prifon, till on the 13th of June he delivered him, with other prifoners, to Gonfalo Blanco, to carry them to la Vega, that is, the Plain, where the admiral then was. This example quieted the country, and the Indians again fubmitted themfelves to the Chriftians. Such rich gold mines were difcovered, that every man left the King’s pay, and went away to live upon his own account, applying himfelf to dig gold at his own expence, allowing the King the third part of all they found. This profpered fo well, that a man has gathered five marks (a mark is eight ounces) of gold in a day, and a grain of pure gold has been taken up worth above 196 ducats; and the Indians were fubmiffive,dreading the admiral, and fo defirous to pleafe him, that they readily became Chriftians only to oblige him. When any of the chief of them was to appear before him, he endeavoured to be clad : and therefore to fettle all things the better, the admiral refolved to take a progrefs through the ifland; and accordingly he and his brother and lieutenant fet out on Wednefday the 20th of February 1499, and came to Ifabella on the 19th of March. From Ifabella they fet out the 5th of April for The Conception, and came thither the Tuefday following. The lieutenant went thence for Xaragua, upon Friday the 7th of June. On Chriftmas day following, which was in the year 1499, being forfaken by all the world, the Indians and rebel Chriftians fell upon me, and I was reduced to l’uch diftrefs, that to avoid death, leaving all behind me, I put to fea in a little caraval. But our Lord prefently relieved me, faying, Thou man of little faith, fear not, I am with you; and fo he difperfed my enemies, and fhewed how he could fulfil my promifes: unhappy finner that I am, who placed all my hopes on the world. From The Conception the admiral defigned to go to St. Domingo, on the

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
II 9
3d of February, in order to make ready to return into Spain to give Their Catholic Majefties an account of all things.
CHAP. LX XXV. — How their Catholic Majejiies, upon falfe Informations, and malicious Complaints of fome Pefforts , fent a Judge to take cognizance of Ajfairs.
WHILST thefe diforders happened, as has been faid, many of the rebels by letters fent from Hifpaniola, and others that were returned into Spain, did not ceafe to give in falfe informations to the King and his council, againft the admiral and his brothers, faying, they were cruel and unfit for that government, as well becaufe they were ftrangers and aliens, as becaufe they had not formerly been in a condition to learn by experience how to govern people of condition ; affirming, that if Their Highneffes did not apply fome remedy, thofe countries would be utterly deftroyed ; and in cafe they were not quite ruined by their ill government, the admiral would revolt, and join in league with fome prince to fupport him, he pretending that all was his own, as having been difcovered by his induftry and labour; and that the better to compafs his defign, he concealed the wealth of the country, and would not have the Indians ferve the Chriftians, nor be converted to the faith, becaufe by making much of them he hoped they would be of his fide, to do what he pleafed againft Their Highneffes. They proceeding in thefe and fuch like flanders, importuned Their Catholic Majefties, ever talking ill of the admiral, and complaining there were feveral years pay due to the men, gave occafion to all that were at court to rail. So that when I was at Granada, at the time the moft ferene Prince Michael happened to die, above fifty of them, like fhamelefs wretches, brought a load of grapes, and fat down in the court of Alhambra, (a caftle and palace) crying out, that Their Highneffes and the admiral made them live fo miferably by not paying them, with many other fcandalons expreffions. And their impudence was fo great, that if The Catholic King went abroad, they all got about him, crying, pay, pay. And if it happened that my brother or I, who were pages to Her Majefty, palled by where they were, they cried out in a hideous manner, making the fign of the crofs, and faying, there are the admiral of the Mofqueto’s fons, he that has found out falfe and deceitful countries, to be the ruin and burial place of the Spanilh gentry ; adding many more fuch infolencies, which made us cautious of appearing before them. Their complaints running fo high, and their conftant importunity with the King’s favourites, it was refolved to fend a judge.to Hifpaniola, to inquire into all thefe affairs, ordering him, in cafe he found the admiral guilty of what was alledged, to fend him to Spain, and'ftay there himfelf as governor. The perfon Their Majefties made choice of for this purpofe, was one Francis de Bova- dilla, a poor knight of the order of Calatrava, who on the 21ft of May 1499 h a d and ample connnilfion given him at Madrid, and blank letters, fubfcribed by Their Majefties, to fuch perfons as he Ihould think fit in Hifpaniola, commanding them to be aiding and affifting to him. Thus furnifhed, he arrived at St. Domingo at the latter end of Auguft 1500, at fuch time as the admiral was at The Conception, fettling the affairs of that province, where his brother had been affaulted by the rebels, and where there were more Indians, and thofe more underflanding people than in the reft of the illand. So that Bovadilla at his arrival finding nobody to keep him in awe, the firft thing he did was to take up his quarters in the admiral’s palace, and feize and make ufe of all he found there, as if it had fallen to him by inheritance ; and gathering together all he could find that had been in rebellion, and many others that hated the admiral and his brothers, he prefently declared himfelf governor. And to gain the
affedfions

120
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
affections of the people, he caufed a general freedom to be proclaimed for twenty years to come; requiring the admiral to repair to him without any delay, becaufe it was convenient for His Majefty’s fervice he Ihould do fo. And to back his fummons, on the 7th of September, fent him the King’s letter by F. John de la Sera, which was to this effedt:
To D. Chriftopner Colon , our Admiral of the Ocean.
WE have ordered the commendary Francis de Bovadilla, the bearer, to acquaint you with fome things from us : therefore we defire you to give him entire credit, and to obey him.
“ Given at Madrid the 21ft of May 1499.
“ I the King, I the Queen.
“ By command of Their Highneffes, Mich. Perez de Almazan.”
CHAP. LXXXVI. — How the Admiral was apprehended and fent to Spain in Irons ,
together with his Brothers.
THE admiral having feen Their MajefHes’ letter, came away prefently to St. Domingo, where the aforefaid judge was, who being eager to remain governor there, at the beginning of October 1500, without any delay, or legal information, fent him prifoner aboard a fhip, together with his brother James, putting them in irons, and a good guard over them, and ordered upon fevere penalties, that none fhould dare to fpeak for them. After this, (by Abington law) he began to draw up a procefs againft them, admitting the rebels his enemies as witneffes, and publickly favouring all that came to fpeak ill of them, who in their depofitions gave in fuch villainies and incoherencies, that he muff have been blind that had not plainly perceived they were falfe and malicious. For which reafon, Their Catholic Majefties would not admit of them, and cleared the admiral, repenting that they had fent fuch a man in that employment, and not without good caufe; for this Bovadilla ruined the ifland, and fquandered the King’s revenues, that all men might be his friends, faying Their Majefties would have nothing but the honour of the dominion, and that the profit fhould be for their fubjects. Yet he neglected not his own fhare, but hiding with the richeft and moft powerful men, gave them Indians to ferve them, upon condition they fhould fhare with him all they got by their means, and fold by auction the poffeflions and rights the admiral had acquired for Their Majefties, faying, they were no labourers, nor did they defire to make a profit of thofe lands, but only kept them for the benefit of their fubjects. He thus felling all things under this colour, endeavoured on the other fide that they fhould be bought by fome of his own companions, for one third of the value. Befides all this, he made no other ufe of his judicial power but to enrich himfelf and gain the affections of the people, being ftill afraid left the lieutenant, who was not yet come from Xaragua, fhould put a flop to his proceedings, and endeavour to fet the admiral at liberty by force of arms ; in which particular the brothers behaved themfelves very prudently ; for the admiral fent them word immediately, that they fhould come peaceably to him, the King’s fervice fo requiring, that the ifland might not be put into an uproar; for when they were in Spain, they fhould more eafily obtain the punifhment of fuch a fenfelefs perfon, and fatisfaclion for the wrong done them. Yet this did not divert Bovadilla from putting him and his brothers into irons, allowing the bafer fort to rail at them publickly, blowing horns
about

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121
about the port where they were (hipped, befides many fcandalous libels let up at corners of ftreets againft them ; fo that though he was informed that one James Ortir, governor of the hofpital, had writ a libel, and read it publickly in the marketplace, he was fo far from punifhing of him, that he feemed to be vei'y well pleafed, which made every one endeavour to (hew himfelf in this fort. And perhaps for fear the admiral (hould fwim back, he took care when they “were to fail, to defire Andrew Martin, the mailer of the (hip, to look to him, and to deliver him in irons as he was, to the bilhop D. John de Fonfeca, by whofe advice and direction it was concluded he did all thefe things ; though when they were at fea, the mafter being fenfi- ble of Bovadilla’s unworthinefs, would have knocked off the admiral’s irons, which he would never permit, faying, that fince Their Catholic Majellies, by their letter directed him to perform whatfoever Bovadilla did in their name comrpand him to do, in virtue of which authority and commiffion he had put him into irons, he would have none but Their Highneffes themfelves to do their pleafure herein; and he was refolved to keep thofe fetters as relicks, and a memorial of the reward of his many fervices; as accordingly he did ; for I always faw thofe irons in his room, which he ordered to be buried with his body; notwithstanding that, he having on the 20th of November i 5 oo ? writ to Their Majellies, acquainting them with his arrival at Cadiz ; they, under- handing the condition he came in, immediately gave orders that he (hould be releafed, and fent him very gracious letters, faying, they were very forry for his fufferings, and the unmannerly behaviour of Bovadilla towards him, ordering him to go to court, where care (hould be taken about his affairs, and he Ihould be (hortly difpatched with full rellitution of his honour. Neverthelefs, I cannot but blame Their Catholic Majellies, who chofe for that employment a bafe and ignorant man; for had he been a man who knew the duty of his office, the admiral himfelf would have been glad of his coming; fince he by letter had defired, that one might be fent to take true information of the perverfenefs of thofe people, and of the crimes they committed, that they might be punilhed by another hand, he being unwilling to ufe that feve- rity which an impartial perfon would have done, becaufe the original of thofe tumults had been againft his brother. And though it may be urged, that though Their Ma- jefties had fuch bad accounts of the admiral, yet they ought not to lend Bovadilla with fo many letters, and fuch power, without limiting the commiffion they gave him. It may be anfwered in their behalf, that it was no wonder they did fo, becaufe the complaints againft the admiral were very many, as has been faid above.
CHAP. LXXXVII. — How the Admiral went to Court to give Their Catholic Majejlies
an Account of himfelf.
AS foon as Their Majefties heard of the admiral’s coming, and being in irons, they fent orders on the 12th of December for -him to be fet at liberty, and writ to him to repair to Granada, where he was received by'Their Highneffes with a favourable afpect and kind words, telling him, his imprifonment had not been by their defire or command, and therefore they were much offended at it, and they would take care thofe that were in fault (hould be punilhed, and full fatisfaclion given him. Having fpoke thefe and fuch like gracious words, they ordered his bufinefs (hould be immediately gone upon, the refult whereof was, that a governor (hould be, fent to Hifpaniola, who was to right the admiral and his brothers, and Bovadilla Ihould be obliged to reftore all he had taken from them; and that the admiral (hould be allowed all that belonged to him, according to the articles Their Highneffes had
vol. xn. r granted

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LIFE t)F COLON, BY HIS SQ>t.
granted him ; and that the rebels fhould be proceeded againfl and punilhed according to their offences. Nicholas de Obando, commendary of laws, was fent with this power; he -was a wife and judicious man, but, as afterwards appeared, partial, craftily concealing his paffions, giving credit to his own furmifes, and malicious perfons; and therefore afting cruelly and revengefully, as appears by the death of the eighty kings we have l'poken of before. But to return to the admiral; as Their Majefties were pleafed to fend Obando to Hifpaniola, fo they thought it proper to fend the admiral upon fome voyage that might turn to his advantage, and keep him employed till the faid Obando could pacify and reduce the iiland Hifpaniola, becaufe they did not like to keep him fo long out of his right, without any juft occafion; the information fent by Bovadilla plainly appearing to be full of malice, and not containing any thing whereby he might forfeit his right. But there being fome delay in the execution of this defign, it being now the month of October 1500, and ill men endeavoured to prevail that a new information might be expected, the admiral refolved to fpeak to Their Majefties, and beg of them tjiat they would defend him againft all dangers, which he afterwards repeated by letter. This they promifed him by letter, when the admiral was ready to fet out upon his voyage : the words of it are to this effect:
“ And be affured that your imprifonment was very difpleafing to us, which you were fenftble of, and all men plainly law, becaufe as foon as we heard of it, we applied the proper remedies. And you know with how much honour and refpect we have always ordered you to be treated, which we now direct Ihould be done, and that you receive all worthy and noble ufage, promifing that the privileges and prerogatives by us granted you Avail be preferved in ample manner, according to the tenor of our letters patents, which you and your children lhall enjoy without any contradiction, as is due in reafon: And if it be requiftte to ratify them anew, we will do it, and will order that your fon be put into poffeffion of all, for we defire to honour and favour you in greater matters than thefe. And be fatisfied we will take the due care of your fons and brothers, which lhall be done when you are departed; for the employment lhall be given to your fon, as has been faid. We therefore pray you not to delay your departure.
“ Given at Valentia de la Torre, on the 14th of March 1502.”
This Their Majefties writ, becaufe the admiral had refolved not to trouble him- felf any more with the affairs of the Indies, but to eafe himfelf upon my brother, wherein he was in the right; for he faid, that if the fervices he had already done were not lufficient to deferve to have thofe villainous people punilhed, all he could do for the future would never obtain it, fince he had already performed the main thing he undertook before he difcovered the Indies, which was to fhew that there was a continent and illands weftward; that the way was eafy and navigable, the advantage viftble, and the people gentle and unarmed. All which fince he had verified him- felf in pei'fon, there now remained nothing but for Their Highneffes to purfue what was begun, fending people to difcover the fecrets of thofe countries ; for now the gate was opened, any one might follow the coaft, as fome did already, who improperly call themfelves difcoverers; not confidering they have not difcovered any new country, but that for the future they purfue the firft difcovery, the admiral having Ihewn them the illands and province of Paria, which was the firft land of the continent difcovered. Yet the admiral having always had a great inclination to ferve Their Catholic Majefties, and particularly the Queen, he was content to return to his Ihips, and undertake the voyage we lhall fpeak of; for he was convinced there would daily be found out great wealth, as he writ to Their Highneffes the year 1499, fpeaking of the dif-
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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covery in this manner : It is not to be difcontinued; for, to fay the truth, becaufe one time or other fomething material will be found. As has fince appeared by New Spain and Peru, though at that time, as generally happens to molt men, no body gave credit to what he faid, and yet he faid nothing but what proved true, as Their Catholic Majefties teftify, in a letter of theirs writ at Barcelona on the 5th of September 1498.
CHAP. LXXXVIII. — How the Admiral went from Granada to Seville , to ft out a
Fleet for another Difcovery.
THE admiral having been well difpatched by Their Catholic Majefties, fet out from Granada for Seville in the year 1501, and being there, fo earneftly folicited the fitting out his fquadron, that in a fmall time he had rigged and provided four flaps, the biggeft of feventy, the leaft of fifty tons burthen, and one hundred and forty men and boys, of which number I was one.
We fet fail from Cadiz on the 9th of May 1502, and failed to St. Catherine’s, whence we parted on Wednefday the 1 ith of the fame month, and went to Arzilla to relieve the Portuguefe, who were reported to be in great diftrefs ; but when we came thither, the Moors had raifed the fiege. The admiral therefore fent his brother D. Bartholomew Colon, and me, with the captains of the fhips, afhore, to vifit the governor of Arzilla, who had been wounded by the Moors in an alfault. He returned the admiral thanks for the vifit and his offers, and to this purpofe fent fome gentlemen to him, among whom fome were relations to Donna Philippa Moniz, the admiral’s wife in Portugal. The fame day we fet fail, and arriving at Gran Canaria, on the 20th of May, call anchor among the little iflands j and on the 24th went over to Mafpalomas in the fame ifland, there to take in wood and water for our voyage. The next night we fet out for the Indies, and it pleafed God the wind was fo fair, that without handling the fails, on Wednefday the 15th of June we arrived at the ifland Matinino with a rough fea and wind. There, according to the cuflom of thofe that fail from Spain to the Indies, the admiral took in frelh wood and water, and made the men wafh their linen, flaying till Saturday, when we flood to the weftward, and came to Dominica, ten leagues from the other. So running ajpng among the Caribbee iflands, we came to Santa Cruz, and on the 24th of the fame month ran along the fouth fide of the ifland of St. John. Thence we took the way for St. Domingo, the admiral having a mind to exchange one of his fhips for another, becaufe it was a bad failer, and befides, could carry no fail, but the fide would lie almoft under water, which was a hindrance to his voyage, becaufe his defign was to have gone direcUy npon the coaft of Paria, and keep along that fhore, till he came upon the ftreight, which he certainly concluded was about Veragua and Nombre de Dios. But feeing the fault of the fliip, he was forced to repair to St. Domingo to change it for a better.
And to the end the commendary Lores fent by Their Majefties to call Bovadilla to an account for his male-adminiftration, might not be furprized at our unexpected arrival, upon Wednefday the 29th of June, being near the port, the admiral fent Peter de Terreros, captain of one of the fhips to him, to fignify what occafion he had to change that fhip ; for which reafon, as alfo becaufe he apprehended a great ftorm was coming, he defired to fecure himfelf in that port, advifing him not to let the fleet fail out of the port for eight days to come ; for if he did it would be in great danger. But the aforefaid governor would not permit the admiral to come into the harbour, nor did he hinder the going out of the fleet that was bound for Spain, which
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
1&4
confided of eighteen fail, and was to carry Bovadilla, who had imprifoned the admiral and his brothers, Francis Roldan, and all the reft who had been in rebellion againft them and done them fo much harm, all whom it pleafed God to infatuate, that they might not admit of the admiral’s good advice. And I am fatisfied it was the hand of God; for had they arrived in Spain, they had never been punilhed as their crimes deferved; but rather been favoured and preferred, as being the bifhop’s friends. This was prevented by their fetting out of that port for Spain ; for no fooner were they come to the eaft point of the ifland Hifpaniola, but there arofe fo terrible a ftorm, that the admiral of the fleet funk, in which was Bovadilla, with moft of the rebels, and made fuch havock among the reft, that of eighteen fhips, only three or four were faved. This happened upon Thurfday the laft of June, when the admiral having forefeen the ftorm, and being refufed admittance into the port, for his fecurity, drew up as clofe to the land as he could, thus fheltering himfelf, not without much diflatisfaftion among his men, who, for being with him, were denied that reception which had been allowed to ftrangers, much more to them that were of the fame nation; for they feared they might be fo ferved, if any misfortune fliould befal them for the future. And though the admiral was concerned on the fame account, yet it more vexed him to behold the bafenefs and ingratitude ufed towards him in that country he had given to the honour and benefit of Spain, being refufed to flielter his life in it. Yet his prudence and judgment fecured his fhips, till the next day the tempeft increafing, and the night coming on very dark, three fhips broke from him every one its own way ; the men aboard each of them, though all of them in great danger, concluded the others were loft ; but they that differed moft were thofe aboard the fhip called Santo, who to fave their boat, which had been afhore with the captain Terreros, dragged it a-ftern, where it over-fet, and were at laft forced to let it go to fave themfelves. But the caraval Bermuda was in much more danger, which running out to fea, was almoft covered with it, by which it appeared the admiral had reafon to endeavour to change it; and all men concluded that, under God, the admiral’s brother was the faving of her, by his wifdom and refolution ; for as has been faid above, there was not at that time a more expert failor than he. So that after they had all differed very much, except the admiral, it pleafed God they met again upon Sunday following in the port of Azua, on the fouth fide of Hifpaniola, where every one giving an account of his misfortunes, it appeared that Bartholomew Colon had weathered fo great a ftorm, by flying from land like an able failor; and that the admiral was out of danger, by lying clofe to the fhore like a cunning aftro- loger, who knew whence the danger muft come. Well might his enemies blame him therefore, faying, he had railed that ftorm by art magic, to be revenged on Bovadilla and the reft of his enemies that were with him, feeing that none of his four fhips perifhed; and that of eighteen which fet out with Bovadilla, only one called La Aguja, or the The Needle, the worft of them all, held on its courfe for Spain, where it arrived fafe, having on board four thoufand pefos in gold, worth eight fhil- lings a pefo, belonging to the admiral, the other three that efcaped, returning to St. Domingo fhattered, and in a diftrelfed condition.
CHAP. LXXXIX.— How the Admiral departed from Hifpaniola, and dif covered the
Jflands of Guanaia.
THE admiral in the port of Azua gave his men a breathing time after the ftorm ; and it being one of the diverfions ufed at fea, to filh when there is nothing elfe to
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
125
do, I will mention two forts of fifh among the reft, which I remember were taken there ; the one of them was pleafant, the other wonderful. The firft was a fifh called Saavina, as big as half an ordinary bell, which lying alleep above water, was ftruck with a harping iron from the boat of the fhip Bifceina, and held fo fait, that it could not break loofe; but being tied with a long rope to the boat, drew it after it as fwift as an arrow ; fo that thofe aboard the fhip feeing the boat feud about, and not knowing the occafion, were aftonifhed it fhould do fo without the help of the oars, till at laft the fifh funk, and being drawn to the fhip’s fide, was there hauled up with the tackle. The other filh was taken after another manner, the Indians call it Manati, and there are none of the fort in Europe : it is as big as a calf, nothing differing from it in the colour and tafte of the flefh, but that perhaps it is better and fatter; wherefore thofe that affirm there are all forts of creatures in the fea, will have it, that thefe fifties are real calves, fince within they have nothing like a fifli, and feed only on the grafs they find along the banks. To return to our hiftory$ the admiral having a little re- frelhed his men, and repaired his fhips, left port Azua, and went to that of Brafil, which the Indians call Giacchemo, to fhun another ftorm that was coming. Hence he failed again on the 14th of July, and was fo becalmed, that inftead of holding on his courfe the current carried him away to certain iflands near Jamaica, which are very fmall and fandy, and he called them Los Poros, or The Wells, becaul'e not finding water in them, they dug many pits in the fand, and took up then water for their ufe. Then failing fouthward for the continent, we came to certain iflands, where we went affiore upon the biggeft only, called Guanaia, whence thofe that make fea charts, took occafion to call all thofe iflands of Guanaia, which are almoft twelve leagues from the continent, near the province now called Honduras, though then the admiral called it Cape Gafinas. But thefe men making fuch charts without having feen the world, they commit vaft miftakes ; which fince it now comes in my way, I will here fet down, though it interrupts the. courfe of our hiftory. Thefe fame iflands and continent are by them twice fet down in their charts, as if they were different countries; and
whereas Cape Gracias a Dios, and that they call Cape-, are but one and
the fame, they make two of it. The occafion of this miftake was, that after the admiral had difeovered thefe countries, one John Diaz de Solis, (from whom the river De la Plata, that is,, of Silver or Plate, was called Rio de Solis, becaufe he was there killed by the Indians,) and one Vincent Yanez, who commanded a fhip the firft voyage, when the admiral difeovered the Indies, fet out together to difeover in the year 1508, defigning to follow along that coaft the admiral had difeovered in his voyage from Veragua weftward ; and he following almoft the fame track, they put into the coaft of Cariai, and paffed by Cape Gracias a Dios, as far as Cape Gafinas, which they called Honduras, and the aforefaid iflands they called Guanaias, giving the name of the biggeft to them all. Thence they proceeded on further, without owning the admiral had been in any of thofe parts, that the difeovery might be attributed to them, and to have it believed they had found large countries; notwithftanding that, Peter de Le- defma, one of their pilots, who had been before with the admiral in his voyage to Veragua, told them, he knew that country* and that he had been there with the admiral difeovering it, from whom I afterwards had this. But the nature of the charts plainly demonftrates it; for the fame thing is twice fet down, and the ifland is in the fame ffiape, and at the fame diftanoe, they having at their return brought a true draft of that country, only faying, it lay beyond that which the admiral had difeovered. So that the fame country is twice deferibed in one chart; which, if it pleafe God, time wall make appear, when that coaft is better known $ for they will find but
one

1 26
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
one country of that fort, as has been faid. But to return to our difcovery, being come to the ifland of Guanaia, the admiral ordered his brother Bartholomew Colon to go alhore with two boats, where they found people like thofe of the other illands, but not of fuch high foreheads. They alfo faw abundance of pine-trees and pieces of lapis calaminaris, ufed to mix with copper, which fome feamen taking for gold, kept hid a long time.
The admiral’s brother being alhore in that ifland, very defirous to know fomething of it, fortune fo ordered it, that a canoe as long as a galley, and eight feet wide, all of one tree, and like the others in lhape, put in there, being loaded with commodities brought from the weftward, and bound towards New Spain. In the midft of it was a covering like an awning made of palm-tree leaves, not unlike thofe of the Venetian gondolas, which kept all under it fo clofe, that neither rain nor fea water could wet the goods. Under this awning were the children, the women, and all the goods, and though there were twenty-five men aboard this canoe, they had not the courage to defend themfelves againfl the boats that purfued them. The canoe being thus taken without an,y oppofition, was carried aboard, where the admiral blefled God, for that it had pleafed him at once to give him famples of the commodities of that country, without expofing his men to any danger. He therefore ordered fuch things to be taken, as he judged moll lightly and valuable; fuch as fome quilts, and fhirts of cotton without fleeves, curioufly wrought and dyed of feveral colours, and fome fmall clouts to cover their privities, of the fame fort; and large Iheets in which the Indian women aboard the canoe wrapped themfelves, as the Moorilh women at Granada ufed to do ; and long wooden fwords with a channel on each fide where the edge Ihould be, in which there were lharp edges of flint fixed with thread, and a bituminous fort of matter, which cut naked men as if they were of Heel, and hatchets to cut wood like thofe of Hone the other Indians ufe, but that thefe were made of good copper; alfo bells of the fame metal, plates and crucibles to melt the metal. For their provifion they had fuch roots and grain as they in Hifpaniola eat, and a fort of liquor made of maize, like the Englilh beer ; and abundance of cacao-nuts, which in New Spain pafs for money, which they feemed to value very much ; for when they were brought aboard among their other goods, I obferved that when any of thefe nuts fell, they all flooped to take it up, as if it had been a thing of great confequence; yet at that time they feemed to be in a manner befides themfelves, being brought prifoners out of their canoe aboard the fhip, among fuch flrange and fierce people, as we are to them ; but fo prevalent is avarice in man, that we ought not to wonder that it fhould prevail upon the Indians above the apprehenfion of the danger they were in. I mufl add, that we ought to admire their modefty ; for it falling out, that in getting them aboard, fome were taken by the clouts they had before their privities, they would immediately clap their hands to cover them; and the women would hide their faces, and wrap themfelves up, as we faid the Moorilh women do at Granada. This moved the admiral to ufe them well, to reflore their canoe, and give them fome things in exchange for thofe that had been taken from them. Nor did he keep any one of them but an old man, whofe name was Giumbe, that feemed to be the wileft and chief of them, to learn fomething of him concerning the country, and that he might draw others to converfe with the Chriftians, which he did very readily and faithfully all the while we failed where his language was underflood. Therefore, as a reward for this his fervice, when we came where he was not underflood, the admiral gave him fome things, and fent him home very well pleafed, which was before he came to Cape Gracias a Dios, on the coaft of Orecchia, whereof mention has been made already.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON*
t *
CHAP. XC. — How the Admiral would not go to New Spain, hut fail to the Eafiward
to find out the Streight in the Cotitinent.
NOTWITHSTANDING the admiral had heard fo much from thofe in the canoe concerning the great wealth, politenefs, and ingenuity of the people weftward towards New Spain; yet thinking that thofe courttries lying to the leeward, he could fail thither when he thought fit from Cuba, he would not go that way at this time, but held on his delign of difcovering the ftreight in the continent, to clear a way into' the South Sea," which was what he aimed at in order to come at the countries that produce fpice, and therefore refolved to fail eaftward towards Veragua and Nombre de Dios, where he imagined the faid ftreight to be, as in effect -it was ; yet was he deceived in the matter ; for he did not conceit it to be an ifthmus, or narrow neck of land, but a fmall gulph running from lea to fea. Which miftake might proceed from the likenefs of the names ; for when they faid the ftreight was at Veragua and Nombre de Dios, it might be underftood either of land or water; and he took it in the molt ufual fenfe, and for that he molt earneftly defired. And yet though that ftreight is land, yet it was and is the way to the dominion of both feas, and by which fuch immenfe riches have been difcovered and conveyed : for it was God’s will, a matter of fuch vaft concern iho’ald not be otherwife found out, that canoe having given the firft information concerning New Spain.
There being nothing therefore in thofe iflands of Guanaia worth taking notice of, he, without further delay, failed in order to feek out the ftreight towards the continent, to a point he called Cafinas, becaufe there were abundance of trees that bear a fort of fruit that is rough, as a fpungy bone, and is good to eat, efpecially boiled; which fruit the Indians of Hifpaniola call Cafinas. There appearing nothing worth taking notice of all about the country, the admiral would not lofe time to go into a great bay the land makes there, but held on his courfe eaftwards along that coaft, which runs along the fame way to cape Gracias a Dios, and is very low and open. The people neareft to Cape Cafinas wear thofe painted fhirts or jerkins before mentioned, and clouts before their privities, which were like coats of mail, made of cotton ftrong enough to defend them againft their weapons, and even to bear oft’ the ftroke of fome of ours.
But the people higher eaftward, towards Cape Gracias a Dios, are almoft black, of a fierce alpect, go ftark naked, are very favage, and, as the Indian that was taken faid, eat man’s flefh, and raw filh juft as it is taken. They have their ears bored with fuch large holes, that they may put a hen’s egg into them, which made the admiral call that coaft de las Orejas, or of the Ears. There on Sunday, the 14th of Augufi 1502, Bartholomew Colon went afhore in the morning with the colours, the captains, and many of the men, to hear mafs; and on Wednefday following, when the boats went afhore to take pofleflion of the country for Their Catholic Majefties, above a hundred men ran down to the fhore, loaded with provifions ; who, as loon as the boats came alhore, came before the lieutenant, and on a fudden retired back without fpeaking a word. He ordered they fltould give them horfe-bells, beads, and other things; and by means of the aforefaid interpreter, inquired concerning the country 5 though he having been but a fhort time with us, did not underltand the Chriftians, by reafon of the diftance of his country from Hifpaniola, where feveral perfons aboard the fhips had learnt the Indian language. Nor did he underltand thofe Indians ; but they being pleafed with what had been given them, came the next day to the fame place, above two hundred of them loaded with feveral forts of provifions, - as
hens

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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
hens of that country, which are better than ours, geefe, roafted filh, red and white beans, like kidney beans, and other things like thofe they have in Hifpaniola. The country was green and beautiful, though low, producing abundance of pines, oaks, palm trees of feven forts, and mirobalans of thofe of Hifpaniola they call hobi; and almolt all forts of provifions that iiland affords were here to be found. Abundance of leopards, deer, and others, as alfo all forts of filh there are in the illands and in Spain. The people of this country are much like thofe of the illands, but that their foreheads are not fo high, nor do they feem to have any religion. There are l’everal languages among them, and for the moll part they go naked, but cover their privities; feme wear Ihort jumps down to their navel without fteeves'; their arms and bodies have figures wrought on them with fire, which make them look oddly; and fome have lions, others deer, and other caftles with towers, and other things painted on their bodies. Inftead of caps, the better fort of them wear red and white cloths of cotton ; and fome have locks of hair hanging on their foreheads. But when they are to be fine againft a feftival day, they colour their faces, fome black, and fome red; others draw Itreaks of feveral colours; others paint their nofe, and others black their eyes ; and thus they adorn themfelves to appear beautiful, whereas in truth they look like devils.
CHAP. XCI. — How the Admiral left the Coajl he called de las Orejas, and by Cape Gracias a Dios came to Cariari, and what he did and faw there.
THE admiral failed along the faid coaft de las Orejas eaffward to Cape Gracias a Dios, which was fo called, becaufe there being but fixty leagues to it from Cape Gafinas, we laboured feventy days by reafon of the currents and contrary winds upon the tack to gain it, Handing out to fea, and then making the Ihore, fometimes gaining and fometimes loling ground, as the wind was fcant or large when we came about. And had not the coali afforded fuch good anchoring, we had been much longer upon it; but being clear, and having two fathom water half a league from the fhore, and two more at every league’s diftance, we had always the conveniency of anchoring at night when there was but little wind; fo that the courfe was navigable by reafon of the good anchoring, but with difficulty.
When on the 14th of September we came up to the cape, perceiving the land turned off to the fouth, and that we could conveniently continue our voyage with thofe Levant winds that reigned there, and had been fo contrary to us, we all in general gave thanks to God, for which reafon the admiral called this Cape Gracias a Dios. A little beyond it, we palled by fome dangerous lands that ran out to fea, as far as the eye could reach.
It being requifite to take in wood and water, on the 16th of September the admiral fent the boats to a river that feemed to be deep, and to have a good entrance, but the coming out proved not fo; for the winds freffiing from fea, and the waves running high againft the current of the river, fo diftreffed the boats, that one of them was loft with all the men in it; wherefore the admiral called it the river de la Defgratia, that is, of the Difafter.
In this river, and about it, there were canes as thick as a man’s leg; and on Sunday the 25 th of September, Hill running fouth ward, we came to an anchor near a little iiland called Quiriviri, and a town on the continent, the name whereof was Cariari, where were the bell people, country, and fituation, we had yet feen ; as well becaufe it was high, full of rivers, and abounding in trees, as becaufe the iiland was
thick

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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thick wooded, and full of forelts of palm, mirobalan, and other forts of trees. For this reafon, the admiral called it Hucite. It is a fmall league from the town the Indians call Cariari, which is near a great river, whither reforted a great multitude of people from the adjacent parts; fome with bows and arrows; others with Haves of palm tree, as black as a coal, and hard as a horn, pointed with the bones of fifties; others with clubs; and they came together as if they meant to defend their country. The men had their hair braided and wound about their heads;' the women Ihort like ours. But perceiving we were peaceable people, they were very defirous to barter their commodities for ours; theirs were arms, cotton jerkins, and large pieces like Iheets, and guaninis, which is pale gold they wear about their necks, as we do relics. Thefe things they fwam with to the boats, for the Chriftians went not afhore that day nor the next; nor would the admiral allow any thing of theirs to be taken, that we might not be taken for men that value their goods, but gave them fome of ours. The lefs they faw us value the exchange, the more eager they were, making abundance of figns from land. At laft, perceiving nobody went afhore, they took all the things that had been given them, without referving any, and tying them together, left them” in the fame place where the boats firft went afhore, and where our men found them on the Wednefday following, when they landed. The Indians about this place believing that the Chriftians did not confide in them, they fent an ancient man of an awful prefence with a flag upon a ftaff, and two girls, the one about eight, the other about fourteen years of age, who, putting them into the boat, made figns that the Chriftians might fafely land. Upon their requeft, they went alhpre to take in water, the Indians taking great care not to do any thing that might fright the Chriftians ; and when they faw them return to their fliips, they made figns to them to take along with them the young girls, with their guaninis about their necks; and at the requeft of the old man that conduced them, they complied and carried them aboard. Wherein thofe • people {hewed more friendly than others had done; and in the girls appeared an un- dauntednefs. For though the Chriftians were fuch ftrangers to them, they exprefled no manner of concern, but always looked pleafant and modeft; which made the admiral treat them well, cloathed, fed, and fet them afhore again, where the fifty men were, and the old man that had delivered them, received them again with much fatis- faction. The boats going afhore again that fame day, found the fame people with the girls, who reftored all the Chriftians had given them. The next day, the admiral’s brother going afhore to learn fomething of thofe people, two of the chief men came to the boat, and taking him by the arms between them, made him fit down upon the grafs; and he, afking fome queftions of them, ordered the fecretary to write down what they anfwered; but they feeing the pen, ink, and paper, were in fuch a con- fternation, that moft of them ran away, which, as was believed, they did for fear of being bewitched; for to us they feemed to be forcerers, or fuperftitious people, and that not without reafon; becaufe, when they came near the Chriftians, they fcattered fome powder about them in the air, and burning fome of the fame powder, endeavoured to make the fmoak go towards the Chriftiansbefides, their refufing to keep any thing that belonged unto us, fhewed a jealoufy; for, as they fay, “ A knave thinks every man like himfelf.” Having ftaid here longer than was convenient, con- fidering the hafte we were in, after repairing the fliips, and providing all we wanted, upon Sunday the 2d of October the admiral ordered his brother to go afhore with fome men to view that Indian town, and learn fomething of their manners, and the nature of the country. The moft remarkable things they faw were, in a great wooden palace covered with canes, feveral tombs, in one of which there was a dead body dried VOL. xii. s up

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up and embalmed; in another, two bodies, wrapped up in cotton ffieets without any ill fcent; and over each tomb was a board, with the figures of beafts carved on it”; and on feme of them, the effigies of the perfon buried there, adorned with guanims, beads, and other things they moll value. Thefe being the rnoft civilized Indians in th ofe parts, the admiral ordered one to be taken, to learn of him the fecrets of the country; and of feven that were taken, two of the chiefell were picked out, and the reft fent away with fome gifts, and civil entertainment, that the country might not be left in an uproar, telling them, they were to ferve as guides upon that coaft, and then be fet at liberty. But they believing they were taken out of covetoufnefs, that they might ranfom themfelves with their goods and things of value, the next day abundance of them came down to the ffiore, and fent four aboard the admiral, as their ambaffadors, to treat about the ranfom, offering fome things, and freely giving two hogs of the country, which, though fmall, are very wild. The admiral therefore, obferving the policy of this people, was more defirous to be acquainted with them, and would not depart till he had learned fomething of them, but would not give ear to their offers. He therefore ordered fome trifles to be given to the meffengers, that they might not go away diffatisfied, and that they ffiould be paid for their hogs, one of which was hunted after this manner. Among other creatures that country produces, there is a kind of cats of a greyilh colour, and as big as a fmall greyhound, but have a longer tail, and fo ftrong, that whatfoever they clap it about is as it were tied with a rope. Thefe run about the trees like the fquirrels, leaping from one to another ; and when they leap, they do not only hold fall with their claws, but with their tail too, by which they often hang, either to reft them, or fport. It happened that one Ballefter brought one of thefe cats out of a wood, having knocked him off a tree, and not daring to meddle with it when down, becaufe of its fiercenefs, he cut off one of his fore legs, and carrying it fo wounded aboard, it frighted a good dog they had, but put one of the hogs they had brought us into a much greater fear; for as foon as the fwine faw the cat, it run away, with figns of much dread, which we were furprized at, becaufe before this happened, the hog ran at every body, and would not let the dog reft upon the deck. The admiral therefore ordered it to be put clofe to the cat, which prefently wound her tail about its fnout, and with that fore-leg it had left, faftened on its pole to bite it, the hog for fear grunting moft violently. By this we perceived that thefe cats hunt like the wolves or dogs in Spain.
CHAP. XCII.— How the Admiral went from Cariari to Caravaro and Veragua, till he came to Portovelo, all along a very fruitful Coaft.
UPON Wednefday the 5th of October the admiral failed, and came to the bay of Caravaro, which is fix leagues in length, and above three in breadth, where there are many fmall iflands, and two or three channels to get in or out at any time. Within thefe iflands the ffiips fail as it were in ftreets between iflands, the leaves of the trees ftriking againft the Ihrouds. As foon as we anchored in this bay, the boats went to one of the iflands, where there were twenty canoes upon the ffiore, and the people by, as naked as they were born, and had only a gold plate about their neck, and fome an eagle of gold. Thefe, without {hewing any tokens of fear, the two Indians of Cariari interpreting, gave a gold plate for three horfe-bells; it weighed ten ducats, and they faid there was great plenty of that metal up the continent, not far from them.
The next day, being the 7th of October, the boats went affiore upon the continent, where meeting ten canoes full of people, and they refufing to chaffer away their gold
10 plates,

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
* 3 *
plates, two of the chief of them were taken, that the admiral might learn fomething of them with the ■ affiftance of two interpreters. The gold plate one of them wore weighed fourteen ducats, and the other’s eagle twenty-two. Thefe faid, that a day or two’s journey up the country, there was abundance of gold found in fome places which they named. In the bay a vaft deal of fifh was taken, and alhore there were abundance of thofe creatures above mentioned at Cariari; alfo great plenty of their food, fuch as roots, grain, and fruit. The men, who are painted all over, face and body, of feveral colours, as red, black, and white, go naked, only covering their privities with a narrow cotton cloth.
From this bay of Caravaro, we went to another clofe by it, called Aburena, which in fome meafure is like the other.
On the 17th we put out to fea to continue our voyage; and being come to Guaiga, a river twelve leagues from Aburena, the admiral commanded the boats to go alhore, which as they were doing, they faw above a hundred Indians on the ftrand, who affaulted them furioufly, running up to the middle into the water, brandifhing their fpears, blowing horns, and beating a drum in warlike manner, to defend their country, throwing the fait water towards the Chriftians, chewing herbs and fpurting it towards them. Our men not ftirring, endeavoured to appeafe them, as they did; for at laft they drew near to exchange the gold plates they had about their necks, fome for two, and fome for three horfe-bells, by which means we got fixteen gold plates, worth a hundred and fifty ducats. 'The next day, being Friday the 19th of October, the boats went to land again to barter; yet before any Chriftian went afhore, they called to fome Indians, who were under fome bowers they had made that night to defend their country, fearing the Chriftians would land to do them fome wrong. Though they called never fo much, yet none of them would come, nor would the Chriftians land without knowing firft what mind they were in; for, as afterwards appeared, they waited in order to fall on them as foon as they landed. But perceiving they came not out of the boats, they blew their horns, beat the drum, and making a great noife, ran into the water, as they had done the day before, till they came almoft to the boats, making figns as if they would call their javelins if they did not return to their fhips. The Chriftians, offended at this their proceeding, that they might not be fo bold, and defpife them, wounded one with an arrow in the arm, and fired a cannon, at which they were fo frighted, that all ran away to land. Then four Chriftians landed, and calling them back, they came very peaceably, leaving their arms behind them, and exchanged three gold plates, faying, they had no more, becaufe they came not provided for to trade, but to fight.
All the admiral looked for in this journey was to get famples of what thofe parts afforded; and therefore, without farther delay, he proceeded to Catiba, and call anchor in the mouth of a great river. The people of the country were feen to gather, calling one another with horns and drums; and afterwards fent a canoe with two men in it to the fhips, who having talked with the Indians that were taken at Cariari, pre- fently came aboard the admiral, without any apprehenfion of fear ; and by the advice of thofe Indians, gave the admiral two plates of gold they had about their necks, and he in return gave them fome baubles of ours. When thefe were gone afhore, there came another canoe with three men wearing plates hanging at their necks, who did as the firft had done. Amity thus fettled, our men went afhore, where they found abundance of people, with their king, who differed jn nothing from the reft, but that he was covered with one leaf of a tree, becaufe at that time it rained hard; and to give his fubjecis a good example, he exchanged a plate, and bid them barter for theirs;
s 2 which

life of colon, by his son.
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which in all were nineteen of pure gold. This was the firft place in the Indies where they faw any fign of a ftructure, which was a great mafs of wall, or imagery, that to them feemed to be of lime and ftone: the admiral ordered a piece of it to be brought away as a memorial of that antiquity.
He went away eaftward, and came to Cobravo, the people of which place lie near the rivers of that coal!; and becaufe none came down to the ftrand, and the wind blew frefh, he held on his courfe, and went on to five towns of great trade, among which was Veragua, where the Indians faid the gold was gathered, and the plates made.
The next day he came to a town, called Cubiga, where the Indians of Cariari faid the trading country' ended, which began at Carabora, and ran as far as Cubiga, for fifty leagues along the coaft.
The admiral, without making any flay, went on till he put into Porto Bello, giving it that name, becaufe it is large, beautiful, well peopled* and encompaffed by a well cultivated country. Pie entered this place on the 2d of November, palling between two fmall iflands, within which the fhips may lie clofe to the fhore, and turn it out if they have occafion. The country about that harbour, higher up, is not very rough, but tilled, and full of houfes, a /tone’s throw or a bow /hot one from the other ; and it looks like the finefl landfcape a man can imagine. During feven days we continued there, on account of the rain and ill weather, there came continually canoes from all the country about to trade for provifions and bottoms of fine fpun cotton, which they gave for fome trifles, fuch as points and pins.
CHAP. XCIII. — How the Admiral came to Port Bajlhnentos, or JV 'ombre de Dios , and continued his Voyage till he put into Retrete.
ON Wednefday the pth of November, we failed out of Porto Bello, eight leagues to the eaftward ; but the next day were forced back four leagues by ftrefs of weather, and put in among the iflands near the continent, where is now the town of Nombre de Dios; and becaufe all thofe fmall iflands were full of grain, he called it Puerto de Baftimentos, that is, the Port of Provifions.
There a boat well manned, purfuing a canoe, the Indians imagining our men would do them fome harm, and perceiving the boat was within lefs than a ftone’s throw of them, they all threw themfelves into the water to fwim away, as in effect they did ; for though the boat rowed hard, it could not, in half a league the purfuit lafted, overtake any of them ; or if it did happen to overtake one, he would dive like a duck, and come up again a bow fhot or two from the place. This chace was very pleafant, feeing the boat labour in vain, which at laft returned empty.
IPere we continued till the 23d of November, refitting the /hips, and mending our cafks; and that day we failed eaftward to a place called Guiga, there being another of the fame name between Veragua and Cerago. The boats going afhore, found above three hundred perfons on it, ready to trade for fuch provifions as they have, and fome fmall things of gold they wore hanging at their ears and nofes. 4
But without making any flay here, on Saturday the 24th of November we put into a fmall port, which was called Retrete, that is, Retired Place, becaufe it could not contain above five or fix fhips together, and the mouth of it was not above fifteen or twenty paces over, and on both fides of it rocks appearing above water as fharp as diamonds; and the channel between them was fo deep that they found no bottom, though, if the fhips inclined never fo little to either fide, the men might leap a/liore, which was it that faved the fhips in that narrow place, which was the fault of thofe
,who

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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who went in boats to view it, they being covetous to deal with the Indians, and perceiving the fhips would lie there conveniently for it, clofe to the fhore. In this place we continued nine days with bad weather; and at firft the Indians came very familiarly to trade for fuch as they had, but when they faw the Chriftians fteal privately out of their fhips, they retired to their houfes, becaufe the feamen, like covetous dilfolute men, committed a thoufand infolencies ; infomuch that they provoked the Indians to break the peace, and fome fkirmifhes happened between them. They increafing daily, took courage to come up to the fhips, which, as we faid, lay with their hdes clofe to the fhore, thinking to do fome harm, which defign of theirs had turned to their own detriments, had not the admiral always endeavoured to gain them by patience and civility: but at laft, perceiving their infolence, to flrike a terror into them, he caufed fome pieces of cannon to be fired, which they anfwered with fhouts, threfhing the trees with ftaves, and threatening by figns, fhewing they did not fear the noife, for they thought it had been only a thundering to terrify them. Therefore to abate their pride, and make them not contemn the Chriftians, the admiral caufed a fhot to be made at a company of them that was got together upon a hillock, and the ball falling in the midft of them, made them fenfible there was a thunderbolt as well as thunder ; fo that for the future they durft not appear even behind the mountains. The people of this country were the propereft they had yet feen among the Indians, for they were tall and fpare, without any great bellies, and well countenanced.
The country was all plain, bearing little grafs, and a few trees; and in the harbour there were vaft great crocodiles or alligators, which go out to flay and fleep afhore, and fcatter a fcent as if all the mufk in the world were together; but they are fo ravenous and cruel that if they find a man fleeping, they drag, him to the water to devour him, though they are fearful and cowardly when attacked. Thefe alligators are found in many other parts of the continent, and fome do affirm they are the fame as the crocodiles of the Nile.
CHAP. XCIV. — Ho%v the Admiral being drove by Strefs of Weather , flood again to Wcjlward to get Intelligence concerning the Mines , and enquire concerning Veragua.
ON Monday the 5th of December, the admiral perceiving the violent eaft and north-eafl winds did not ceafe, and that there was no trading with thofe people, he refolved to go back to be fatisfied concerning what the Indians faid of the mines of Veragua, and therefore that day he returned to Porto Bello, ten leagues weftward ; and continuing his courfe the next day, was affaulted by a weft wind which was oppo- fite to his new defign, but favourable to that he had for three months paft. But he, believing this wind would not laft long, did not alter his courfe, but bore up againft the wind for fome days, becaufe the weather was unfettled; and when the weather feemed a little favourable to go to Veragua, another wind would ftart up and drive him towards Porto Bello ; and when we were moft in hopes to get into port we were quite beat off again, and fometimes with fuch thunder and lightning that the men durft not open their eyes, the fhips feemed to be juft finking, and the fky to come down. Sometimes the thunder was fo continued, that it was concluded fome fhip fired its cannon to defire aflifiance. Another time there would fall fuch florins of rain that it would laft violently fortwo or three days, infomuch that it looked like another univerfal deluge. This perplexed all the men and made them almoft defpair, feeing they could not get half anhour’s reft, being continually wet, turning fometimes one way, and fometimes
another,

*34
LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
another, ftruggling againft all the elements and dreading them all; for in fuch dreadful llorms, they dread the fire in flafhes of lightning, the air for its fury, the water for the terrible waves, and the earth for the hidden rocks and fands which fometimes a man meets with near the port where he hoped for fafety, and not knowing them, chufes rather to contend with the other elements in whom he has lefs lhare.
Befides all thefe terrors there occurred another no lefs dangerous and wonderful, which was a fpout rifing from the fea, on Tuefday the 13th of December, which if they had not diffolved by faying the gofpel of St. John, it had certainly funk whatfo- ever it fell upon; for as has been faid, it draws the water up to the clouds like a pillar and thicker than a butt, twilling it about like a whirlwind. That fame night we loft fight of the Ihip called Caino, and had the good fortune to fee it again after three dreadful dark days, though it had loft its boat and been in great danger, being fo near land as to call anchor, which it loft at long run, being forced to cut the cable. Now it appeared that the currents on that coaft follow the wind, running weftward with the eaft wind, and the contrary, the water ftill going after the prevailing wind. The Ihips being now almoft fhattered to pieces with the tempeft, and the men quite fpent with labour, a day or two’s calm gave them fome refpite, and brought fuch multitudes of lharks about the Ihips, that they were dreadful to behold, efpecially for fuch as are fuperftitious; becaufe, as it is reported, that ravens at a great diftance fmell out dead bodies; fo fome think thefe lharks do, which, if they lay hold of a man’s arm or leg, cut it off like a razor, for they have two rows of teeth in the nature of a faw. Such a multitude of thefe was killed with the hook and chain, that being able to deftroy no more, they lay fwimming upon the water, and they are fo greedy that they do not only bite at carrion, but may be taken with a red rag upon the hook. I have feen a tortoife taken out of the belly of one of thefe lharks, and it afterwards lived aboard the fhip ; but out of another was taken the whole head of one of his own kind, we having cut it off and thrown it into the water, as not good to eat, no more than they are themfelves, and that lhark had fwallowed it; and to us it feemed contrary to reafon, that one creature lhould fwallow the head of another of its own bignefs, which is not to be admired, becaufe their mouth reaches almoft to their belly, and the head is lhaped like an olive. Though fome looked upon them to forbode mifchief, and others thought them bad filh, yet we all made much of them, by reafon of the want we were in, having been now above eight months at fea, fo that we had confumed all the filh and flelh brought from Spain; and what with the heat and moifture of the fea, the bifcuit was fo full of maggots, that, as God lhall help me, I faw many that ftaid till night to eat the pottage or brewice made of it, that they might not fee the maggots ; and others were fo ufed to eat them, that they did not mind to throw them away when they law them, becaufe they might lofe their fupper if they were fo very curious.
Upon Saturday the 17th, the admiral put into a port three leagues eaft of Pennon, which the Indians called Huiva. It was like a great bay, where we relied three days, and going alhore, faw the inhabitants dwell upon the tops of trees, like birds, laying Hicks acrofs from bough to bough, and building huts upon them rather than houfes. Though we knew not the reafon of this ftrange cuftom, yet we gueffed it was done for tear of the griffins there are in that country, or of enemies ; for all along that coaft, the people at every league diftance are great enemies to one another.
We failed from this port on the 20th with fair weather, but not fettled; for as foon as we were got out to fea, the tempeft began to rage again, and drove us into another port, whence we departed again the third day, the weather feeming fomewhat mended,
but

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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but like an enemy that lies in wait for a man, rufhed out again and forced us to Pennon, where when we hoped to put in, the wind ftarted up fo contrary that we were drove again towards Veragua. Being at anchor in the river, the weather became again fo ftormy that all the favour we had from it was that it allowed us to get into that port, where we had been before on Thurfday the 12th of the fame month. Here we continued from the fecond day in Chriflmas till the 3d of January the following year 1503, when having repaired the fliip called Gallega and taken aboard abundance of Indian wheat, water, and wood, we turned back' towards Veragua with bad weather, and contrary winds, which changed crofsly juft. as the admiral altered his courfe. And this was fo ftrange and unheard-of a thing, that I would not have repeated fo many changes, if, befides by being then prefent, I had not feen the fame written by James Mendez, who failed with the canoes of Jamaica, whereof I fhall fpeak hereafter, and writ an account of this voyage; and the letter the admiral fent by him to Their Catholic Majefties, which is printed, will inform the reader how great our fufferings were, and how much fortune perfecuted him Ihe ought moft to favour. But to return to the changes of weather and of our courfe, which put us to fo much trouble between Veragua and Porto Bello, for which reafon that coaft was called Cofta de Contraffes, that is, coaft of thwartings.
Upon Thurfday, being the feaft of the Epiphany, we caft anchor near a river which the Indians call Yebra, and the admiral named Belem or Bethlem, becaufe we came to that place upon the feaft of the three kings. He caufed the mouth of that river, and of another weftward to be founded ; the latter the Indians call Veragua where he found but flioal water, and in that of Belem, four fathom at high water. The boats went up this river to the town, where they were informed the gold mines of Veragua were. At firft the Indians were fo far from converfing, that they affembled with their weapons to hinder the Chriftians landing. The next day, our boats going to the river of Veragua, the Indians there did as the others had done, and that not only afhore, but flood upon their guard with their canoes in the water. But an Indian of that coaft who underftood them a little, going alhore with the Chriftians and telling them we were good people and de- fired nothing but what we paid for, they were fomewhat pacified, and trucked twenty gold plates, fome hollow pieces like joints of reeds, and fome grains never melted ; which to make their value the more, they faid were gathered a great way off upon uncouth mountains ; and that when they gathered it they did not eat, nor carry women along with them, which fame thing the people of Hifpaniola faid when it was firft difcovered.
CHAP. XCV. — How the Admiral went into the River of Belem, and refolved to build a Town there, and leave his Brother the Lieutenant in it.
ON Monday the 9th of January, the admiral’s Ihip, and that called Bifcania went up the river, and the Indians came prefently to truck for fuch things as they had, particularly filh, which at certain times of the year comes out of the fea up thefe rivers in fuch quantities as feems incredible to fuch as do not fee it ; and they exchanged fome little gold for pins, and thofe things they moft valued they gave for beads or hawks-bells. Next day the other two Ihips came in, which they had not done at firft, becaufe there being but little water at the mouth of the river, they were forced to ftay for the flood ; though there the fea never rifes or falls above half a fathom.
Veragua

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
I36
Veragua being famed for mines and extraordinary wealth, the third day after our arrival, the admiral’s brother went up the river with the boats to the town of Quibio, fo the Indians call their king ; who hearing of the lieutenant’s coming, came down the river in his canoes to meet him. They met in very friendly manner, giving one another interchangeably fuch things as they valued moft ; and having difcourfed a long time- together every one went away peaceably. Next day the faid Quibio came aboard to vifit the admiral, and having difcourfed together about an hour, the admiral gave him fome things, and his men trucked bells for fome gold, and fo he returned without any ceremony the fame way he came.
We being thus very eafy and fecure, on Wednefday the 24th of January the river of Belem fuddenly fwelled fo high, that before we could provide againft it, or carry a cable afhore, the fury of the water came fo impetuoufly againft the admiral’s fhip that it broke one of its two anchors, and drove her with fuch force againft the fhip Gallega, which lay aftern of it, that it brought the foremaft by the board, and were both carried away foul of one another in utmoft danger of perifhing. Some judged the mighty rains to have been the caufe of this mighty flood, they having never ceafed all the winter in that country ; but had that been it the river would have fwelled by degrees, and not all on a hidden, which made it to be believed fome great fhower had fallen on the mountains of Veragua, which the admiral called St. Chriftopher’s, becaufe the higheft of them was above the region of the air where meteors are bred; for no cloud was ever feen above, but all below it. To look to it is like an hermitage, and lies at leaft twenty leagues up the country, in the midft of woody mountains, whence we believed that flood came which was fo dangerous, that though it brought water enough to carry the {hips' out to fea, the wind was then fo boifterous, that they muft have been fhattered to pieces at the mouth of the river, diftant half a mile from whence they broke loofe. This tempeft lafted fo long that we had time enough to refit and caulk the fhips. The waves broke fo furioufly upon the mouth of the river, that the boats could not go out to difcover along the coaft, to learn where the mines lay, and chufe a place to build a town; the admiral having refolved to leave his brother there with moft of the men, that they might fettle and fubdue that country, whilft he went Spain to fend fupplies of men and provifions : upon this profpecf, the weather growing calmer, on Monday the 6th of February he fent his brother with fixty-eight men by fea to the mouth of Veragua river, a league diftant from Belem weftward, and he went a league and a half up the river, to the cacique’s town, where he ftaid a day enquiring out the way to the mines.
On Wednefday they travelled four leagues and a half, and came to lie near a river, which they paffed forty-four times, and the next day advanced a league and a half towards the mines fhewed them by Indians fent by Quibio to guide them. In two hours time after they came thither, every man gathered fome gold about the roots of the trees which were there very thick and of a prodigious height. This fample was much valued, becaufe none of thofe that went had any tools to dig, or had ever gathered any. Therefore the defign of their journey being only to get information of the mines, they returned very well pleafed that fame day to Veragua and the next to the fhips. True it is that, as was afterwards known, thefe mines were not thofe of Veragua, which lay much nearer, but of Urira, a town whofe people are enemies to thofe of Veragua, to do whom a difpleafure, Quibio ordered the Chriftians to be conducted thither, and that they might go away to thofe, and leave his.
CHAP.

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
1 37
CHAP. XCVI. — How the Admiral’s Brother went to fee fame Towns of that Province ; •with an Account of the Country, and Cufoms of thofe People.
ON Thurfday the 14th of February 1503, the admiral’s brother went into the country with forty men, a boat following with fourteen. The next day they came to the river of Urira, feven leagues from Belem weftward. The cacique came out a league from his town to meet him, with twenty men, and prefented him with fuch things as they feed on, and fome gold plates were exchanged here. Whilft they were here the cacique and chief men never ceafed putting a dry herb into their mouths and chewing it, and fometimes they took a fort of powder they carried with that herb, which looks very odd. Having refted here a while, the Chriftians and Indians went together to the town, where abundance of people came out to them, and affigned them a great houfe to lie in, giving them much to eat. Soon after came the cacique of Dururi, which is a neighbouring town, with a great many Indians, who brought fome gold plates to truck ; all thefe Indians faid there were caciques up the country who had plenty of gold and abundance of men armed like ours. Next day the lieutenant ordered the reft of his men to return by land to the lhips, and he, with thirty he kept with him, held on his journey towards Zobraba, where the fields for above fix leagues were all full of maize, like corn fields. Thence he went to Cateba, another town ; at both places he was well entertained, abundance of provifions given him, and fome gold plates trucked, which, as has been faid, are like the paten of a chalice, fome bigger and fome lefs, weighing twelve ducats, more or lefs; they wear them about their necks, hanging by a firing as we do relicks. The lieutenant being now very far from the fhips without finding any port along that coaft, or any river bigger than that of Belem to fettle his colony, he came back the fame way on
the 24th of February, bringing above-ducats in gold he had exchanged for.
As foon as he returned, prefently order was taken for his flay, and eighty men being appointed to remain with him, they agreed by ten and ten, or more or lefs in a gang, and began to build houfes upon the bank of the aforefaid river of Belem, about a cannon fhot from the mouth of it, within a trench that lies on the right hand, coming up the river, at a mouth of which there is a little hill. Befides thefe houfes, which were all of timber and covered with palm tree leaves which grew along the fhore, another large houfe was built, to ferve as a ftorehoufe and magazine, into which feveral pieces of cannon, powder, and provifions were put, and other neceffaries for the fupport of the planters. But for wine, bifcuit, oil, vinegar, cheefe and much grain, which was all they had to eat, thefe things were left in the fafeft place, aboard the fhip called Gallega that was to be left with the lieutenant, that he might make ufe of it either at fea or afhore, having all its cordage, nets, hooks, and other fifhing tackle; for as we have faid, there is vaft plenty of filh in that country in every river, feveral forts at certain times running along the coaft in Ihoals, on which the people of the country feed more than upon flelh ; for though there be fome forts of beafts they are not enough to maintain them. The cuftoms of the Indians are for the moft part much like thofe of Hifpaniola and the neighbouring iflands ; but thefe people of Veragua and the country about it, when they talk to one another and eat turn their backs, and are always chewing an herb, which we look upon to be the occafion that their teeth are decayed and 'rotten. Their food is filh, which they take with nets and hooks made of tortoife-fhell, which they cut with a thread as if they were fa wing; the fame they ufe in the iflands. They have another way of catching fome very fmall fifties, which in Hifpaniola they call Titi. Thefe at certain times being drove to the Ihore vol. xii. T by

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
I38
by the rains, are fo perfecuted by the bigger fifh, that they are forced up to the furface of the water, where the Indians take as many as they will of them in little mats, or fmall nets, and wrap them up in leaves of trees as apothecaries do their drugs, and having dried them in an oven, they keep a long time. They alfo catch pilchards alrnoft in the fame manner ; for at certain times thefe filhes fly from the great ones fo violently and in fuch fear, that they 1 leap out two or three paces upon the dry land, fo that there is no more to do but to take them as they do the others. Thefe pilchards are taken after another manner; for in the middle of their canoes, from ftem to ftern, they raife a partition of palm-tree leaves two yards high, and plying about the river they make a noife, and beat the fhore with their oars, and then the pilchards, to fly from the other fifh, leap into the canoe, and hitting againft thofe leaves fall in, by which means they take as many as they pleafe. Several forts of fifh pafs along the coafl in fhoals, whereof wonderful quantities are taken, which they keep roafted a long time. They have alfo abundance of maize, which is a fort of grain growing in an ear, or hard head like millet, whereof they make white and red wine, as beer is made in England, and mix of their fpice with it as pleafes their palate ; it has a pleafant tafle like a fharp brifk wine : they alfo make another fort of wine of certain trees like palms ; and I believe they are of that kind, but that they are fmooth, and have fuch prickles on the trunk as the thorn. From the pith of this palm, which is like palmitoes fqueezed, they draw a juice, whereof they make wine, boiling it with water and fpice; and this they make great account of. They make another wine of the fruit we laid is found in the ifland Guadaloupe, which is like a great pine-apple: it is planted in great fields, and the plant is a fprout growing out at the top of the fruit itfelf, like that which grows out of a cabbage or lettuce. One plant lafts three or four years, and bears. They make wine of other forts of fruit, particularly of one that grows upon very high trees, and is as big- as a large lemon ; and every one has two, three, and fome nine Hones like nuts, but they are not round, but long, or like a chefnut. The rind of this fruit is like a pomegranate, and when firfl taken from the tree it refembles it exactly, fave only that it wants the prickly circle at the top. The tafte of it is like a peach: of thefe fome are better, fome worfe, as is ufual among other fruit. There are of them in the iflands, and the Indians call them Mamei.
CHAP. XCVII. — How , for the greater Security of the Chrijiian Colony , Qiiibio , and feveral of the principal Men , were made P rtf oners ; and how , through the Careleff- nefs of his Keepers , he made his Efcape.
ALL things were now fettled for the Chriftian colony, and ten or twelve houfes built and thatched, and the admiral ready to fail for Spain, when he fell into greater danger for want of water, than he had been before by the inundation. For the great rains of January being over, the mouth of the river was fo choaked up with fand, that whereas when they came in there was about ten feet water, which was fcant enough, when we would have gone out there were not two feet, fo that we were fhut up without any help, it being impoffible to get the fhips over the fand; and though there had been fuch an engine, the fea was fo boifterous, that the leaf! wave which beats upon the fhore was enough to beat the fhips in pieces, efpecially ours, which were at this time like a honey-comb, being all worm-eaten through and through. We had nothing left but to have recourfe to God, and beg rain of him, as before we prayed for fair weather j for the rain we knew would fwell the river, and clear the fand from
i o the

LIFE OF COLON, BY IIIS SON.
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the mouth of it, as is ufual in thofe rivers. It being in the mean while difcovered by means of the interpreter, that Quibio, the cacique of Veragua, intended to fet fire to the houfes, and deftroy the Chriifians, becaufe all the Indians were againft their planting upon that river •, it was therefore thought fit, as a punifhment to him, and a terror and example to others, to make him a prifoner, with all his chief men, and fend them into Spain, and that his town fhould remain at the difpofal of the Chriftians.
To this purpofe the lieutenant, on the 30th of March, went with feventy-fix men to the town or village of Veragua; and becaufe I call it a town or village, it is to be ob- ferved, that in thofe parts their houfes are not clofe together, but they live as in Bifcay, at fome diftance from one another. When Quibio underflood that the lieutenant was come near, he fent him word not to come up to his houfe, which flood upon a hill above the river of Veragua ; and the lieutenant, that he might not fly for fear of him, refolved to go with only five men, ordering thofe he left behind to come after him, two and two, at fome diftance from one another; and when they heard a mufquet fired, they fhould befet the houfe, that none might efcape. Being come up to the houfe, Quibio fent another meffenger, bidding him not go in, for he would come out to talk to him, though he was wounded with an arrow, which they do lhat their women may not be feen, being wonderful jealous of them. Accordingly he came and fat at the door, bidding only the lieutenant come near him, who did fo, ordering the reft to fall on, as foon as he laid hold of his arm. He afked the cacique fome queftions concerning his indifpofition and the affairs of the country, by the affiftance of an Indian he had, whom we had taken not far off, above three months fince, and he willingly went along with us. This man was then much afraid, for knowing that Quibio defigned to deftroy all the Chriftians, and not knowing our ftrength, he thought that might eafily be done by the great multitude of people there was in that province. But the lieutenant minded not his fear, and pretending to look where the cacique was wounded, he took him by the arm, and though they were both very ftrong, yet the lieutenant took fuch good hold, that he loft it not till the other four came up, which done, one of them fired a mufquet, and on a fudden all the Chriftians running out of their ambufh befet the houfe, in which there were thirty people, great and fmall, moft of which were taken, and never a one wounded, for they feeing their king taken, would make no rehftance. Among thefe there were fome wives and children of Quibio, and other men of note, who offered great wealth, faying, there was a great treafure in the adjoining wood, and they would give it all for their ranfom. But the lieutenant not regarding their promifes, ordered Quibio, with his wives and children, and the principal men, to be carried aboard, before the country took the alarm, flaying himfelf there with moft of the men, to go after his kindred and fubjecls who were fled. Then having confulted with the captains and chief men, whom they fhould in- trufl to conducl the prifoners to the mouth of the river; he at laft delivered them to John Sanchez de Cadiz, a pilot, and a man in good reputation, he offering to carry them, the cacique being bound hands and feet; and this pilot being charged to take fpecial care that the cacique fhould not efcape, he anfwered, he would give them leave to pull off his beard if he got from him. So he took him into his cuftody, and went down the river of Veragua. Being come within half a league of the mouth of it, and Quibio complaining that his hands were too hard bound, John Sanchez out of companion, loofed him from the feat of the boat to which he was tied, and held the rope in his hand. A little after, Quibio obferving he did not mind him, threw himfelf into the water; and John Sanchez not being able to hold faft the rope, let go that he might not draw him after into the water. Night coming on, and thofe in the boat
t 2 being

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
I40
being all in a confufion, they could not fee or hear where he got afliore, fo that they heard no more of him than if a Hone had fallen into the water. That the like might not happen with the reft of the prifoners, they held on their way to the Ihips with much ffiame for their careleffnefs and overfight. The next day the lieutenant perceiving the country was very mountainous and woody, and that there were no regular towns, but one houfe here, and another at a great diftance, and that it would be very difficult to purfue the Indians from place to place, he refolved to return to the ffiips with his men, not one of them being either killed or wounded. He prefented the admiral with the plunder of Ouibio’s houfe, worth about three hundred ducats in gold plates, little eagles, and fmall quills, which they firing and wear about their arms and legs, and in gold twills which they put about their head in the nature of a coronet. All which things, deducting only the fifth part for Their Catholic Majefties, he divided among thofe that went upon the expedition: And to the lieutenant, in token of victory, was given one of thofe crowns or coronets abovementioned.
CHAP. XCVIII. — How after the Admiral was gone from Belem to return to Spain,
Quibio affaulted the Chriftian Colony, in which Engagement there were many killed
and wounded.
ALL things being provided for the maintenance of the colony, and the rules and methods for them to be governed by, fettled by the admiral, it pleafed God to fend fo much rain, as fwelled the river and opened the mouth of it; wherefore the admiral refolved to depart with all fpeed for Llifpaniola, to fend fpeedy fupplies to this place. Having waited for a calm that the fea might not beat upon the mouth of the river, we went out with three ffiips, the boats going a-head and towing us. Yet never a one went out fo cleverly, but his keel raced upon the fand, and had been in danger notwithftanding the calm, but that thofe are loofe moving fands. Then we prefently took in all we had unladed to lighten the ffiips that they might get out. As we lay waiting for a fair wind upon the open coaft, a league from the mouth of the river, it pleafed God miraculoufly to give us an occafion of fending the admiral’s boat affiore, as well lor water as for other necelfary affairs, that by the lofs of thefe both thofe affiore, and thofe in the ffiips might be faved, which happened thus. When Quibio and the Indians faw that the ffiips were without, and could not relieve them that were left behind, they affaulted the Chriftian colony at the fame time that the boat came to the ffiore. They having not been difcovered by reafon of the thicknefs of the wood, when they came within ten paces of our men’s houfes, fell on with great ffiouts, calling javelins at thofe they fpied, and at the very houfes, which being covered with palm-tree leaves, were eafily ftruck through and through, and fo fometimes they wounded thofe within. Having thus furprized our men, thinking of no fuch thing, they wounded four or five before they could put themfelves into a pofture of defence. But the lieutenant being a man of great refolution, he went out againft the enemy with a fpear, encouraging his men, and falling furioufly on the Indians with feven or eight that followed him, fo that he made them retire to the wood, which (as we faid) was clofe to the houfes. Thence they returned and fkirmiffied, calling their javelins and then retiring, as the Spaniards ufe to do in the fport they call Juego de Canas, many of them flying from the Chriftians after they had felt the edge of their fwords, and the teeth of a dog, who furioufly fell in among them; fo that at length they fled, having killed one Chriftian and wounded feven, one of which was the lieutenant, who was hurt with a javelin in the breaft ; from which danger two Chriftians took care to preferve
themfelves;

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON. I4I
Vhemfelves; which ftory I will relate to {hew the comicalnefs of the one, who was an Italian of Lombardy, and the gravity of the other who was a Spaniard. The Lombard running haftily to hide himfelf in 'a houfe, James Mendez, of whom mention will be made hereafter, faid to him, turn, turn back Sebaftian, whither are you going ? He anfwered, let me go you devil, for I am going to fecure my perfon. The Spaniard was captain James Triftan, whom the admiral fent afhore in the boat, who never went out of it with his men, though the fray was juft by the river; and being blamed by fome for not affifting the Chriftians, he anfwered, he faid he did it that thofe afhore might not run to the boat and fo all perifh, becaufe if the boat were loft, the admiral would be in danger at fea, and therefore he would do no more than he had been commanded, which was to take in water, and to fee whether there was any need of his affiftance. Refolving therefore to take in the water immediately, that he might carry the admiral an account of what had happened, he went up the river for it, where the fweet did not mix with the fait, though fome advifed him not to go, for the danger there was of the Indians and their canoes ; to which he anfwered, he did not fear that danger, ftnce he was fent for that purpofe by the admiral. Accordingly he went up the river, which is very deep within, and fheltered on both fides with abundance of trees, which come to the edge of the water and fo thick that there is fcarce any going afhore, except in fome places which are the fifhermen’s paths, and where they hide their canoes. As foon as the Indians perceived he was got about a league from the colony up the river, they rufhed out from the thickeft on both fides the river in their canoes, and making a hideous noife, blowing their horns, affaulted him boldly on all fides with great odds on their fide, becaufe their canoes being fwift, and one man being enough to command and turn them which way they pleafe, efpecially thofe that are little and belong to the fifhermen, three or four men came in each of them, one of whom rowed, and the reft caft their javelins at thofe in the boat; I call them javelins becaufe of their bignefs, though they have no iron heads, but only points or fifh bones. There being but feven or eight men in our boat who rowed, and the captain with three or four men for fight, they could not cover themfelves againft the many javelins they threw at them, and therefore they were forced to quit their oars to take up their targets. But there was fuch a multitude of Indians, who poured in on all fides, coming up and retiring in good order, as they thought fit, that they wounded molt of the Chriftians, efpecially the captain, who was hurt in many places; and though he flood unmoved encouraging his men, it availed him nothing ; for he was befet on all fides, and could not ftir, nor make ufe of his mufquets, till at laft they ftruck a javelin into his eye, and he fell down dead ; and all the reft came to the like fate, except one John de Noia of Seville, who by good luck in the height of the fray fell into the water, and diving got to the fhore, and made his way through the thickeft of the wood to the colony, to carry the news of what had happened. This fo terrified our men, that feeing they were but a few, fome of their companions being killed and others wounded, and that the admiral was at fea without a boat, and in danger not to return to a place whence he might fend them relief, they refolved not to flay there ; and accordingly would have gone away immediately without any orders, had not the mouth of the river hindered, the bad weather having {hut it up again; for neither could the fhip they had left them get out, nor durft any boat attempt it, becaufe the fea beat fo violently, fo that there was no fending the admiral advice of what had happened. He was in no lefs danger himfelf, riding in an open road, having no boat and but few men, fo many having been killed : fo that we were all in the fame trouble and confufion, as they were within, who confidering what

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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
had happened and feeing thofe that had been killed in the boat drive down the river covered with wounds, and followed by the country crows, looked upon thefe things as ill omens, and dreaded coming to the fame end; and the more becaufe they perceived the Indians were puffed up with their fuccefs, infomuch that they gave them not a minute’s refpite by reafon of the ill fituation of the colony ; and there is no doubt but that they muff have all fuffered, had they not advifed to remove to an open llrand eaftward, where they made a work round them with the calks and other things, and planting the cannon in convenient places defending themfelves, the Indians not daring to come out of the wood, becaufe of the mifchief the bullets did among them.
CHAP. XCIX. — How the Indians that were kept Prifoners aboard made their Efcape , and the Admiral was informed of the ill Succefs of his Men.
WHILST thefe things happened, the admiral waited ten days with much trouble, and fufpe cling what might fall out, till the fea would fettle, that he might fend another boat to know what it was that detained the firlt; but fortune thwarting him in all things, would not allow us to hear of one another; and to add to our affliction, it happened that the fons and kindred of Quibio, whom we kept prifoners aboard the {hip Bermuda, to carry them to Spain, found means to efcape thus. At night they were kept under hatches, and the fcuttle being fo high that they could not reach it, the watch forgot to fallen it with a chain as they ufed to do, efpecially becaufe fome feamen lay upon it. The prifoners, therefore, one night gathering the Hones that were in the hold under the fcuttle, and raifing themfelves on them, fet their Ihoulders againlt it, and forced it open, tumbling thofe that lay on it over and over; and fome of the principal men leaping out, call themfelves into the fea. The feamen taking the alarm, many of them could not get out; and the fcuttle being faftened with the chain, better care was taken ; but thofe that remained in defpair, becaufe they could not get off with their companions, hanged themfelves with the ropes they could come at, and fo were found the next morning, their feet and knees dragging upon the bottom of the hold, the place not being high enough for them to hang without touching, fo that all the prifoners aboard that Ihip efcaped or died. Though this lofs was not material to the lhips, yet belides that it increafed the number of mif- fortunes, it was feared it might be hurtful to thofe alhore; becaufe Quibio would willingly have made peace with them to get his children, and now there being no holtage left, there was caufe to fufpe cl he would make war with the greater fury. Being thus afflicted amidll fo many troubles and difallers, having nothing to trull to but our anchors and cables, without knowing any thing from Ihore, there wanted not thofe, who faid, that fince thofe Indians only to obtain their liberty, had ventured to leap into the fea above a league from Ihore, they to fave themfelves, and fo many more, would be content to fwim alhore, provided that boat which remained would carry them as far as where the waves did not break. I fay one boat remained, which was that of the Ihip Bermuda, for that of the Bifcaina we faid before was loll in the fray, fo that they had only that one boat at prefent among the three lhips. The admiral hearing thefe feamen’s honeft propofal, allowed of it, and fo the boat carried them within a fnufquet Ihot ol land, not being able to go nearer without great danger becaufe of the great waves that broke on it. There one Peter de Ledefma, a pilot of Seville, threw himfelf into the water, and with a good heart got alhore, where he learnt the condition our men were in, and how they all unani-
mcuflv
i

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
14 3
moully faid, they would not upon any account remain there in that forlorn condition, and therefore defired the admiral not to fail till he had taken them off, for to leave them there was facrificing of them, and the more becaufe there were already divilions among them, and they obeyed neither the admiral’s brother nor the captains, and all their care was upon the firlt fair weather, to fecure a canoe and go aboard, becaufe this could not be conveniently done with only one boat that was left them ; and if the admiral would not receive them, they would endeavour to fave their lives aboard that fhip which was left them, and rather trull fortune than be at the mercy of the Indians, who would inhumanly butcher them. With this anfwer Peter de Ledefma returned to the boat which waited for him, and thence to the Ihips, where he gave the admiral an account how matters flood.
CHAP. C. — How the Admiral brought off the Men he had left at Belem , andJlruck
over to Jamaica.
THE admiral understanding • the rout, the confufion and defpair thofe afhore were m, he refolved to flay and bring them off, though not without great danger, becaufe his Ihips lay in an open road, out of all Ihelter, and without hopes of efcaping, had the weather grown more boillerous. But it pleafed God in eight days he continued there, the weather mended fo much, that thofe afhore with their boat and large canoes fall bound together, that they might not overfet, began to gather their goods, and every one driving to be none of the laft, they ufed fuch diligence, that in two days nothing was left alliore but the hulk of the Ihip, which by reafon of the worms was unfit for fervice. Thus rejoicing we were all together again, we failed up that coall eadward; for though all the pilots were of opinion that we might return to St. Domingo Handing away to the north, yet only the admiral and his brother knew it was requifite to run a confiderable way up that coall, before they : ftruck acrofs that gulph that is between the continent and Hifpaniola, which our men were much dif- pleafed at, thinking the admiral defigned directly for Spain, whereas he neither had provifions, nor were his Ihips fit for that voyage. But he knowing bell what was fit to be done, we held on our courfe till we came to Porto Bello, where we were forced to leave the Ihip Bifcaina, it was fo leaky, being all worm-eaten through and through. And holding along up the coall, we palfed by the port we called Retrete, and a country near which there were abundance of fmall illands, which the admiral called Las Barbas, but the Indians and pilots call that the territory of the cacique Pocorofa: hence we held on ten leagues .to the laft land we faw of the continent, called Marmora, and on Monday the ill of May 1503, we Hood to the northward, the wind and currents ealt, which made us lie as near the wind as we could. And though all the pilots faid, we Ihould be eall of the Caribbee illands, yet the admiral feared he Ihould not make Hifpaniola, which proved fo ; for upon Wednefday the 10th of the fame month of May, we were in fight of two very fmall and low illands, full of tortoifes, as was all the fea about, infomuch that they looked like little rocks, for which reafon thofe illands were called Tortugas or Tortoifes. Sailing on northwards, on Friday following about evening, thirty leagues from thofe illands, we came to thofe called Jardin de la Reina, or The Q ueen’s Garden, which is a great number of illands on the fouth fide of Cuba. Being here at an anchor, ten leagues from Cuba, with men and trouble enough, becaufe they had nothing to eat but bifcuit, with fonie little oil and vinegar, labouring day and night at the pump, becaufe the Ihips were fo worm-eaten they were ready to fink, a great dorm arofe in the night, and the Ihip Bermuda not

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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
being able to ride it out, ran foul of us, and broke our Item and its own ftern, and though with much difficulty, becaufe of the roughnefs of the fea and high wind, it pleafed God they got loofe from one another; and though we call all our anchors, none would hold but the ffieet-anchor, whofe cable, when day appeared, we found held but by a thread, which if the night had lafted an hour longer, mull have given way, and all that place being full of rocks, we could not mifs fplitting upon fome of thofe that were aftern us. But it pleafed God to. deliver us here, as he had done from many other dangers. And fo failing hence with much toil, we came to an Indian town on the coaft of Cuba, called Mataia, where having got fome refreffiment, we failed for Jamaica; for the eaft winds and great currents fetting weftward, would not permit us to Hand for Hifpaniola, efpecially the {hips being fo worm-eaten, that as has been faid, we never ceafed day and night working at three pumps in each of them, and if any one broke, whilft it was mending, we were forced to fupply the want of it with kettles. For all 'this, the night before Midfummer-eve the water was fo high in our ffiip, that there was no draining of it, for it came almoft up to the deck ; and with much labour we held out in that manner till day appearing, we put into a harbour in Jamaica called Puerto Bueno, or Good Harbour, which, though good to take fhelter againft a ftorm, had no freffi water, nor any town near it. Having made the belt ffiift we could, on the day after the feaft of St. John, we fet out for another harbour eaftward, called Santa Gloria, or Holy Glory, which is inclofed with rocks. Being got in, and no longer able to keep the {hips above water, we run them affiore as far in as we could, branding them clofe together board and board, and ffioring them up on both fides, fixed them fo that they could not budge ; and in this pofture the water came up almoft to the deck, upon which, and the poop and fore-caftle, were ffieds made for the men to lie in, to fecure ourfelves, that the Indians might not hurt us, becaufe the ifland was not then inhabited or fubduea by Chriftians.
CHAP. Cl. — How the Admiral fent Canoes from Jamaica to Hifpaniola, to give Advice that he was cajl ajhore there with his Men.
BEING thus fortified in our {hips about a bow {hot. from land, the Indians who, were a peaceable good natured people, came in their canoes to fell provifions, and fuch things as they had, for our commodities. Therefore, that there might not be fome diforder committed among the Chriftians, and that they might not take more in exchange than was fitting, and the others might have their due, the admiral appointed two perfons to overfee the buying of fuch things as they brought, and to divide daily among the men what was exchanged, becaufe there was nothing left aboard to fubfift on, as well becaufe moft of the provifions were fpent, as for that the reft were fpoiled, and fome loft when the men came away from Belem, where the hafte and confufion hindered things being brought off as they Ihould. That we might be fupplied with fuftenance, it pleafed God to direct us to that ifland, which abounds in provifions, and is inhabited by Indians, who are willing enough to trade, and therefore they reforted from all parts to barter fuch commodities as they had. For this reafon, and that the Chriftians might not difperfe about the ifland, the admiral chofe to fortify him- felf upon the fea, and not fettle a dwelling affiore; becaufe we being naturally difo- bedient, no command or puniffiment would have kept the men from running about the country, and into the houfes of the Indians, to take from them what they found, and thus they would have angered their wives and children, which would have caufed
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LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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quarrels and made them our enemies, and the taking their provifions by. force would have reduced us to great want and diftrefs. This could not happen now, becaufe the men were aboard, and there was no going alhore without leave, which pleafed the Indians, who fold two hutties, which are little, creatures like rabbits, for a bit of tin, and cakes of bread they call Zabi, for two or three red or yellow glafs beads ; and when they brought a quantity of any thing, they had a hawk’s-bell, and fome- times we gave a cacique or great man a little looking glafs or red cap, or a pair of fcilfars to pleafe them. This good order kept the men plentifully fupplied with pro- 'vifions, and the Indians were well pleafed with our company. But it being requifite to find fome means to return to Spain, the admiral fometimes confulted with the captains and principal men about the means of getting out of that confinement, and at lead: returning to Hifpaniola; for to ftay there in hopes fome fhips might arrive was a mere folly, and to think to build a veifel was impoffible, having neither tools nor workmen fit to do any thing to the purpofe, but what would take up a long time, and not produce fuch a veifel as was fit to fail againft the winds and currents that prevail among thofe iilands; and therefore it had been only time loft, and would rather have proved our ruin than relief. Therefore after many confultations, the admiral refolved to fend to Hifpaniola to give an account that he was caft afhore on that ifland, and defined a ihip might be fent him with provifions and ammunition. To this purpofe he made choice of two perfons that might perform it faithfully and courageouily, I fay courageouily, becaufe it feemed impoffible to go over from one ifland to the other in canoes, and there was no other way for it: thefe being boats, as has been faid above made of one fingle tree hollowed, and fo contrived, that when they are loaded, they are not a fpan above water. Befides, they mull be indifferently large for that paffage, becaufe little ones would be more dangerous, and the biggeft by rea- fon of their own weight were not fit for a long voyage, or to perform what was defigned. Two canoes fit for the purpofe being chofe, the admiral in July 1503, ordered James Mendez de Segura, his chief fecretary, to go in one of them with fix Chriftians and ten Indians to row, and in the other he fent Bartholomew Fiefco, a Genoefe gentleman, with a like number of men; that as foon as James Mendez got over to Hifpaniola, he might continue his journey to St. Domingo which was two hundred and fifty leagues from the place where we were, and Fiefco might return to bring the news that the other was fafe arrived, and we might not be left in fear left; fome difafter had befallen him, which there was much caufe to fear ; confi- dering, as has been faid, how unfit a canoe is to live upon a rough fea, efpecially when there were Chriftians in it; for if there were none but Indians the danger had not been fo great, becaufe they are fo dextrous, that though a canoe overfets, when they are half way over, they turn it up again, fwimming, and get into it. But honour and neceffity putting men upon bolder attempts than this, the perfons above- mentioned took their way along the coaft of Jamaica to the eaftermoft point of it, which the Indians call Aoamaquique, from a cacique of that province fo called, thirty three leagues from Mairna, where we were. There being thirty leagues dif- tance between the two iflands, and nothing in the way but one little ifland or rock eight leagues from Hifpaniola, it was requifite to expect a calm, in order to crofs over fo great a fea in fuch poor veffels, which it pleafed God they foon had. Every Indian having put aboard his calabaffi of water and carrabi, or fuch provifions as they ufe, and the Chriftians with fwords and targets, and the neceffary fuftenance, they put out to fea ; and the admiral’s brother, who went to that point of Jamaica to fee that the Indians of the ifland fhould no way hinder them, ftaid there, till night coming on, he loft fight VOL. xii. U of

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of them, and then returned eafily towards the {hips, in his way perceiving the people of the country to converfe and be friendly with us.
CHAP. CII. — How the Brothers called Porras, with many of the Men , mutinied again/i the Admiral, faying they would go to Spain.
WHEN the canoes were gone for Hifpaniola, the men left aboard the {hips began to fall fick, as well by reafon of the hardlhips endured during the voyage, as the change of diet; for at prefent they had no Spanifh provifions, nor wine, nor flefh, except fome of thofe hutties we have fpoke of, they happened to get in exchange. So that thofe who were found, thinking it very hard to be fo long confined, did not forbear to mutter among themfelves in private; faying, the admiral would return into Spain no more, becaufe Their Catholic Majefties had turned him off, nor much lefs into Hifpaniola, where he had been refufed admittance at his coming from Spain, and that he had fent thofe in the canoes into Spain to folicit his own affairs, and not to bring {hips or other fuc- cours, and that he defigned whilft they were foliciting Their Catholic Majefties, to ftay there to fulfil his baniftiment; for otherwife Bartholomew Fiefco had been come back, by this time, as was given out he was to do. Befides they knew not, whether he and James Mendez were drowned by the way ; which, if it had happened, they fhould never be relieved, if they did not take care for it themfelves, fince the admiral did not feem to look to it for the reafon aforefaid, and becaufe of the gout, which had fo feized all his limbs, that he could fcarce ftir in his bed, much lefs undergo the fatigue and danger of going over to Hifpaniola in canoes. For which reafons, they ought with a good heart to fix their refolution, fince they were well, before they fell fick with the reft ; that it would not be in the admiral’s power to hinder them; and being once in Hifpaniola, they would be fo much the better received by how much the danger they left him in was greater, becaufe of the hatred and enmity borne him by the commendary Lares, then governor of that ifland ; and that when they went into Spain they might go to the bifhop D. John de Fonfeca, who would favour them, as would the treafurer Morales, who kept for his miftrefs the fifter of thofe Porrafes, the ring-leaders of the mutineers, and chief fomenters of the fedition, who did not doubt but they fhould be well received by Their Catholic Majefties, before whom all the fault would be laid upon the admiral, as had been in the affairs of Hifpaniola with Roldan ; and Their Majefties would rather feize him and take all he had, than be obliged to perform all that was agreed upon between them and him. Thefe and the like arguments they ufed among themfelves, and the perfuafions and fuggeftions of the aforefaid brothers, one of whom was captain of the {hip Bermuda, and the other comptroller to the fquadron, prevailed with forty eight men to join in this confpiracy, taking Porras for their captain ; and every one provided what he could againft the day and hour appointed ; and being all ready with their arms, on the 2d of January in the morning, the aforefaid captain Francis de Porras came upon the quarter-deck of the admiral’s {hip, and faid to him, My lord what is the meaning, that you will not go into Spain, and will keep us all here perifbing ? The admiral hearing thefe unufual infolent words, and fufpefting what the matter might be, very calmly anfwered, he did not fee which way they could go, till thofe that were gone in the canoes fent a fhip. That no man was more defirous to be gone than he, as well for his own private intereft, as for the good of them all, for whom he was accountable; but that if he had any thing elfe to propofe, he would again call together the captains and principal men to confult,
as

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON*
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as had been done feveral times before. Porras replied it was no time to talk, but that he fhould embark quickly or flay there by himfelf; and fo turning his back, added in a loud voice, I am going to Spain with thofe that will follow me; at which time all his followers, who were prefent began to cry out, We will go with you, we will go with you, and running about, poffeffed themfelves of the forecaftle, poop, and round-tops, all in confufion; and crying, Let them die ; others, for Spain, for Spain ; and others What lhall we do, captain ? Though the admiral was then in bed fo lame of the gout that he could not Hand ; yet he could not forbear rifing and Humbling out at this noife. But two or three worthy perfons, his fervants, laid hold of, and with labour laid him in his bed, that the mutineers might not murder him. Then they ran to his brother, who was courageoufly come out with a half pike in his hand ; and wrefting it out of his hands, put him in to his brother, defiring captain Porras to go about his bu- finefs, and not do fome mifchief they might all fuffer for ; that he might be fatisfied they did not oppofe his going ; but if he fhould kill the admiral, he could not expedt but to be feverely punifhed, without hopes of any benefit. The tumult being fome- what appeafed, the confpirators took ten canoes, that were by the (hip’s fide, and which the admiral had bought all about the ifland, and went aboard them as joyfully as if they had been in fome port of Spain; upon this many more, who had no hand in the plot, in defpair to fee themfelves as they thought forfaken, taking what they could along with them, went aboard the canoes with them, to the great forrow and affliction of thofe few faithful fervants, who remained with the admiral, and of all the fick, who thought themfelves loft for ever, and without hopes of ever getting off. And it is certain, that had the people been well, not twenty men had remained with the admiral, who went out to comfort his men with the beft words the pofture of his affairs would fugged;; and the mutineers, with their captain Francis de Porras, in their canoes, went away for the eaft point of the ifland, whence James Mendez and Fiefco went over for Hifpaniola ; and wherefoever they came, they infulted the Indians, taking away their provifions and what elfe they pleafed by force; and telling them, they might go to the admiral and he would pay them, but in cafe he did not, they might kill him, which was the beft thing they could do ; becaufe he was not only hated by the Chriftians, but had been the caufe of all the mifchief had befallen the Indians of the other ifland, and would do the fame by them, if they did not prevent it by his death, for that was his defign in flaying there. Thus travelling to the eaftermoft point of Jamaica, the firft calm they fet out for Hifpaniola, carrying fome Indians in every canoe to row. But the weather not being well fettled, and their canoes overloaded, they refolved to return to Jamaica before they were four leagues at fea, the wind turning againft them, and they being able to make but little way. Befides, they not being fkilful at managing the canoes, it happened a little water flafhed in over the fides 5 to remedy which, they lightened, throwing all they carried over-board ; fo that nothing remained but their arms, and as much provifion as would ferve them back. The wind (till frefhing, and they thinking themfelves in fome danger, it was refolved to murder the Indians, and throw them into the fea; this they accordingly executed upon fome of them ; and others, who for fear of death, trufting in their (kill in fwimming, leaped over into the water, and being very weary would hang by the canoes to breathe a little, had their hands cut off, and were wounded in other parts ; fo that they butchered eighteen, leaving only a few alive to fleer the canoes, becaufe they knew not how to do it. And had not the need they had of them prevented it, they had completed the great eft a£t of cruelty imaginable, leaving not one of them alive, after they had by in-
u 2 ' treaties

life of colon, by his son.
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treaties and deceitfully, drawn them to their affiftance in that dangerous voyage. Being come to fhore, they differed in opinions ; for fome faid it was better to go to Cuba, and that from that place where they were, they might take the ealt winds and currents upon their quarter, and fo run over without any trouble in a fhort time, and fo crofs over from thence to Hifpaniola, not knowing they were feventeen leagues afunder : others faid it was better to return to the fhips, and make their peace with the admiral, or take from him by force what commodities and arms he had left; others were for flaying till another calm, to attempt the fame paffage again. This being thought the beft advice, they {laid in that town of Aoamaquique above a month, waiting for fair weather, and deftroying the country. When the fair weather came, they embarked again twice, but made nothing of it, the wind being contrary. Being thus difappointed of that paffage, they fet out towards the weft from one town to another, with an ill-will, without canoes or any comfort, fometimes eating what they found, and taking* it where they could by force, according to their ftrength, and that of the caciques, through whofe territories they palfed.
CHAP. CIII. — What the Admiral did after the Mutineers were gone from him , and
the Advantage he made of an Eclipfe.
TO return to what the admiral did : after the rebels were gone he took great care that the fick fhould be furnifhed with fuch things as were proper for their recovery, and that the Indians fhould be fo civilly treated that they might not forbear bringing pro- vifions to exchange for our commodities; which things were fo well managed, and with fuch application by him, that the Chriftians foon recovered, and the Indians continued fome days providing all things plentifully. But they being a people that take little pains in fowing, and we eating more in one day than they did in twenty, befides having no longer any inclination to our commodities, and making little account of them, they began in fome meafure to take the advice of the mutineers, fince they faw fo great a part of our men againft us, and therefore brought not fuch plenty of provifions as we flood in need of. This brought us to great diftrefs; for if we would have taken it by force, the greateft part of us muft have gone afhore in warlike manner, and have left the admiral aboard in great danger, he being very ill of the gout; and if we expected they fhould bring it of their own accord, we muft” live in mifery, and give ten times as much for it as we did at firft, they knowing how to make their bargains, as being fenfible of the advantage they had over us. But God, who never forfakes thofe that have recourfe to him, as the admiral had, put him in the way how he fhould be furnifhed with all he wanted, which was thus. He bethought himfelf that within three days there would be an eclipfe of the moon in the firft part of the night; and then fends an Indian of Hifpaniola who was with us, to call the principal Indians of that province, faying he would talk with them about a matter of concern. Being come that day before the eclipfe was, he ordered the interpreter to tell them, that we were Chriftians and believed in God, who dwelt in heaven and took care, of the good and punifhed the wicked : that he feeing the rebellion of the Spaniards, had not permitted them to- go over to Hifpaniola as James Mendez and Fiefco had done, but had made them run through all thofe fufferings and dangers all the ifland had heard of: that as for the Indians, feeing how negligent they were in bringing provifions for our commodities, he was angry with them, and had decreed to punifh them with plague and famine; which becaufe perhaps they would not believe, God had appointed to give them a
manifeft

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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maniteft token of it in the heaven, that they might plainly know the punifliment was to come from him. Therefore, he bid them that night obferve when the moon appeared, and they fhould fee her rife angry and of a bloody hue, to denote the mifchief God intended fhould fall on them. Having faid this to them, the Indians went away, fome afraid and others looking upon it as an idle ftory ; but the eclipfe beginning as the moon was rifing, and increafmg the higher fhe was, the Indians took notice of it, and were fo frighted that they came running from all parts loaded with provifions, crying and lamenting, and prayed the admiral by all means to intercede with God for them, that he might not make them feel the effects of his wrath, and promifing for the future carefully to bring him all he wanted. The admiral faid he would fpeak with God, and fhut himfelf up whilfl the eclipfe lafted, they ftill crying out to him to affift them; and when the admiral faw the eclipfe began to go off, and the moon would foon fhine, he came out of his cabin, faying he had prayed to his God for them, and promifed him in their names they would be good for the future, and ufe the Chriftians well, bringing them provifions and other neceffaries; and that therefore God forgave them, and as a token of it they fhould fee the angrinefs and bloody colour of the moon would go off. This proving fo, juft as he fpoke it, they gave the admiral many thanks, and praifed God, continuing fo till the eclipfe was quite paffed. From that time forwards they always took care to provide all that was neceffary, ever praifing the God of the Chriftians ; for they believed the eclipfes they had feen at other times, had denoted mifehiefs to befal them ; and being ignorant of the caufe of them, and that they happened at certain times, not believing it poffible to know on earth, what was to happen in the heavens, they certainly concluded the God of the Chriftians had revealed it to the admiral.
CHAP. CIV. — Of another Mutiny among thofe- that remained with the Admiral , which was quelled by the coming of a Veffelfrom Hifpaniola.
EIGHT months being paffed after James Mendez and Bartholomew Fiefco went away, and there being no news of them, the admiral’s men were very much caff down, fufpecting the worft ; fome faying they were loft at fea; others that they were , killed by the Indians in Hifpaniola ; and others, that they had died with ficknefs and hardfhips ; for from the point of that ifland, which lay next Jamaica, there was above one hundred leagues to St. Domingo whither they were to go for relief, the way by land being over uncouth mountains, and by fea againft the prevailing winds and currents. To confirm their fufpicion, fome Indians affured them they had feen a canoe overfet and carried on the coaft of Jamaica by the current, which it is likely had been fpread abroad by the mutineers to make thofe that were with the admiral defpair of getting off. They therefore concluding for certain that no relief would come to them, one Bernard, an apothecary of Valencia, with two companions, whofe names were Zamora and Villatoro, and moft of thofe that had remained tick, fecretly confpired together to do the fame the others had done before. But almighty God, who knew how dangerous this fecond fedition muft be to the admiral, was pleafed to put a flop to it by the coming of a veffel fent by the governor of Hifpaniola. It came to an anchor one evening near the fhips that were a-ground ; and the captain of it, whofe name was James de Efcobar, came in his boat to vifit the admiral, faying, the com- mendary and governor of Idifpaniola fent him his commendations ; and not being able fo foon to fend a fhip fit to carry off all thofe men, had fent him in his name to vifit him, and prefenting him a cafk of wine, and two flitches of bacon,
returned

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
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returned to his caraval, and without taking any letter, failed away that very evening. The men, fomewhat comforted with his coming, took no notice of what they had confpired to do ; though at the fame time they much wondered that the caraval had dole away fo privately, and in fuch hade; and they fufpe&ed, that perhaps the governor of Hifpaniola would not have the admiral go thither. He being aware of it, told them he had fo ordered it, becaufe he would not go away without carrying them all off, which that caraval was not big enough to perform; he being willing to prevent any diforders his day might occafion, from the mutineers. But the governor of Hifpaniola was afraid that if the admiral returned to Spain, Their Catholic Majedies would redore him to his government, and fo he Ihould be forced to quit it; for which reafon he would not provide, as he might have done, for the admiral’s voyage to Hifpaniola ; and therefore had fent that little caraval to fpy and obferve the condition the admiral was in, and to know whether he could contrive with fafety to have him de- droyed, which he knew by what had happened to James Mendez, who fent an account of his voyage in writing, by the caraval, which was as follows.
CHAP. CV .—An Account of what happened to James Mendez and Fiefco , in their
Voyage.
JAMES MENDEZ and Fiefco, fetting out from Jamaica, that day they found the weather fettled calm, and fo held on till night, encouraging and perfuading the Indians to row with thofe paddles they ufe indead of oars; and the weather being violently hot, they would fometimes leap into the water and fwim, and then come frelh again to row. Thus holding on their way, at funfet they lod fight of land, and half the Chridians and Indians taking their watch together at night to row, and take care the Indians Ihould not prove treacherous, they advanced all that night without daying, fo that when day appeared they were all weary enough. But the commanders encouraging their men, and fometimes rowing to give a good example ; after eating to recover their drength, and the fatigue of the night, they fell to their labour again, feeing nothing but Iky and water. And though this was enough to afflidt them diffidently,'yet we may fay of them that they were in Tantalus his condition, who having water within a fpan of his mouth, could not quench his third; fo they were in didrefs; for through the ill-management of the Indians, and the great heat of the foregoing day and night,, all the water was drank up without any regard to the future: and all heat and labour being intolerable without drink, the higher the fun afcended the fecond day after they fet out, the more the heat and third increafed, fo that by noon they had no drength left. And, as upon fuch. occafions, the head is bound to fupply the defect of the hands and feet; fo by good fortune, the captains found two calks of water, wherewith now and then relieving the Indians, they kept them up till the cool of the evening, encouraging them, and affirming they Ihould be foon near a fmall ifland called Nabazza, which lay in their way eight leagues diftant from Hifpaniola. This with their extraordinary third, and the labour of rowing two days and a night quite cad them down, believing they had lod their way ; for according to their reckoning they had run twenty leagues, and ought now to be in fight of the ifland. But it was wearinefs that deceived them, as well becaufe a canoe that rows well cannot in a day and night row above ten leagues, as by reafon the currents are againd them that go from Jamaica to Hifpaniola, which they always judge to be more that fuff^r mod by it. Night being come, having thrown one into the fea who died with third, and others lying dretched out on the bottom of the canoe, they werefo
afflicted

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
afflitted in mind, and fo weak and fpent, that they hardly made any way. Yet taking fometimes fea water to refrefh their mouths, which we may fay was the comfort given our Saviour when he faid, I thirft; they gently held on their way till the fecond night came on without fight of land : but they being of thofe God intended to fave, it pleafed him, that in that time of need, when the moon began to rife, James Mendez perceived Ihe got up over-land, for a little ifland covered her in the nature of an eclipfe. Nor could they have feen it otherwife, becaufe it was fmall, and at that time of night. Comforting them chearfully, and fhewing them the land, he fo encouraged them, fupplying them in their great thirft with a little water out of the barrels, that the next morning they found themfelves near the fmall ifland, we faid was eight leagues from Hifpaniola, and called Nabazza. They found it to be all round a hard rock, and about half a league in circumference. Landing there the belt they could, they all gave God thanks for that mercy ; and there being no fpring nor tree, they went about taking up rain-water with their calabalhes, which lay in holes among the rocks; which it pleafed God to give them fuch plenty of, that they filled their bellies and veflels; and though the wifer fort advifed the others to ufe moderation in drinking, yet thirft made fome of the Indians exceed all meafure, whereof fome died there, and others got defperate diftempers. Having refted that day till evening, diverting themfelves, and eating fuch things as they found along the Ihore; for James Mendez had all utenfils to ftrike fire, rejoicing to be in fight of Hifpaniola; and fearing fome bad weather might ftart up, they made ready to put an end to their voyage, and accordingly about fun-fetting, in the cool of the evening, they fet out towards Cape St. Michael, the neareft land of Hifpaniola, where they arrived the next morning, being the fourth day after they fet out. When they had refted here two days, Bartholomew Fiefco, who was a gentleman that ftood upon his honour, would have returned as the admiral had commanded him; but the men who were failors, and Indians, being fpent and in- difpofed with their paft labour, and drinking fea-water, and thought they had been delivered out of the whale’s belly, their three days and nights anfwering to thofe Jonas lay there, he could not get a man to go with him. James Mendez, as being moft in hafte, was gone up the coaft of Hifpaniola in his canoe, notwithftanding he fuffered under a quartan ague, caufed by his great fufferings at fea and at land ; in that condition, travelling over mountains and bad roads, he came to Xaragua, which is a province in the weft of Hifpaniola, where the governor then was, who feemed to rejoice at his coming, though afterwards he was tedious in difpatching him, for the caufes above mentioned, till after much importunity, it was obtained of him, that he Ihould give James Mendez leave to go to St. Domingo, there to buy and fit out a vefifel with the admiral’s money ; which fhip being by him got ready, was fent to Jamaica at the latter end of May 1504, and failed for Spain, according to the admiral’s direction, to give Their Catholic Majefties an account of the fuccefs of his voyage.
CHAP. CVI. — How the Mutineers Jet themfelves againjl the Admiral , and would
hear of no Agreement.
NOW to return to the admiral, who with all his company had now received fome comfort and certain hopes of being delivered, by the account of James Mendez his arrival, and the coming of the caraval; he therefore thought fit to make it known to the mutineers, that their jealoufy ceafing, they might return to their duty. He therefore fent two men of note, who had friends among them, and knowing they would not believe, or at leaft not feem to believe the coming of the caraval, he lent them part of
g the

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
152
the bacon, the captain of it had prefented him. Thefe two being come where captain Porras was, with thofe he confided moft in, he came out to meet them, that they might not move or perfuade the men to repent them of the crime they had committed, imagining, as the truth was, that the admiral fent them a general pardon. Yet it was not in the power of the brothers fo to curb their men, but that they heard the news of the coming of the caraval, the health of thofe that were with the admiral, and the offers he made them. After feveral confultations among themfelves, and the principal men, the refult was, that they would not truft to the pardon the admiral fent them, but would go peaceably away to Hifpaniola, if he would promife to give them a fhip to go in, provided two came; and if there came but one, he fhould aflign them half of it; and in the mean while, becaufe they had loft their clothes and commodities they had to trade upon the fea, he fhould fhare what he had with them. To which the meffengers anfwering, that thofe were no reafonable propofals, they interrupted them, faying, that fince it was not granted them by fair means, they would have it by force. Thus they difmiffed the admiral’s meffengers, mifinterpreting his offers, and telling their followers, that he was a cruel revengeful man; and though they feared nothing for themfelves, becaufe the admiral durft not prefume to wrong them, becaufe of the favour they had at court, yet they had reafon to fear he would be revenged on the reft, under colour of juft punifhment, and that for this reafon: Roldan and his friends in Hifpaniola had not trufted him, nor his offers, and it fucceeded well with them, they finding fo much favour, that they had him fent into Spain in irons. And that the coming of the caraval, with the news of James Mendez, might make no impreflion on them, they intimated to them, that it was no true caraval, but a phantom made by art magic, the admiral being very fkilful in that art, alleging, it was not at all likely, that if it had really been a caraval, the men aboard it would not have had fome further difcourfe with thofe about the admiral, but would have vaniftied fo foon. Nay, it was more probable, that had it been a caraval, the admiral himfelf would have gone aboard it, with his fon and brother. With thefe, and other words to this purpofe, they again confirmed them in their rebellion; and then brought them to refolve to repair to the fhips to take what they found by force, and fecure the admiral.
CHAP. CVII. — How the Mutineers being come to the Ships, the Admiral’s Brother went out to fight them , overcame them , and took Porras their Captain.
THE mutineers continuing obftinate in their wicked refolution, came to a town of the Indians within a quarter of a league of the fhips, then called Maima, where afterwards the Chriftians built the town they called Seville; which the admiral under- ftanding, and being informed of their defign, he refolved to fend his brother againft them, to endeavour to reduce them by good words; but fo attended, that if they offered him any wrong, he might be able to oppofe them. To this purpofe, the lieutenant drew out fifty men, well armed, and ready for anyfervice. Thefe being come to a fmall hill, a bow-fhot from the town where the rebels were, fent thofe two before, who had gone on the firft meffage, to require them to be peaceable, and that their captain fhould come peaceably to a conference. But they being nothing inferior in ftrength or number, and almoft all feamen, perfuaded themfelves, that thofe who came with the lieutenant were weak men, and would not fight them ; therefore they would not permit the meffengers to talk to them, but with their naked fwords, and the fpears they had, all in a body, crying, Kill, kill, fell upon the lieutenant’s party ; fix of the rebels, who were accounted the boldeft, having taken an oath not to part,
but

LIFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
*53
but go direflly againft the lieutenant, for if he were killed, they made no account of the reft; wherein it pleafed God they were difappointed; for they were fo well received, that five or fix of them dropped at the firft charge, moft of them being of thofe that aimed at the lieutenant, who fell upon his enemies in fuch manner, that in. a very fhort time, John Sanchez de Cadiz, from whom Quibio made his efcape, was killed, as was John Barba, the firft I faw draw his fword when they ran into rebellion j and fome others fell very much wounded, and Francis de Porras their captain was taken. Seeing themfelves fo roughly handled, like bafe rebellious people, they turned their backs and fled as fall as they could. The lieutenant would have purfued, had not fome of the chief men about him been againft it, faying, it was good to punifli, but not fo feverely, left when he had killed many of them, the Indians fhould think fit to fall upon the viftors, fince he faw they were all in arms, waiting the event of the fray, without taking either fide. The lieutenant approving of the advice, returned to the fhips, carrying along with him the captain of the rebels and fome other prifoners, where he was well received by the admiral, his brother, and thofe that had remained with him, all of them giving thanks to God for that victory, which they attributed to. him, and wherein the guilty had received their juft punilhment, and their pride been humbled, none being wounded on our fide but the lieutenant in his hand, and one of the admiral’s gentlemen of the chamber, who died of a fmall wound he received with a fpear in his hip. But to return to the rebels, Peter de Ledefma, that pilot we mentioned above, who went with Vincent Yanez to Honduras, and fwam alhore at Belem, fell down certain rocks, and lay hid that day and the next, till the evening, no body aflifting him, or knowing where he was, except the Indians, who with amazement, not knowing how our fwords would cut, with little flicks opened his wounds, one of which was in his head, and his brains were feen through it; another on his fhoulder, fo large that his arm hung, as it were, loofe; and the calf of one leg almoft cut off, fo that it hung down to his ankle; and one foot, as if it had a flipper on it, being fliced from the heel to the toes. Nptwithftanding all which defperate hurts, when the Indians difturbed him, he would fay, Let me alone, for if I get up, &c.; and they at thefe words would fly in a great confternation. This being known aboard the fhips, he was carried into a thatched houfe hard by, where the dampnefs and gnats were enough to have killed him. Here inftead of turpentine, they drefied his wounds with oil, and he had fo many, befides thofe already mentioned, that the furgeon who dreffed him fwore, that for the firft eight days he ftill found out new ones, and yet at laft he recovered, the gentleman of the chamber dying, in whom he apprehended no danger. The next day, being the 20th of May, all thofe that had efcaped fent a petition to the admiral, humbly begging he would be merciful to them; for they repented them of what was paft, and were ready to fubmit themfelves to him. The admiral granted their requeft, and pafied a general pardon, upon condition the captain fhould continue a prifoner as he was, that he might not raife another mutiny. And becaufe they could not be fo eafy and conveniently aboard the fhips, and there might arife fome provoking words among the common fort, which would caufe difturbance, and rub up old fores, which might be the caufe of frelh tumults; and becaufe it would be a hard matter to quarter and maintain fo many men conveniently, thofe few there were beginning to fuffer want, he refolved to fend them a commander with commodities to exchange, that he might go with them about the ifland, and contain them within the bounds of juftiqe, till fuch time as the fhips came, which he daily expe&ed.
' VOL. XII.
■x
CHAP,

*54
LIFE OF COLON - , By HIS SON.
CHAP. CVIII. — How the Admiral went over to Hifpaniola , and thence info Spain, where at Valladolid it pleafed God to take him to hmfelf.
THE Chriftians being all again returned to their duty, and the Indians for that fame reafon being more careful to fupply them for their commodities, fome days paffed which made up a year fince we arrived at Jamaica, after which there arrived a ffiip, which James Mendez had bought and fitted out at St. Domingo with the admiral’s money, aboard which all the men, as well enemies as friends, were dripped, and fetting fail on the 28th of June, we proceeded on our voyage "with much difficulty, the winds and currents, as we have faid before, being very contrary to go from Jamaica to St. Domingo, where we arrived in great need of reft, on the 13th of Auguft 1504, and the governor made a great reception for the admiral, lodging him in his own houfe; though this was a treacherous kindnefs ; for on the other fide, he fet Porras, who had headed the mutineers, at liberty, and attempted to punifh thofe who had a hand in apprehending of him, and to try other caufes and offences that belonged only to Their Catholic Majefties, who had appointed the admiral captain-general of their fleet; and yet he fawned upon the admiral, ufing all demonftrations of kindnefs in his prefence. This lafted till our fhip was refitted, and another hired, on which the admiral, his kindred and fervants embarked, moft of the reft remaining in Hifpaniola. We failed 1 on the 2d of September, and being but two leagues at fea, the maft of the fhip came by the board$ for which reafon the admiral caufed it to return into the harbour, and we in the other held on our courfe for Spain. Having fun about the third part of the way, there arofe fuch a terrible ftorm, that the ffiip was in great danger. The next day, which was the 19th of October, the weather being fair, and we very ftill, the mail flew into four pieces; but the courage of the lieutenant, and the admiral’s ingenuity, though he could not rife out of his bed for the gout, found a remedy for this misfortune, making a jury-maft of a yard, and ftrengthening the middle of it with ropes, and fome planks they took from the poop and ftern. In another ftorm we fpent our foremaft, and yet it pleafed God we failed feven hundred leagues in that condition, and arrived at the port of St. Lucar de Barremeda, and thence to Seville, where the admiral took fome reft after the fatigues he had gone through; and in May 1505, fet out for The Catholic King’s court; for the glorious Queen Ifabel had the year before exchanged this life for a better, which was no fmall trouble to the admiral, Ihe having always favoured and fupported him, whereas The Catholic King had proved unkind and averfe to his affairs, which plainly appeared by the reception he gave him ; for though to appearance he Ihewed him a favourable afpecl, and pretended to reftore him to his full power, yet he would have quite ftript him of all, had not Ihame hindered him; which, as has been faid, has great power over noble fpirits y and the King himfelf and Queen had both engaged their faith to him, when he went upon his laft voyage. But the Indies daily more and more difcovering what they were like to be, and the King- perceiving how great a fhare fell to the admiral, by virtue of the articles granted him, he ftrove to have the abfolute dominion in himfelf, and to difpofe of all thofe employments which belonged to the admiral, according to his own will and pleafure. Hereupon he began to propofe new terms to him, by way of equivalent, which God would not permit to take effeft; becaufe juft then King Philip I. came to reign in Spain ; and at the time His Catholic Majefty went from Valladolid to meet him, the admiral, much oppreffed with the gout, and troubled to fee himfelf put by his right, other diftempers coming on him, gave up his foul to God upon Afcenfion-Day, being the 20th of May
1506,

J.IFE OF COLON, BY HIS SON.
*55
1506, at the aforefafd city of Valladolid, having devoutly received all the facraments of the church, and faid thefe words laft, “ Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my fpiritwhich, through his infinite mercy, we do not queftion but he received into his glory: to which may he admit us with him!
His body was afterwards conveyed to Seville, and there by the Catholic King’s order magnificently buried in the cathedral, ,and an epitaph in Spanilh cut on his tomb, in memory of his renowned actions, and difcovery of the Indies. The words are thefe :
“ A CASTILIA, YA LEON, NUEVO MUNDO DIO COLON.”
That is,
“ Colon gave Caftille and Leon a new World.”
Words well worth obferving, becaufe the like cannot be found either among the ancients or moderns.
It will therefore be ever remembered, that he was the difcoverer of the Weft Indies, though fince then, Ferdinand Cortez and Francis Pizarro have found out many other provinces and vaft kingdoms on the continent; for Cortez difcovered the province of Yucatan, and the city of Mexico, called New Spain, then poffeffed by the great Montezuma, emperor of thofe parts; and Francis Pizarro found out the kingdom of Peru, which is of a vaft extent, and full of endlefs wealth, which was under the dominion of the great King Atabaliba. From which countries and kingdoms there came every year into Spain many fhips laden with gold, filver, brazil, cochineal, fugar, and many other commodities of great value, befides pearls and other jewels, which are the caufe that at this time Spain and its princes flourifti and abound in wealth.
X 2
THE

( *5 6 )
THE DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
ALLOA AT THE ENGLISH
tN DIFFERENT PARTS OF AMERICA, FROM THE REIGN OF HENRY VII.
TO THE CLOSE OF THAT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH;
INTERSPERSED WITH
Various Remarks on the Progrefs of our Trade and naval Power, and the Difficulties which the Nation had to ftruggle with in their firft; Attempts*.
CHAP. I. -—i. The Hiflory of Madoc, one of the Princes of Wales, and hisfuppofed Dflco- *very of America fet in a true Light, and vindicated from fame groundlefs Reflections made thereon by foreign Writers .— 2. The generous Difpofltion of King Henry VII. with refpedl to encouragmg Difcoveries ; and the Voyages of John and Sebaflian Cabot, in his Service, whoflrfl vifited the Continent of America .— 3. The Voyage of Sebaflian Cabot, for the Difcovery of a North-wefl Paflage, in which he failed along the Coafl of that Part of North America, to which the Spaniards afterwards gave the Name of Florida. —4. The Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert , Vice Admiral of England, and Sebaflian Cabot, to Brazil, and other 'Parts of the Wefl Indies .—5. The flrfl Attempt of Mr. Hore, Merchant of London, to eflablijh a Colony in Newfoundland ; the flra?ige Misfortunes he met with, and a memorable In/lance of the Juflice and Generoflty of King Henry VIII. —6. The fever alVoy ages of Captain William Hawkins to Brazil, and a flngular Proof of his Abilities and Integrity. —7. Afuccincl Account of the Difcoveries a?id maritime Expeditions to America, under the Reign of King Edward VI. —8. That Hi/lory continued during the Reign of Queen Mary, and her Confort, King Philip .— 9. The Methods taken for extending our Trade, and making Settlements in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. —10. An Account of Sir Francis Drake's giving the Name of New Albion, to a Country lying in the northern Part of California, and the Importance of that Difcovery. —n. The flrfl Settlement of Newfoundland, with a fhort Account of the Nature thereof, and the Advantages which have accrued from the Fifhery upon its Coafls to this Nation. —12. The firfi Attempt to fettle Virginia, under the Direction of Sir Walter Raleigh, with an Account of that Colony. —13. The feveral Voyages of Captain John Davis, and the great Difcoveries made by him in North America. —14. Sir Walter Raleigh's Expedition to Guiana; the Confequences of that Expedition, and Remarks thereupon. —-15. Other remarkable naval Tranfaclions, within the Compafs of that Reign, relating to this Subject. —16. A fuccincl View of the State of our Trade to America, at the Time of the Death of Queen Elizabeth. —17. Remarks and Obfer- vations on the principal Events mentioned in the foregoing Section.
1. r I TIE glory of having firft difeovered far diftant countries, and adding JL thereby to the knowledge and commerce of mankind, has always had charms fufficient to invite different nations to put in their claims, even though they have not been extremely well founded. When America was firft made known, it occafioned abundance of enquiries; and, as it was natural, recalled to many
* Harris ii. 189.
people’s

I 57
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS, &C.
people’s remembrances and confederations, ftories which had before been deemed fcarce worthy of notice : amongft the reft our nation put in; and the tale told in favour of us, as it is the earlieft in point of time, feems to merit relation as well or better than any other. In fhort, this ftory afferts .that Madoc Prince of Wales, was the firft difcoverer of America, and the detail of his expedition runs thus: He flou- rilhed in the twelfth century, and was fon of Owen Guyneth, Prince of North Wales; his brethren raifing a civil war about the divifion of his father’s dominions, he chofe rather to go to fea with a few of his friends, and feek out new habitations, than run the hazard of what might happen in this difpute. Accordingly, about the year 1170, fleering due weft, and leaving Ireland on the north, he came to an unknown country, where he fettled a colony ; and returning thence into Wales, carried a fecond fupply of people, but was never heard of more.
That the country he went to was really America, is more, I think, than can be thoroughly proved; but that this tale was invented after the difcovery of that country, on purpofe to fet up a prior title, is moft certainly falfe. Meredith ap Rees, who died in 1477, and was a famous Welch poet, compofed an ode in honour of this Madoc, wherein was contained an account of his difcoveries. Now as this was feveral years before Colon made his firft voyage, we may be fure that this was really a Britilh tradition, and no tale of late contrivance. Some foreign writers indeed, have fuggefted that this was a pure invention, defigned to prejudice the reputation of the great difcovery made by Colon ; but in this they rather fhew their malice to us than difcover ours; for beyond all doubt the Welch had, and have ftill, fuch a tradition, and therefore fome wifer and better informed critics have endeavoured to prove that it was not America, but Greenland, to which ottr Welch Prince failed. In proof of which they have obferved that this country was well known in the ninth and tenth centuries, though it was afterwards loft.
But with fubmiflion to thefe great men, this ftory does not at all anfwer their purpofe; for it is evident, the courfe does by no means agree; fince if he had failed to that country he could not have left Ireland to the north. I have feen a very ingenious difcourfe upon this fubject, in which is fuggefted, that Prince Madoc landed in fome part of Florida ; that in procefs of time, the colony he planted there proceeded round by land, and reached the northern parts of Mexico, which country they conquered, and were thofe foreign anceftors of the Mexicans, of whom we have heard fo much from the Spanilh writers that have recorded the adventures of Cortes, and with which the reader is fo well acquainted, that there is no need of our faying any thing more of them here, except it-be this, that feveral Brililh words have been difcovered in the old Mexican tongue, and that no other European nation can fhew a better founded tradition than this; for the truth of which, however, I am very far from contending.
2. If there had been really any defire in the Englilh nation to conteft the title of the crown of Spain to the country of America, it might have been undoubtedly fixed upon a much better foundation; for, in the life of Don Chriftopher Colon, written by his fon in the reign of our King Henry the VUIth, it is exprefsly faid, that this great man fent his brother Bartholomew into England, to offer his difcovery to King Henry VII. and he did accordingly prel'ent a map, dated the 13th of February 1488, to that monarch ; and having explained to him his brother’s defign, and what he propofed thereby, it was readily accepted ; and Don Bartholemew was fent to invite his brother into England, with an affurance that the King would grant him all he defired. This agreement was four years before the voyage of Colon in the fervice of Their
x o Catholic

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
158
Catholic Majefties, and therefore had we been fo much inclined to hunt for titles to this new-found country, here had been a fair pretence. But King Henry the Vllth. was of ■another difpofition; and though he was a prince much addicted to encourage fuch kind of ufeful undertakings, he fcorned to aim at reaping the fruits of other princes’ adventures ; and therefore he contented himfelf, after miffing by mere accident, Colon’s difcovery, with inviting other feamen of known reputation, to enter into his fervice for like purpofes.
Among!! thefe was John Cabot citizen of Venice, who had been long fettled at Briftol, and who thought himfelf capable of performing as a feaman things, little, if at all ffiort of what Colon had done. He accordingly applied himfelf to the King, who, by patent inrolled, dated the 5th of March, in the eleventh year of his reign, and ' in the year of our Lord 1495, granted to the faid John Cabot, and his three fons, Lewis, Sebaftian, and Sancias, authority to fail with five {hips of what burthen and ftrength they thought fit, upon difcoveries to the eaft, weft and north ; giving them the full property of fuch country or countries as they ffiould difcover, with this refervation only, that they ffiould return to Briftol, and that they ffiould pay him the fifth part of the neat profits of their voyage; in confideration of which they were to have the exclufive right to the countries fo difcovered, to which no other Engliffi fubjefts were to trade, but by their leave and licence. But the year before that patent was granted, that is in 1494, John Cabot, with his fon Sebaftian, had failed from Briftol upon difcovery, 'and had actually feen the continent of Newfoundland, to which they gave the name of Prima Vifta, or Firft Seen. And on the 24 th of June in the fame year he* went affiore on an ifland, which, becaufe it was difcovered on that day, he called St. John’s ; and of this ifland he reported very truly, that the foil was barren, that it yielded little, and that the people wore bear-fkin cloaths, and were armed with bows, arrows, pikes, darts, wooden clubs, and flings ; but that the coaft abounded with fiffi ; and upon this report of his, the beforementioned patent was granted.
3. The next voyage made for difcovery was by Sebaftian Cabot, the fon of John, concerning which all our writers have fallen into great miftakes, for want of comparing the feveral accounts we have of this voyage, and making proper allowances for the manner in which they were written ; fince I cannot find there was ever any diftinct and clear account of this voyage publiffied, though it was of fo great con- fequence. On the contrary, I believe that Cabot himfelf kept no journal of it by him ; fince in a letter he wrote on this fubjeft, he fpeaks doubtfully of the very year in which it was undertaken, though, from the circumftances he relates, that may be very certainly fixed. On the 3d of February, in the thirteenth year of the reign of King Henry VII, a new grant was made to John Cabot, by which he had leave given him to take ffiips out of any of the ports of England, of the burden of two hundred ton, to fail upon difcoveries; but before this could be effected, John Cabot died ; and Sebaftian, his fon, applied himfelf to the King, propofing to difcover a north-weft paffage, as he himfelf tells us; and for this pufpofe he had a ffiip manned and victualled at the King’s expence at Briftol, and three or four other ffiips were fitted out at the expence of fome merchants of that city, particularly Mr. Thorne and Mr. Hugh Elliot.
But whereas Sebaftian Cabot himfelf fays, that he made this 7 voyage in the fummer of 1496, he mult be miftaken, and he very well might, fpeaking from his memory only; and to prove this I need only obferve, that this date will not at all agree even with his own account of the voyage; for he fays exprefsly it was undertaken after his father’s death ; who, as we have ffiewn, was alive in the February following ;
9 fa
1

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 1 59 '
fo that it was the fummer of the year 1497, in which he made this voyage; and what he afterwards relates of his return, proves this likewife.
But we have a direct and clear authority as to this fact, which is, that of Robert Fabian, who fixes this voyage of Sebaftian Cabot’s to the month of May 1497. And on the nth of June, the fame year, he failed as high asfixty feven degrees thirty minutes, finding the fea ftill open, and he thought that he might this way havepaffed through into the South Seas, but his crew mutinied, which forced him to return into the latitude of fifty fix degrees, and from thence he ran down to thirty eight degrees, along the coaft of the continent of America, which, as he exprefsly fays, was afterwards called Florida, where provifions growing fhort, he returned into England, touching by the way at Newfoundland. On his return, he fays, he found the nation in much confufion, and great preparations making for a war in Scotland, which agrees exaftly with Grafton’s Chronicle, who places thefe preparations under the mayoralty of William Purchafe, that is, to the year before-mentioned; and Robert Fabian fays farther, that in the 14th year of King Henry VII. there were three men brought to the king, taken in the new-found ifland, which he before mentioned, who were cloathed in beaft-fkins, eat raw flefh, fpoke a ftrange uncouth tongue, and were very brutifh in their behaviour; but he farther adds, that he faw thefe people himfelf two years afterwards, and that they were then cloathed like Englifhmen, and he could not have known them to be otherwife, if he had not been informed that thefe were the men brought over by Sebaftian Cabot.
Thus, with the utmoft exaftnefs I could ufe, I have fet this matter in its true light, and have thereby fhewn, that he was not only the firft perfon who attempted a north- weft pafiage; and {hewed thereby that he underftood Colon’s principles, but was likewife the firft difcoverer of the continent of America, which Colon did not fee till a year after, as well as the firft difcoverer of Florida, which country was not fo called till the year 15x2; when, as we have before {hewn, it was vifited by John Ponce de Leon, who took pofleflion of it for the King of Spain, and ufu- ally paffes for the firft difcoverer. It may not be amifs to obferve, that Sebaftian Cabot clearly affirms, that his voyage was made to difcover a north-weft pafiage; which notion of his gave light, as is acknowledged even by foreign authors, to Ferdinand Magellan; and induced him confidently to affirm, that fuch a pafiage might be found by the South, which he happily effected twenty-two years after this attempt made to the north by Sebaftian Cabot.
I cannot fay that any great ufe can be made of this kind of knowledge, but there feems to be no reafon why we ftxould not pique ourfelves upon knowing thefe matters with as much exaftnefs as ftrangers; who, by dipping into our accounts, pretend to great knowledge in thefe matters, and very often impofe upon fuch as will not rake into their own old mufty antiquities, but pay an implicit regard to the bold afiertions of modern authors; by taking the contrary method, and refolving to be fatisfied, even in trifles, we come to judge accurately and truly of the deferts both of our own and of foreign nations; fo as to yield the preference to fome, and maintain our juft rights againft others. As for inftance, though we cannot dif- pute with the Spaniards the actual difcovery of America; yet, we may fairly deny, what the prefent geographer of His Catholic Majefty aflerts, that we rejected Colon's propofal; and we may likewife call him to a fevere account', for placing the voyages of Sebaftian Cabot to Florida, twenty-fix years later than he Ihould have placed them, from the accounts given by Ramufio, Gomara, Peter Martyr, and other authors, whom he either had not read, or ought to have read, before he took upon him
to

i6o
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
to write on this fubjeft; of which, though he writes fenfibly, yet this will not excufe his writing untruths.
Sebaftian Cabot is by many of our writers pofitively affirmed to be an Engliffiman, bora at Briftol; but the Italians as pofitively claim him for their countryman, and fay he was bom at Venice; which, to fpeak impartially, I believe is the truth ; for he fays himfelf, that when his father was invited over to England, he brought him with him, though he was then very young. His voyage for the difcovery of the north-weft paffage, gained him fo great a reputation, that he was invited into Spain, and employed by Their Catholic Majefties, Ferdinand and Ifabella, in a voyage for the difcovery of the coafts of Brazil, in which he had much better fuccefs than Americus Vefpucius, who miffed the river of Plate, whereas Cabot found it, and failed up it three hundred and fixty miles, which gained him fuch a character at the court of Their Catholic Majefties, that, on his return, he was declared piloto maggiore, or grand pilot of Spain; and refided feveral years at Seville with that character, and had the examination and approbation of all the pilots intruded by that government.
4 . Yet, after fome years, he thought fit to return into England, and was employed by King Henry VIII, in conjunction with Sir Thomas Pert, who was vice-admiral of England; and built a fine houfe near Blackwall, called Poplar ; which name ftill remains, though the houfe is long ago decayed. This voyage of his was in 1516, on board a Ihip of two hundred and fifty tons, with another of the like fize, in which he proceeded to the coaft of Brazil, and afterwards vifited the Spanifh iflands of St. Domingo, and St. John de Porto Rico; in the latter of which they traded, and paid for what they had by the exchange of veffels, made of pewter, as we learn from Oviedo ; who, notwithftanding, afferts that this veffel was a privateer, whereas, in fact, fhe was a frigate fitted out at King Henry the Eighth’s expence for difcovery.
It is a very great misfortune that we have not a clearer and more diftinct account of this expedition; fince it very plainly appears from the writers of thofe times, that great expectations were railed by it, and that the mifcarriage occafioned a good deal of noife and fome reflections; but they did not fall upon Cabot, as appears from the following note, taken from a book, publilhed by Mr. Richard Eden, whofe collections led the way to thofe of Mr. Hackluit, and which book was publilhed in 1553. “If manly courage,” faith he, (like unto that which hath been feen in your Grace as well in foreign realms, as alfo in this our country,) “ had not been wanting in others, in thefe our days, at fuch time our Sovereign Lord of noble memory, King Henry VIII., about the fame year of his reign, furnifhed, and fent out certain ffiips, under the governance of Sebaftian Cabot, yet living, and one Sir Thomas Pert, whofe faint heart was the caufe that the voyage took none effeft ; if, I fay, fuch manly courage, whereof we have fpoken, had not at that time been wanting, it might happily have come to pafs, that that rich treafury called Perularia, which is now in Spain, in the city of Seville, and fo named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfound land of Peru, might long fince have been in the Tower of London, to the King’s great honour and wealth of this realm.” I do not find that this worthy gentleman left England after this; but, on the contrary, remained here, and promoted, to the utmoft of his power, whatever defigns were fet on foot for the encouragement and ex- tenfion of our commerce; fo that, as I ffiall have occafion to Ihew hereafter, he ’may be truly reputed—The great mafter of Engliffi feamen, and the father of our colonies and commerce.
It was this great man that ftill kept up an opinion, which, he had himfelf firft entertained, that fome paffage there was into the South Seas, by the north-weft ; and upon
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this fubjeft he wrote with fo much good fenfe and ftrength of reafon, that if the (hips, which, while I am writing this paragraph, have failed in fearch of this paffage, ffiould fucceed, the honour of the difcovery will redound to him ; and therefore it -is but juft to take this opportunity of reviving his reputation. His difcourfes had fuch an effect on King Henry VIII., a Prince of vaft natural parts, great learning, and ftrongly ' inclined to heroic undertakings, that he refolved to fend another fhip, or more, on the difcovery, which he did in the nineteenth year of his reign. Both Hall and Grafton, in their Chronicles, fpeak of this; and tell us, that on mature deliberation,' the King fitted out two fair fliips, which failed from the port of London, on the 20th of May 1527 ; but not a word of the captain’s name, or of the ftrength of thefe fhips ; the only particular we have is, that the King fent feveral cunning men on board them. We are to underftand, by cunning men, perfons fkilled in the mathematics; who, with the common fort of people, paffed now, and long after, for cunning men and conjurers.
The worthy Mr. Hackluit has taken abundance of pains to fupply us with fome circumftances of this expedition, but to very little purpofe; and, notwithftanding all his inquiries from perfons who lived in and near thofe times, could obtain no other fatisfaftion than this, that a canon of St. Paul’s who was reputed a great mathematician, was one of the principal perfons concerned, and actually had took a fhare in the voyage; but to this reverend perfon’s name, both Sir Martin Frobifher and Sir Richard Allien, who were Mr. Hackluit’s authors, were ftrangers ; one of them, however, remembered the name of the biggeft fhip, which was Dominus Vobifcum, or The Lord with them,
* which agrees very well with the other part of the ftory, that the chief promoter of this voyage was a prieft. Thefe fhips failing very far to the north-weft, the largeft of them was caft away in the mouth of a very large gulph, very probably in the entrance to Hudfon’s Bay, and there perilhed ; the other, having coafted along the illand of Cape Britton (fo they wrote it then) returned in October following, and brought a large account of the places they had feen, and of the hardlhips they had undergone.
It appears from thence, that thefe early attempts to difcover new countries, and extend our commerce, were attended with great difficulties, much beyond thofe that were met with by the Spaniards and Portuguese, which may be attributed to feveral different caufes, and amongft others thefe : Our Ihipping was then but mean, though both the kings whom Cabot ferved appeared to be very defirous of having a naval force, fince Henry VII. had fpent fourteen thoufand pounds in building one large fhip, and his fon Henry VIII. added feveral others to the navy; yet I think our fhips were, generally fpeaking, larger than thofe of rnoft of our neighbours; but very probably they were built abroad, and neither in form nor in materials were fit for thofe feas to which they were navigated. The fkill of our feamen Could not be very great at this time; for as in all other practical cafes, fo in this, nothing advances people fo faft as experience, and therefore I reckon that the want of this was a great deficiency in thefe times ; we may add, that we purfued, with incredible diligence, thofe difcoveries that carried us into dangerous and difagreeable climates, which was directly contrary to the practice of the Spaniards and Portuguefe; befides thofe voyages produced little or no advantage, fo there was nothing to provoke the common, or even the trading, fort of people, to engage in them : ahd laftly, King Henry VIII. was bent upon finding a north-weft paffage, that he might have a way of his own to the Eaft Indies, and not be obliged to follow the rout either of the Spaniards or of the Portuguefe.
5. It was this inclination of the King’s that produced a fpirit in the nation of dif- covering and fettling in thefe northern parts, let the dangers be what they would, or the difficulties to be overcome ever fo many or apparent; a very ftrong inftance of
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which occurred in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, and is the moil remarkable paf- fage in it to our purpofe: one Mr. Hore, a merchant of London, a man of good family, confiderable fortune, great courage, and very well verfed in moll of the branches of the mathematics, was refolved to undertake a voyage, and attempt a fettlement on Newfoundland, and to go thither himfelf. He no fooner made this intention of his known, than he received all the countenance and encouragement from the crown that he could expeCl; and as this gave much credit to the expedition, fo, in a fhort time, abundance of young gentlemen, of good fortunes and diftinguifhed families, offered ta fhare both the expence and danger of the undertaking.
Among thefe were Mr. Wickes, a weft-country gentleman of five hundred marks a year ; Mr. Tuck, a Kentifh gentleman of fortune; Mr. Tuckfield, Mr. Thomas Butts, fon of Sir William Butts, the King’s firft phyfician; Mr. Hardy, Mr. Biron, Mr. Carter, Mr. Raftal, (brother to Serjeant Raftal,) and feveral others ; who went with Mr. Hore in the largeft of his two fhips, the Trinity, of the burden of one hundred and forty tons: in the leffer fhip went Mr. Armigall Wade, a young gentleman of great hopes, and much learning ; Mr. Oliver Dawebney, of London, merchant; and other perfons of character, to the number of thirty, in both veflels. About the end of April 1536, all things were ready; the Trinity and Minion fit to fail, and the whole of both fhips’ company, to the number of one hundred and twenty, muftered at Gravef- end ; after which they went with much ceremony on board.
They foon after failed, and arrived in the fpace of two months at Cape Breton ; from whence they failed round a great part of Newfoundland to Penguin ifland, in the latitude of about fifty degrees, as they computed; but which lies, truly, in fifty degrees forty minutes; where they found great plenty of thofe fowls, from whence the ifland takes its name: they afterwards went on fhore upon the eaft-fide of Newfoundland, and had an accidental view of a boat full of the favages that inhabited that country, whom they purfued both by fea and land, but were not able to overtake them. They ftaid here till their victuals began to grow very fhort, and being then afraid to truft themfelves at fea in fuch a condition, they delayed going on board till they were in fuch diftrefs that they actually eat one another; that is to fay, fome killed their companions privately in the woods, hid them, and then roafted and eat their flefh fecretly, till this horrid practice coming to the knowledge of their captain, he, by a moll judicious and pathetic fpeech, brought them to refolve rather to live upon grafs and herbs than fubfift by this deteftable method any longer.
But it fell out foon after, that a French fhip put in there well manned and well victualled, of which our countrymen refolved to take advantage, being weary of a country in which they had endured fuch miferies; and therefore, watching a fair opportunity, they pofleffed themfelves of the French fhip, and, leaving their own, failed direCtly for the coaft of England. They returned fafely, and arrived at St. Ives in Cornwall about the end of October; and then the gentlemen, difperfing themfelves, returned to £,ondon; but fo much altered by their fatigues, that Sir William Butts, and his wife could not know their fon, but by a particular mark upon his knee. We had never known a word of this ftrange adventure, if it had not been for Mr. Richard Hackluit, who rode two hundred miles to gain thefe particulars from the mouth of Mr. Thomas Butts, the only perfon then living, who had a fhare in that expedition ; and no wonder, fince it was fifty-three years afterwards that he obtained this communication. There is another circumftance relating to this unfortunate enterprize, which muft by no means be omitted.
Some months after, the Frenchmen came to England, with a dreadful complaint,
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that the Englifh had ran away with their fhip, and had left them to ftarve, if they had not fupported themfelves by fifhing. King Henry examined very clofely into the affair, and finding that extreme want was the foie caufe of an action, otherwife inexcufable, he fatisfied the French, to the. full extent of their demands, out of his own coffers, and pardoned in his own fubjects, that wrong which neceffity forced them to commit. Thefe were very hard beginnings; and yet to thefe we owe our Newfoundland trade; and, I think, it is much to the honour of the Englifh nation, that without having any of thofe encouragements which the Spaniards met with from the very beginning, they continued to purfue thofe expeditions for difcovery; till in the end they met with thofe rewards which they fo well deferred.
6. Within this dark period of time, for the accounts of our riling navigation have been mofl imperfectly tranfmitted to pofterity, there were numbers of Englifhmen, who, with very little profpefi: of private advantages, fpread themfelves, by the help of foreign fhipping into all parts of the world; that, by their inquiries and obfervations, they might be able to underftand how trade was managed, and maritime affairs conduced, in other countries; that, in time, by their informations, the like advantages might accrue to their own; of which voyages and travels, there are many fhort notes collected in Hackluit, which do great honour to thefe times, and ought to perpetuate the memory of the worthy perfons, who, with fo much labour and hazard, laid the foundation of our naval ftrength and glory.
Thefe notices foon roufed a&ive and induflrious perfons to try what ufe could be made of fuch helps, and perhaps the reader will not think his time mifpent in reading an inftance of this kind. Mr. William Hawkins, the father of the famous Sir John Hawkins, and the grandfather of Sir Richard Hawkins, both eminent feamen, was him- felf an officer in the navy of King Henry the Eighth, and for his merit much efteemed by that Prince, made about the middle of his reign three profperous voyages to Guinea and Brazil; in the laft of thefe, having fome dealings with a prince or chief of the Brazilians, he expreffed a defire of feeing England; but, at the fame time, ffiewed a fufpicion of his not obtaining leave to come home again ; to cure which, Captain Hawkins very readily offered to leave Mr. Martin Cockram, of Plymouth, who flood next to himfeif in efteem with the Indians, as a hoftage, which offer was readily accepted.
This Brazilian chief he brought over, and prefented to his mailer King Henry, who received him kindly, entertained him courteoufly, and difmiffed him generoufly, after a year's Hay in England. But it fo fell out, in his paffage home, that, either through change of air, Ihortnefs of provifions, or fome other misfortune, the Indian chief died ; which threw the Engliffi into great concern, from an apprehenfion that Mr. Cockram would be either punilhed with death, or detained during life, upon account of this accident: but the thing fell out better; for upon hearing what the Englifh had to alledge, the favages readily obferving, that it was far from being likely that they would return to their country if they had treated their king amifs, and that it was not in their power to preferve his life, if attacked by ficknefs, they freely fet their hoftage at liberty, kindly entertained the men, and furnifhed the fhip with a, fufficient cargo for England, which encouraged other merchants to trade to the unfettled ports of Brazil, (by which I mean the ports not yet in the poffeffion of the Portuguefe,) and this from feveral places, viz. Briftol, Southampton, and London, during all the latter part of this monarch’s reign, who muft be allowed to have had a very public fpirit with regard to maritime concerns, for the improvement of which he fpared neither pains nor treafure.
7. In the time of King Edward the Sixth the court was fplit into factions, which
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neceflarily occafioned difputes and divifions among the people ; fo that the times were by no means favourable for new and great undertakings, or even for the improvement of thofe branches of commerce, which were but newly opened; on the contrary, it feems that feveral perfons who were entrufted with offices by the lord high admiral, and fuch as had the care and direction of the cuftoms, laid heavy burdens upon thofe that engaged in the Iceland and Newfoundland filheries; and took fuch large fums for licences, and under other pretences, as had like to have ruined the former, which was an old trade, and greatly difcouraged the latter, which was a new one.
Upon complaint of this to parliament, the matter fell under a clofe examination, as appears from fome papers of Sir William Cecil, which are yet in being ; for there are no Journals of the Proceedings of the Houfe of Commons fo early as this time pre- ferved: but from the papers before mentioned, we are informed, that this complaint was made by the weft-country members, and by a burgefs from Yarmouth in Norfolk ; and thereupon a law was made in the year 1548, and the fecond of that Prince’s reign, by which it was enacted, that every officer who fhould, for the time to come, extort, procure, or receive any fum of money from a merchant, mafter of a fhip, factor, or fiffierman, for, or under colour of, granting him leave or licence to fiffi in the North Seas, on the coafts of Iceland, or on the banks of Newfoundland, ffiould, for the firft offence, forfeit treble the fum fo extorted ; and for the fecond, ffiould fuffer fine and ranfom at the King’s pleafure.
The fame year the King was pleafed to grant to Sebaftian Cabot, his old fervant, by the advice and counfel of his uncle, Edward Duke of Somerfet, the office of grand pilot of England, with a fee of one hundred fixty-fix pounds thirteen and four pence, to be paid him quarterly at the exchequer; which ffiews, that thefe kind of lervices were ftill regarded; and that in fuch intervals of peace, as the miniftry then had, they were mindful of the intereft of their country, and inclined to do what lay in their power to promote navigation and commerce. But they were ftill hurt by a too earneft defire to grafp at the whole trade of the Indies, which induced them to liften to all the pro- pofals made for difcovering either a north-eaft or a north-weft paffage; and by bending all their ftrength that way, neglected thofe undertakings that were eafier, and which might have been carried into execution at a much lighter expence. This' was owing to Mr. Sebaftian Cabot, who firft ftarted the notion of a paffage into the South Seas by the north-weft, and who fell very readily into the other projett of finding a paffage into the Indian Ocean by the north-eaft.
. .He vcas at that time mafter of the great company erected for the benefit of commerce, under the title of Merchant-Adventurers for the Difcovery of New Lands, and the great oracle, as he deferved to be, of all the feafaring people; and this gave him an opportunity of puffiing that point which he had moft at heart, the importance of which he urtderftood better than any man,. and in the execution of which nobody had gone farther, or managed an expedition with greater difcretion. But this turn diverted the whole attention of the ftate to this point, and this alone, as if nothing had been worth difcovering but a paffage to the Spice Iflands; while in the mean time the Spaniards attacked and fubdued a very great part of both the continents of America. If, inftead of this, the endeavours of the feamen in that reign had been applied to the profecuting what Cabot had fo well begun, I mean the entire difcovery of Florida, and the countries adjacent, it muft have ended in a fettlement on the Gulph of Mexico, which might probably have been attended with very great advantages.
It cannot however be denied, that the fchemes which were profecuted had a very fair appearance of fuccefs, and I think it may be allowed alfo, by fuch as take the pains
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to perufe Mr. Cabot’s InftrudUons to Sir Hugh Willoughby, that no man ever conceived with greater ftrength of judgment, or expreffed himfelf in clearer terms, than he did. I might, to prove this, give an extrad of thefe Inftru&ions; but it would be befide my prefent purpofe, and giving the reader no more than what he may already find in Hackluit; whereas I aim at affording him new lights, without tranfcribing other people’s labours, except where I am under a neceffity of doing it. It muft be admitted, that though the profecution of thefe projects, for finding a north-eaft and a north-weft paffage, were not either of them attended with fuccefs, and though they confumed a great treafure, and, which is much more to be regretted, were attended with the lofs of feveral excellent captains and many able feamen, the profits which the nation reaped might be truly faid to countervail, in fome meafure, even the vaft ex- pences thefe voyages occafioned.
As for inftance: we opened, by our attempts to find a north-eaft paffage, the trade to Archangel; and, for fome time, engroffed the valuable commerce of the Ruffian empire: and even to the north-weft our difcoveries were of great confequence, and led us to a more diftinct knowledge of that part of the world than any other nation has attained, infomuch that I think it may be truly faid, it is of all our labours that which has fhewn our excellency in point of feamanfhip molt; and, if our prefent attempt for dilcovering a paffage through Hudfon’s Bay fhould prove fuccefsful, as I fincerely believe it will, we fhall have no reafon to blame thofe who from time to time have pufhed this defign with fo much vigour; becaufe I am thoroughly perfuaded, that whenever it is attended with fuccefs, it will, in a very few years, repay this nation all that flie has expended for ages upon this account.
We may from hence fee how much thefe expeditions for difcovery are preferable to much more expenfive expeditions in purfuit of projects dictated by political views; for in thefe laft we wafte fhips, men, treafure, and all to little or no purpofe; whereas, with refpedl to the former, whether we fucceed or not in our main point, we are fure of making fuch incidental advantages as, fooner or later, make us ample amends for the pains we take ; fo that a maritime power cannot follow a wifer courfe than to encourage all fuch projects, or employ her naval force better than in attempting fuch of them as have a probable appearance ; becaufe this nourifhes and keeps alive that active, penetrating, enterprifing fpirit, which is fo neceflary to a ftate like ours, and which will always be attended with advantages upon the whole, though in many particular inftances it may not be attended with fuccefs. But it is now time to proceed from thefe refleftions which naturally flow from the confideration of what was done by our ftatefmen in the reign of King Edward, to thofe of the like kind that occupied the thoughts both of our politicians and people, in the reign of his After and fucceffor; in fpeaking of which, though a beaten topic, I hope to ftrike out feveral things that are new.
8. As there were feveral of King Edward’s minifters employed by Queen Mary, fo we find that in the reign of this Princefs the fame meafures were purfued, and the fame attention fhewn for new difcoveries, and for giving all the affiftance that was in the power of the Crown, to fuch as engaged in thefe undertakings. But after the marriage between the Queen and King Philip of Spain took place, we began to grow much better acquainted with all circumftances relating to the Weft Indies than in former times, and it became fafhionable at Court to read and underftand whatever had been publifhed, in any language, relating to the conquefts and difcoveries of the Spaniards; but becaufe the number was not great of fuch as could perufe and underftand thofe works in the original languages, feveral perfons took pains to tranflatc them into Eng-
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lifh, and to epitomife them, that they might be read with the greater facility; amongft thefe were Mr. Richard Eden, who compofed one of the firft Collections of Travels that was ever publilhed in our language, and which was afterwards revifed, corrected, and augmented, by Mr. Edward Willes. Several other pieces of the fame kind came abroad; and feveral of the Spanilh officers that attended their King hither took a great deal of pains to fet forth the exploits of their nation in the Weft Indies; and our fea officers, with whom they converfed, did not fail to make their advantage of thefe dif- courfes, and to gain fuch knowledge of the fituation things were in throughout all their dominions in America, as afterwards coft the Spaniards very dear.
This intercourfe with that nation alfo furnifhed many Englifhmen with opportunities of going to their fettlements, and of obtaining fuch lights with refpedt to their navigation and commerce, as proved afterwards of the higheft ufe. But notwithftanding all this, our trade and naval power fuffered deeply by this connection between the two nations, which not only hindered, during that reign, thofe voyages we had formely made to America from being purfued, but involved us likewife in a tedious, dangerous, and unneceffary war with France; by which we not only loft the important fortrefs of Calais, but alfo fuffered deeply in our fhipping ; fo that it appears by fome fragments which ftill remain of fpeeches made in the Houfe of Commons, that loud complaints were made on this fubject in parliament by the citizens of London efpecially, whofe Ioffes were greater than thofe of the reft of the kingdom by thofe miftaken meafures.
Yet fuch branches of our commerce as did not immediately interfere with that of Spain were greatly favoured in this reign, in which the Ruffian merchants were incorporated, and Sebaftian Cabot appointed their governor for life; and a Ruffian ambaf- fador, who came over hither, was treated with great diftin&ion both by the King and Queen; which procured us fuitable returns, by the granting extraordinary privileges to fuch merchants and fubjects of England as traded in any part of that extenfive empire. The trade to Guinea, likewife, met with fome countenance from the Court, by which means the fhipping engaged therein was increafed, and many more traders drawn to be concerned therein; fo that as great a fpirit in this refpect appeared as could well be expected ; while the trading corporations throughout the kingdom were expofed to great inconveniences, by taking their fhips for the public fervice; for fo, at that time, affifting King Philip was called, though it was evidently againft the intereft of the nation ; and it was our want of fuccefs in that war which faved the balance of Europe, which muft have been totally loft, if he had compalfed his defign, and ruined the power of France; fo that in fad, our naval force was employed againft itfelf, of which the Queen’s minifters were fenfible; but as for the Queen herfelf, fhe was governed by an odd principle, which was that of making the belt wife in the world to one of the worft of hufbands: but, very luckily for the nation, fhe was fo fenfible of the misfortunes that attended this injudicious war, and particulary of the lofs of Calais, that it broke her heart, and thereby made way for that great and glorious reign which re- ftored the face of our affairs, revived our languifhing commerce, re-eftablifhed our naval power, and, by the happy iffue of a long and bloody, but neceffary and prof- perous, war againft Spain, fecured our own liberties and preferved thofe of Europe.
9. Queen Elizabeth fucceeded to the crown by the death of her filler, in the month of November 1558 ; and, from the very beginning of her reign, made the naval power of this nation her peculiar care. She began with putting the fmall remains of the navy into the beft condition poffible; provided a fafe harbour in the river Medway for their reception, and erefted a new caftle for their protection. She likewife took
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Care to have a fmall fquadron at fea as foon as poffible j and knowing that by a hafty breach with Spain fhe might, and indeed muft, expofe her naval ftrength to the danger of being crufhed by a fuperior force, fhe very wifely chofe to diffemble her refentments againft that Crown, and to provide for the increafe of the feamen and fhipping of her kingdom, before fhe difcovered thofe refolutions which fhe carried afterwards into execution with fo much honour to herfelf, and fo much advantage to her people. I the rather take notice of this, becaufe it is the only ftroke of the Queen’s policy which has efcaped our hiflorians, who either overlooked or mifunderftood it; and therefore, as it very nearly concerns my fubjeft, I fhall fet it in a full and clear light.
At the beginning of her reign the Queen had feveral enemies to deal with; fome who declared openly againft her, and others who fecretly fought her ruin. Among the former were the French, to whom at that time Scotland, in virtue of a marriage between Queen Mary and the French King, in fome meafure belonged. At the head of the latter u'as King Philip of Spain, one of the greateft politicians that ever fat upon a throne, who knew the value of England, had in fome meafure poffelfed it, and, which was not at all wonderful, had no mind to lofe it. His firft project for keeping it was, by marrying Elizabeth, as he had done her fifter, in which finding himfelf deceived, his next projeft was to conquer it, from which he never departed. The Queen, when fhe rejected the firft, forefaw the laft, and refolved to provide againft it, which fhe knew could no other way be done but by obtaining a great naval force.
To arrive at this, fhe firft of all contrived to amufe Spain by carrying on the war with France, in which fhe did the fame thing her fifter did; and yet the one was the worft, the other the wifeft meafure that ever was taken. Queen Mary really meant to ruin and diftrefs the French, and was above all things defirous of recovering Calais; and this from a. miftaken zeal for the intereft of the nation. Queen Elizabeth made an artificial war againft France to increafe her own naval ftrength, by encouraging her fubjefts to take prizes, and that fhe might have an opportunity of fecuring Scotland; but, though exceflively provoked, fhe never thought of hurting France, and when offered Calais, fhe refufed it; and all this, becaufe fhe knew the true intereft of the nation. She knew that while fhe continued to aft againft the French, fhe fhould have the Spaniards for feeming friends; that this war was not againft the humour of her people, or againft juftice ; that it would raife a vaft number of feamen, becaufe every port in England fitted out privateers; and that it would raife the reputation of her naval power, by reducing Scotland: for all which ends, as fhe wifely provided, fo fhe met in them all the fuccefs fhe could defire. She knew, however, that France was not her natural enemy; that from the difputes about religion, which ran high in that kingdom, fhe was in no danger from its power; and that whenever fhe came to declare againft Spain, fhe fhould ftand in need of its afliftance: for which reafon fhe made a very harmlefs war, and gave fuch broad intimations of her being willing to compofe all differences, as in due time produced a peace. She likewife knew that the poffeilion of Calais was a mere popular advantage; that, in reality, it was attended with an expence which could not well be afforded ; that if fhe was poffelfed of it, it would be a continual bone of contention with France; and that, how much foever it might be afterwards her intereft'to part with it, it would be an unpopular, and therefore an improper, and an imprudent thing to give it up. This that great Princefs knew, and therefore fhe wifely refufed it; but upon making a peace, fhe referved her rights to it, and procured fuch conceftions from the French, as proved a continual check upon them, and were oftentimes of more ufe than the fortrefs itfelf.
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In the mean time fhe continued her care of the navy, and neglected nothing that might keep up and promote a maritime fpirit among her people ; fhe fought out and diftinguifhed the fea-officers that had ferved under her father •, fhe was continually fitting out, on one pretence or other, little fquadrons, at a fmall expence; fhe gave the command of them to different officers, that fhe might excite a fpirit of emulation, but what principally conduced to aggrandize her power was thepleafure fhe fhewed, whenever any occafion offered, of rewarding her fubjects, who undertook, at their own expence, fuch expeditions as contributed to extend their commerce, and open new branches of trade. We have a ftrong inflance of this, in the countenance fhe fhewed to Captain John Hawkins, who between the years 1562 and 1568 made three voyages into the Weft Indies, and in all but the lafi had very great fuccefs, though he carried on his trade partly by force. She promoted the trade to Ruffia, and through that empire to Perfia and the Indies, to the utmoft of her power, and managed it with fuch prudence and dexterity, that the reputation of her government was very high, in that and in other countries, in which the reft of the kingdoms and the ftates of Europe were hardly known. The trade to Guinea was likewife fo much her care, that, finding the Portuguefe gave her fubjects much difturbance, file enquired into the caufes of thofe difputes, and took care to remedy them by a treaty with that crown.
All this time her differences with Spain fubfifted, and though there was no open war between the two crowns, yet there could fcarce be faid to be either friendfhip or peace between their fubjects; and the Queen, perhaps, was not very folicitous that there fhould; for having now attained what fhe aimed at, a very confiderable naval force, and being willing to let the Spaniards fee, that though fhe declined a war, fhe had no reafon to be afraid of it, fhe took advantage of the King of Spain’s marriage with Anne of Auftria, his niece, to give fuch an inflance of her generofity and power, as did great honour to her adminiflration; for fhe caufed that princefs to be conducted to Spain by an Englifh navy; this was a plain demonftration that her fparingnefs, upon other occafions, was not the effects of any nearnefs of temper; but that, by a conftant frugality, fhe might have it always in her power to be royally magnificent upon proper occafions.
But this extraordinary mark of civility was far enough from meeting a proper return, and the Spaniards went on in difturbing the trade, and diftreffmg the navigation of her fubjects; which induced the Queen to fuffer her fubjects to ufe the belt mea- fures they could for redreffing themfelves ; in which they were not wanting. In the year 1572, Captain Francis Drake made his famous expedition into the Weft Indies, with two fhips, one called the Dragon, of feventy-five tons, the other the Swan, of twenty-five tons, and on board them both he had no more than feventy-three men ; and yet, with this force, he ventured to declare war againft the King of Spain, for the injuries he had received in his voyage with Captain Hawkins to the Weft Indies. In this voyage he performed wonderful things; for, befides taking feveral large fhips, he fairly took the town of Nombre de Dios by ftorm, gained an immenfe treafure, and had a fight of the South Seas ; after which he returned fafely to Plymouth, and made a fair diftribution of the profits of his voyage among his owners.
This glorious event encouraged others to follow his example; fo that, in a very fhort time, the Englifh privateers made various voyages into all parts of America, and every little port in England fwarmed with feamen, who w r ere perfect mailers of their profeffion; and pilots capable of navigating fhips to any part of the known world became fo numerous, that there were daily new projects fet on foot, which in the former age would have been thought impracticable; but in this were carried into execution at

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the charge of private perfons, without any expence to, or afliftance from, the crown, though they had all the countenance and encouragement they could defire: but amongft all thefe, there was none fo confiderable in itfelf, fo clear a proof of maritime ikill, and fo honourable, in every refpeft, to the nation, as the next expedition of Captain Francis Drake in 1577, in which he failed round the globe, as we have fhewn at large in the firft part of this work, and therefore need not. repeat here. But one part, however, of that voyage fo immediately concerns the lubject of this chapter, and relates to fo confiderable a difcovery, that, as we then promifed, we fhall, as in its proper place, fpeak of and explain it more particularly here.
10. Captain Drake failed from Plymouth, with five fmall Ihips, the biggefl but of one hundred tons, on the 13th of December 1577, and it was the 5th of September following before he entered the South Seas, where having performed feveral glorious actions, and gained prodigious riches, he proceeded to the moft northern of the Spanilh fettlements, with a view to difcover, if poifible, that paffage which had been fo much talked of from our Northern into the South Seas, by a ftrait like that of Magellan’s to the north-weft. This was certainly a very wife and great undertaking, and a prodigious improvement upon the defign of his voyage; for, as yet, no Englifhman had had the opportunity, and perhaps it never entered into any man’s head, to fearch for fuch a paffage on this fide; though it is moft likely, that by this method it may be found. Our author’s endeavours, however, were ftrangely croffed by the unexpected feverity of the weather, of which the reverend Mr. Francis Fletcher, who was chaplain in this voyage, gives us a large account; and, as it relates to a fubjeft of great importance, and contains a multitude of curious circumftances, though not delivered in the moft polifhed ftile, we fhall give it the reader, for the fake of exadtnefs, in his own words:
“ From Guatulco we departed the day following, viz. April the 16th, fetting our courfe directly into the fea, whereupon we failed five hundred leagues in longitude to get a wind, and between that and June the 3d, one' thoufand four hundred leagues in all, till we came in forty-two degrees of north latitude, wherein the night following we found fuch an alteration of heat into extreme and nipping cold, that our men, in general, did grievoully complain thereof, fome of them feeling their healths much impaired thereby; neither was it that this chanced in the night alone, but the day following carried with it not only the marks, but the flings and force of the night going before, to the great admiration of us all; for befides that the pinching and biting air was nothing altered, the very ropes of our fhip were ftiff, and the rain which fell was an unnatural and frozen Jubilance; fo that we feemed rather to be in the frozen zone, than any way fo near unto the fun, or thefe hotter climates.
“ Neither did this happen for the time only, or by fome fudden accident, but rather feemed, indeed, to proceed from fome ordinary caufe, againft the which the heat of the fun prevails not; for it came to that extremity in failing but two degrees farther to the northward in our courfe, that though the feamen lacked not good ftomachs, yet it feemed a queftion to many amongft us, whether their hands fhould feed their mouths, or rather keep themfelves within coverts, from the pinching cold that did benumb them ? Neither could we impute it to the tendernefs of our bodies, though we came lately from the extremity of heat, by reafon whereof we might be more fenfible of the prefent cold, infomuch that the dead and fenfelefs creatures were as well affefted with it as ourfelves. Our meat, as foon as it was removed from the fire, would prefently, in a manner, become frozen up; and our ropes and tackling, in a few days, were grown to that ftiffnefs, that what three men before were able with them
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to perform, now fix men, with their beft ftrength and utmoft endeavours, were hardly able to accomplifh; whereby a fudden and great difcouragement feized upon the minds of our men, and they were poffeffed with a great miflike, and doubting of any good to be done that way; yet would not our general be difcouraged, but as well by comfortable fpeeches of the divine providence, and of God’s loving care over his children, out of the Scriptures, as alfo by giving other good and profitable perfuahons, adding thereto his own chearful example, he fo ftirred them up to put on a good courage, and to acquit themfelves like men, to endure fome fhort extremity; to have the fpeedier comfort, and a little trouble to obtain the greater glory ; that every man was thoroughly armed with willingnefs, and refolved to fee the uttermoft, if it were poffible, of what good was to be done that way.
“ The land in that part of America bearing farther out into the weft than we before imagined, we were nearer on it than we were aware, and yet the nearer ftill we came unto it, the more extremity of cold did feize upon us. The 5th day of June we were forced by contrary winds to run in with the fhore, which we then firft defcried, and to call anchor in a bad bay, the beft road we could for the prefent meet with, where we were not without fome danger, by reafon of the many extreme guffs and flaws that beat upon us ; which if they ceafed and were ftill at any time, immediately upon their intermiflion there followed moil vile, thick, and flunking fogs, againft which the fea prevailed nothing, till the gufts of wind again removed them, which brought with them fuch extremity and violence when they came, that there was no dealing or refilling againft them. In this place was no abiding for us, and to go further north the extremity of the cold (which had now utterly difcouraged all our men) would not permit us, and the winds being directly againft us, having once gotten us under fail again, commanded us to the fouthward, whether we would or no; from the height of forty- eight degrees, in which now we were, to thirty-eight degrees, we found the land by eoafting it to be but low, and reafonably plain; every hill (whereof we faw many, but none very high) though it were in June, and the fun in the neareft approach unto them, being covered with fnow.
« In thirty-eight degrees thirty minutes, we fell in with a convenient and fit harbour, and June the 17th came to an anchor therein, where we continued to the 23d of July following; during all which time, notwithftanding it was in the height of fummer, and fo near the fun, yet we were continually vifited with like nipping colds as we had felt before; infomuch, that if violent exercifes of our bodies, and bufy employment about our necefiary labours, had not fometimes compelled us to the contrary, we could very well have been contented to have kept about us, ftill, our winter clothes; yea, (had our neceflity fuffered us) to have kept our beds; neither could we at any time, in the whole fourteen days together, find the air fo clear as to be able to take the height of fun or ftar.
“ And here, having fo fit occafion ^notwithftanding it may feem to be befides the purpofe of writing the hiftory of this our voyage) we will a little more diligently inquire into the caufes of the continuance of the extreme cold in thefe parts; as alfo into the probabilities or unlikelihoods of a paffage to be found that way. Neither was it (as hath formerly been touched) the tendernefs of our bodies coming fo lately out of the heat, whereby the pores were opened, that made us fo fenfible of the colds we here felt. In this refpeft, as in many others, we found our God a provident father and careful phyfician to us; we lacked no outward helps nor inward comforts to re- ftore and fortify nature, had it been decayed or weakened in us; neither was there wanting unto us the great experience of our general, who had often himfelf proved the 10 force

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force of the burning zone, whofe advice always prevailed much to the preferving of a moderate temper in our conftitutions ; fo that even after our departure from the heat, we always found our bodies not as fponges, but ftrong and hard, more able to bear out cold, though we came out of excefs of heat, than a number of chamber-companions could have been, who lie on their feather-beds till they go to fea, or rather, whofe teeth in a temperate air do beat in their heads at a cup of cold fack and fugar by the fire.
“ And that it was not our tendernefs, but the very extremity of the cold itfelf, that caufed this fenfiblenefs in us, may the rather appear in that the natural inhabitants of the place (with whom we had for a long feafon familiar intercourfe, as is to be related) who had never been acquainted with fuch heat, to whom' the country air and climate was proper, and in whom cuftom of cold was as it were a fecond nature, yet ufed to come fhivering to us in their warm furs, crouding clofe together, body to body, to receive heat one of another, and fheltering themfelves under a lee bank if it were poffible ; and as often as they could, labouring to fhroud themfelves under our garments to keep them warm : befides, how unhandfome and deformed appeared the face of the earth itfelf, fhewing trees without leaves, and the ground without greennefs in thofe months of June and July? the poor birds and fowls not daring (as we had great experience to obferve it) fo much as once to rife from their nefts after the firit egg laid, till it, with all the reft, be hatched and brought to fome ftrength of nature able to help itfelf. Only this recompence has nature afforded them, that the heat of their own bodies being exceeding great, it perfetleth the creature with great expedition, and in fhorter time than is to be found in any other places. As for the caufes of this extremity, they feem not to be fo deeply hidden, but that they may, at leaft in part, be gueffed at; the chiefeft of which we conceive to be the large fpreading of the Allan and American continents, which (fomewhat northward of thefe parts) if they be not fully joined, yet feem they to come very near one to the other; from whofe high and fnow-covered mountains the north and north-weft winds (the conftant vifitants of thefe coafts) fend abroad their frozen nymphs to the infecting of the whole air with this infufferable lharpnefs ; not permitting the fun, no not in the pride of his heat, to diffolve that congealed matter and fnow which they have breathed out fo nigh the fun, and fo many degrees diftant from themfelves. And that the north and north-weft winds are here conftant in June and July, as the north wind is alone in Auguft and September, we not only found it by our own experience, but were fully confirmed in the opinion thereof by continual obfervations of the Spaniards.
“ Hence comes the fqualidnefs and barrennefs of the country; hence comes it, that in the midft of their fummer the fnow hardly departeth even from their doors, but is never taken away from their hills at all; hence come thofe thick mills and moll {linking fogs, which increafe fo much the more by how much higher the pole is raifed, wherein a blind pilot is as good as the bell director, of a courfe; for the fun ftriving to perform his natural office in elevating the vapours out of thefe inferior bodies, draws neceffarily abundance of moifture out of the fea; but the nipping cold (from the former caufes) meeting and oppofing the fun’s endeavours, force him to give oyer his work imperfedt, and, inftead of higher elevation, to leave, in the loweft regions wandering upon the face of the earth and waters, as it were a fecond fea, through which its own beams cannot poffible pierce, unlefs fometimes when the fudden violence of the winds doth help to fcatter and break through it, which thing hap- peneth very feldom, and when it happeneth is of no continuance. Some of our mariners in this voyage had formerly been at Wardhoufe, in feventy-two degrees of
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north latitude, who yet affirmed that they felt no fuch nipping cold there in the end of fummer, when they departed thence, as they did now in thefe hotteft months of June and July. And alfo from thefe reafons we conjecture, that either there is no paffage at all through thofe northern coafts (which is mod likely) or, if there be, yet it is unnavigable. Add hereunto, that though we fearched the coaft diligently, even unto the forty-eighth degree, yet found we not the land to trend fo much as one point, in any place, towards the eaft, but rather running on continually north-weft, as if it went directly to meet with Afia ; and even in that height, when we had a frank wind to have carried us through, had there been a paffage, yet we had a fmooth and calm fea, with ordinary flowing and reflowing, which could not have been, had there been an opening, of which we rather infallibly concluded than conjectured that there w'as none.”
This thews us clearly Mr. Fletcher’s opinion, and he gives us likewife a very large and full, to fay the truth, a very tedious and trifling, account of their landing and ftay here ; of their being taken for gods by the natives, and of their attempting to offer facrifices to them, with which I fuppofe, the reader will eafily difpenfe; but after this he comes to the point, and tells us that thefe people behaved extremely well during their ftay; and that their king, in teftimony of his. refpect for, and fubmiffion to Captain Drake, prefented him with the enfigns of his regal dignity ; which he received as a refignation of his kingdom to the Queen his miftrefs, in whofe name, and on whofe behalf, he took poffeffion of it, and fet up a wooden crofs, with a brafs plate and a proper infcription in teftimony thereof. This country he called New Albion, and this for two reafons ; the firft was, becaufe of its white cliffs; the other, that it might have fome affinity, as Mr. Fletcher expreffes it, in name with our own country, which was fome time fo called.
He afterwards acknowledges, that upon taking a view of the inland parts, they found them very rich and fertile, contrary to their expectations ; but as to the people, he allows, that both on the coaft and within land, their behaviour was perfectly uniform, and they had no reafon to complain of them, but rather to commend and applaud them. It is very true that Mr. Fletcher’s account of Sir Francis Drake’s voyage is by much the largeft, but I am far from efteeming it the belt: I inferted fo long a paffage from it, that the reader might be able to judge of his performance as well as my fentiments.. He has given us a very extraordinary defcription of the exceffive cold they met with both at fea and on ffiore, and difcourfes on it more largely, to ffiew his capacity and judgment; yet I do not find that experience has at all confirmed this, as the reader will perceive by turning to the other voyages of Candiffi, and thofe who followed him, and who went to California as well as Sir Francis Drake.
I mention this the rather, becaufe Candiffi was there fo foon after Sir Francis Drake; for I find by the original account of his expedition, that he was there in November 1587, but do not find that he faid one word of its being cold; and though it may be objected, that he was in the fouthern part of California only, yet the difference is fo inconfiderable, that it is impoffible to reconcile the two accounts, fuppofing them both to be exact. Again, in Sir Francis Drake’s voyage, printed by Hackluit, it is only faid, that in the latitude of forty-two degrees, the men were extremely pinched with cold ; and finding it increafe as they failed farther north, it was refolved to alter their courfe, and ftand in for the land more to the fouth; where they found a good bay, and a very gentle, friendly, and honeft people ; yet the truth of the matter is, that the Spaniards had, thirty feven years before, failed along this coaft to the heighth of forty-four degrees, as far as Cape Mendocino ; and they afterwards
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difcovered Cape Blanco beyond that, which is a plain proof that the cold is not fo intolerable as Mr. Fletcher would make it. But the real defign of all his remarks is, to difcourage all hopes of finding a paflage this way into the North Seas, which however was not Sir Francis Drake’s opinion, if we may credit what other writers have told us ; and indeed fo many abfurdities have been difcovered in Mr. Fletcher’s defcription of New Albion, that Father Charlevoix makes no fcruple of calling it a fabulous country, and from hence takes occafion to make fome reflections upon Sir Francis Drake, which that gentleman did not at all deferve.
But to fhew the reader the true defign of dwelling fo long upon this fubject I mult obferve that his account difcredits Drake’s difcovery extremely, which not only turns to the prejudice of that great man’s character, but may likewife prove difad- vantageous to this nation, by giving them a very mean opinion of what ought to be confidered as a very noble acquifition. The difcovery, as I conceive, confided chiefly in his marching up into the country, which before that time it is probable, the Spaniards had never done; and with relpect to our title to this country, I conceive it to arife from the good-will and voluntary fubmiflion of the people, facts as well proved as in the nature of things we can expect, and which certainly give us as good (if not a better) claim to New Albion, as the Spaniards can fhew for any part of their pofleflions.
The country too, if we might depend upon what Sir Francis Drake or his chaplain fays, may appear worth the feeking and the keeping, fince they aflert that the land is fo rich in gold and filver, that upon the flighted turning it up with a fpade or pick-ax, thofe rich metals plainly appear mixed with the mould. It may be objected that this looks a little fabulous; but to this two Satisfactory anfwers may be given; the fil'd is, that later difcoveries on the fame coad confirm the truth of it, which, for any thing I can fee, ought to put the faCt out of quedion; but if any doubts fhould remain, my fecond anfwer will overturn thefe. For I fay next, that the country of New Mexico lies directly behind New Albion, on the other fide of a narrow bay, and in that country are the mines of Santo Fe, which are allowed to be the riched filver mines in North America : here then is a very valuable country, to which we have a very fair title.
But perhaps it may be afked, how fhall we come at it, fince, as things dand at prefent, it feems to be the country in the world mod out of our reach ? But if it had been fo, I would not have given myfelf or the reader fo much trouble about it; and therefore I am next to tell him, that if Mr. Arthur Dobbs’s expedition for difco- vering a north-wed paffage fucceeds, New Albion will be a country very much within our reach, and I dare fay, prove to the full as habitable as the coad of Hudfon’s Bay j and therefore I hope that this example will fully lhew the ufe and value of good collections of voyages, becaufe it is impofllble to forefee all the advantages that may arife from any difcovery or fettlement at once, nor is it eafy to pronounce, that any difcovery, how unpromifing foever in its fird appearance, is absolutely ufelefs, and not worth minding.
This is a caution of a very ferious nature, fince there is nothing eafier than for men of quick wits and tolerable learning in other refpeCts, to ridicule voyages to cold, barren, defart countries, and to reprefent that as folly and madnefs, which is in truth a mod noble kind of public Spirit, which if pulhed dill farther than it has ever been would be attended with confequences of dill greater advantage to mankind, than thofe that have flowed from it already ; and yet thefe have been very beneficial to this and other nations, as any judicious man will very eafily and clearly dif-
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cern, by comparing the ftate of thofe nations, before they acidified themfelves to commerce, and fince they have reaped the profits of it.
11. We have already ffiewn the right this nation has to Newfoundland; which is an illand of a triangular figure, about the fize of Ireland ; and according to the belt computation that can be made, about eight or nine hundred leagues in circumference : on the north it is feparated from the continent by the narrow ftreights of Bellifle ; on the weft it has the Bay of St. Laurence ; on the fouth Cape Breton and the banks ; and on the eaft it has the ocean. It lies about fix hundred leagues from the Land’s-end in England, and the great bank is generally looked upon as half way to Virginia. There is no country in the world better furnifbed with harbours, and it is abundantly fupplied with frefh water. The climate is very hot in fummer, and very cold in winter, fo that the fnow lies upon the ground for four or five months at leaft. This is the beft account that we are able to give with certainty about it; for if we read the different relations written of this country, by perfons who ought to have been beft acquainted with it, we fhall find them fo oppofite and contradictory, that it will be very hard to judge from them, whether it be one of the beft or worft countries in the world.
But by confidering the views with which thefe feveral accounts were written, and adverting to the fituation of this country, between forty-feven and fifty-two degrees of northern latitude, we may be eafily perfuaded that it is no paradife; and yet it is more to the fouth than our own ifland ; but lying off a continent very little better than frozen, the winds which blow over muft bring along with them weather very different from ours. It is however, very certain, that filberds, ftrawberries, fome kinds of cherries, and other fuch-like fruits grow here; and though corn and hay fucceed ■ but indifferently, yet there is great plenty of venifon, wild-fowl and fifh; fo that with dry food in plenty from Europe, people may live here very comfortably even in winter, fince the country produces fuel of feveral kinds in abundance.
The great advantage, however refulting from our poffeffion of the place never depended much upon its produce; fo far from it that one of the beft writers upon the trade of this nation gave his opinion clearly, that it was more for our intereft there fhould be no fettlements upon it at all; which, in my judgment, he has by unanfwerable arguments made good; but the value of Newfoundland to this crown and country refults from the fifhery upon its coafts, and upon the banks near it, which has been and ftill is, of ineftimable benefit, for reafons that fhall be prefently given. It is very certain, that we did not profecute our difcoveries in and about this ifland, or attend to the advantages that might be made from the filhery, in many years after Cabot had taken poffeffion of it; but I do not however believe, that we ever left or deferted it, as fome writers would have us believe, and that we did not claim it again till the reign of Queen Elizabeth. I am, on the contrary, perfuaded, that fome of our fifhing veffels reforted yearly to this coaft, though perhaps not many; and this for two reafons ; firft, becaufe the unfettled ftate of our affairs kept the beft part of our feamen one way or other in the public fervice ; and next, becaufe we had a great fifhery, at that time, on the coaft of Iceland.
But that we really kept poffeffion of the Newfoundland fifhery all that time, may, I think, be undeniabfy proved by two arguments likewife : the one taken from the aft of parliament before-mentioned, in the fecond year of the reign of Edward the Sixth, which would have been needlefs, if this fifhery had not fubfifted ; and the other from the account given us of the ftate of this fifhery in 1578, by Mr. Parkhurft, which

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is very curious, and yet little taken notice of. He tells us, that in this year there were about fifty fail of Englifh (hips employed upon that coaft; but he tells us likewife, that there were one hundred fail of Spaniards, befides twenty or thirty fail of Bifcayneers, fifty of Portuguefe, and one hundred and fifty French. He adds another circumftance, which is ftill more to our purpofe ; and it is this, that wherever the Englifh fifhed, they were reputed lords of the harbour, and exercifed an authority over other nations, by making ufe of their boats when they had occafion for them ; which makes it plain to me, that we conftantly kept up our title, for otherwife it is im- poffible to give any reafon why we fhould have exercifed this dominion where we were fo far from being the moll powerful. An immemorial cuftom was foundation enough for fuch a practice, and nothing but this could be efteemed fo.
He tells us alfo, that our own Ihips were the ftrongeft, largeft, and bell equipped; and that by this means, we protected our own trade and the trade of other nations, which is a confirmation of what I have obferved ; he fays, that next to ours the Spaniards were the belt equipped, and he computes the tonnage of thefe veffels at about fix thoufand, and the French at about feven thoufand ton; but the Portuguefe, he fays., were the worfl equipped of all. As for the Bifcayneers they were chiefly employed in whale-fifhing, and in making train-oil. The great confequence of this trade to our nation arofe from hence ; that in the firfl: place, it raifed a vafl number of feamen, and thofe the beft and ableft that were any where bred, fo that, even at this time, there could not be fewer than two thoufand employed therein. Next, it gave bread to a vafl: number of manufacturers and mechanics, fuch as Ihip and boat builders, &c. Thirdly, it produced a great deal of money from the fale of the filh. Fourthly, almofl: all the provifions confumed in Newfoundland, fuch as bread, beef, pork, butter, cheefe, linen, and woollen cloths, nets, hooks, and lines, were all furnifhed from England; to which we may add, that thefe vefiels being fitted out in March and returning in September, they not only brought home a number of people full of money, which they fpent in England, but they alfo left us a certain proportion of ftout able feamen, frelh men going out in their room, and becoming in a voyage or two as good mariners as themfelves.
Thus it clearly appears, how this bleak, barren, and inhofpitable country came to be of fuch confequence ; which was very foon difcerned by the wife miniftry of Queen Elizabeth, towards the clofe of whofe reign it grew to fuch a height that we employed yearly two hundred fail and upwards of fifhing vefiels, and on board them upwards of eight thoufand feamen, a clear proof of the improvements that were then made in the fpace of twenty years; and which confirms, beyond queftion, what I remarked at the clofe of the preceding paragraph, that all difcoveries are of ufe, and every branch of navigation worth looking after, and keeping. If the reader confults other accounts of Newfoundland, within this period of time, he will fee that I have not been much afiifled by them, but that I have fet the fubject in a new light, from fads of which they have taken little or no notice.
But I come now to fpeak of thofe that are more generally known, and of the famous patent of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, which is one of the firfl of them. This gentleman Was a native of Devonfhire, had a good fortune, was well allied, had a competent knowledge both of military and maritime affairs, and a generous defire to raife his private fortune by the purfuit of the public fervice. It was with this view that he reprefented t° Queen Elizabeth the expediency of fettling all thofe countries upon the continent of America, which had been formerly difeovered by John and Sebaflian Cabot, becaufe, otherwife, it was not at all unlikely that the French, who had often reviewed thefe
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places, would be defirous of fupplanting the Englifh, and becaufe it was very far from being improbable that thofe countries abounded with very rich minerals. Upon thefe fuggeftions very full letters patent were granted by the Queen to Sir H. Gilbert, his heirs and affigns, with free leave, not only to difcover, but to plant and fettle, and even to fortify and build caltles, in any of thefe northern countries, not then in the polfeffion of any Chriftian Prince, with authority to govern fuch colonies, according to the known laws of the land, with feveral other claufes equally well contrived for fe- curing this grant from becoming any way injurious to the public.
After obtaining this favour from the Queen, our worthy knight applied him- felf to his relations and friends, in order to frame a fociety capable of carrying this defign into execution; and he met with fuch fuccefs therein, that he thought himfelf very foon in a condition to undertake a voyage for this purpofe ; yet when it came to the point, things fell out very crofsly; for fome of his alfociates began to form particular projects inconfillent with his general fcheme, and others abfolutely failed in performing their engagements ; which however did not hinder this gallant gentleman from putting to fea, with fuch of his friends as had Ituck clofe to their promifes; but the voyage proved very unfortunate, and was attended with the lofs of one of his beft fhips, in which was Mr. Miles Morgan, whom he much elteemed, and feveral other perfons of worth and figure. This was a fevere blow, which he was the lefs able to fuftain, as having already buffered extremely in his fortune, by the money he had been obliged to advance to fupply other men’s deficiencies ; and therefore he was conftrained to affign part of his patent to other perfons, who were to make fet- tlements in the northern parts of America about the river of Canada; but thefe people proving likewife very dilatory, he found himfelf obliged to think of another expedition, in perfon; becaufe his patent was to expire, if within the fpace of fix years he had not actually gained poffeffions under it.
In the fpring of the year 1583 he had again brought this defign into fome order, and to furnifh the neceffary expences thereof he was obliged to fell his eftate, though he had great afiiftance from his friends ; and feveral gentlemen of rank and fortune agreed to go with him in perfon ; with this view a fmall fquadron was fitted out, con- fifting of the following veffels, viz. the Delight (or George), of one hundred and twenty tons, admiral, in which went Sir Humphrey himfelf as general, William Winter captain and part owner, and Ricard Clark, mailer; the bark Raleigh, fitted out by Mr. Walter Raleigh, of two hundred tons, vice-admiral, Mr. Butler captain, and Robert Davis of Briltol, mailer; the Golden Hind, of forty tons, rear-admiral, capt. Edward Hayes, commander and owner, and William Cox of Limehoufe, mailer ; the Swallow of forty tons, Maurice Brown, captain ; the Squirrel of ten tons, William Andrews, captain, and one Cade, mailer. In all thefe veffels were Ihipped about two hundred and fixty men, among whom were many Ihipwrights, mafons, carpenters, fmiths, miners, and refiners. The refolution of the proprietors was, that the fleet Ihould begin its courfe northerly, and follow as directly as they could the trade-way to Newfoundland, from whence, after having refrelhed and fupplied themfelves with all neceffaries, their intent was to proceed into the fouth, and not to pafs by any river or bay, which, in all that large tract of land, fhould appear worthy their looking into ; they likewife agreed upon the manner of their courfe, and the orders to be obferved in their voyage, which were delivered to the captains and mailers of every Ihip in writing.
The nth of June they fet fail from Caufet Bay, near Plymouth; but, on the 13th, their large Ihip the Raleigh, under pretence that her captain and a great number of
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her men were fuddenly taken ill of a contagious difeafe, left the fleet and returned to Plymouth; fome fay in great diftrefs, but others, that it was done with a defign to break the voyage. After her departure the Golden Hind fucceeded her in place as vice-admiral. The 30th of July they had the firfh fight of land, as they computed it about fifty-one degrees, but with fuch foggy weather, that they could not pofiibly perceive the land, nor take the fun’s height: from thence they followed the coaft to the fouth, with clear weather, till they came to the ifland called Baccalaos ; here they met with the Swallow, which had been feparated from them in the fog, but were furprized to fee her men in a different garb from what they had on when they left them ; upon inquiry they found they had met a Newlander fifliing bark returning homewards, which they had rifled of tackle, fails, cables and provifions, and the men of their apparel. Continuing the fame courfe fouthward, they came the fame day, being the 3d of Auguft, to the harbour of St. John, where they found the Squirrel, which had likewife been feparated from them, riding at anchor at the mouth of the harbour, having been refufed entrance by the vefiels which were filhing within, to the number of thirty-fix fail of all nations. Sir Humphrey was preparing to make good his paffage by force of arms ; but having firft fent in his boat to inform the mailers of the fiihing barks, that he had a commiflion from the Queen to take pofleflion of thefe lands for the crown of England, they were fatisfied, and fubmitted to the levying a tax of provifions from each fliip, for fupplying the wants of Sir Humphrey’s fmall fquadron. Going into the harbour, the admiral’s ihip was by the careleflnefs of the men run upon a rock, which lay vifible above water : but, by the afliftance of the fifher- men’s boats, ihe was got off again, with little or no damage.
On the 4th Sir Humphrey, ‘whom they called the general, and his company were conducted on ihore by the mailers of the Engliih fiihing vefiels, and their owners or merchants who were with them. On the 5th the general, having caufed a tent to be fet up view of all the ihips in the harbour, to the number of between thirty and forty fail, and being accompanied by all his captains, mailers, gentlemen, and foldiers, fuin- moned all the merchants and mailers, both Engliih and Foreigners, to be prefent at his taking a formal and folemn pofleflion of thefe territories. Being affembled, he caufed his commiflion, under the great feal of England, to be openly read before them, and to be interpreted to thofe who were ilrangers to the Engliih tongue.
By virtue of this commiflion, he declared that he took pofleflion of the harbour of St. John, and two hundred leagues every way, inverted Her Majefty with the title and dignity thereof; and having had (according to cuftom) a rod, and turf of foil delivered to him, entered pofleflion alfo for himfelf, his heirs and afligns, for ever. He fignified to thofe who were prefent, and through them to all men, that from thenceforward they ihould look upon thofe territories as appertaining to the Queen of England, and himfelf, authorized under Her Majefty to poflefs and enjoy them, with power to ordain laws for the government thereof, agreeable (as near as conveniently could be) to the laws of England ; under which, all people coming thither for the future, either to inhabit,or by way of traffic, Ihould fubmit and be governed. Some writers have attributed all this folemnity, which, however, was attended with many other ceremonies, to a high degree of vanity in our Weft-country knight, and have ridiculed feverely his pretences to improve the trade of this kingdom and enlarge the Queen’s dominions, by cutting a turf; in which, however, they injure this poor Gentleman’s memory extremely, and fhew how little they are qualified to give their readers a true account of things of this nature.
The plain reafon of Sir Humphrey’s conduct throughout this affair was his concern VOL. xii. a a for

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for his grant, which was perpetual to him and his heirs, in cafe he took pofleffion of any countries within fix years, and otherwife it was void : there were now but a few months to come. He had fold his eftate in England, and it concerned him very nearly to fecure an eftate fomewhere elfe ; and therefore it was not from any principle of vanity, but rather of prudence and good ceconomy that he did this; as appears by his granting feveral parcels of land to perfons, who covenanted to pay a certain rent to him and his heirs, and to maintain pofleffion by themfelves and their affigns.
There now remained only to gather in the tax of provifions granted by every (hip which fiffied upon the coaft adjoining ; and while fome of the men were doing this, others were fet to repair and trim the fhips ; and the remainder the general fent to inquire into the commodities and Angularities of the country, which were to be found by fea or land. They found no inhabitants in the fouth parts, which probably the natives had abandoned, upon their being fo much frequented by Europeans. In the north there were favages of a very harmlefs difpofttion ; among other inquiries, the general had, in a particular manner, recommended a fearch after metals. They had in their company a Saxon miner, who at firft brought a fort of ore to the general, which had more the refemblance of iron than of any other metal. Soon after he found another fort of ore, which he delivered with a ffiew of great fatisfacrion to Sir Humphrey, and affured him, upon the peril of his life, that if filver was what he and his companions fought, there it was, and they need feek no farther. We learn all thefe circumftances from Captain Edward Hayes, who feems, by his writing, to have been a very intelligent perfon ; and therefore he inquired very ftrictly about this filver mine, which procured him fuch an anfwer from the general, as ffiewed that he was abfo- lutely fatisfied on that head ; and I mull own I fee no reafon to doubt there being filver mines in this country, fince we know they are generally found in cold climates, and in a hungry barren foil; and, as to the northern fituation, we are certain that there are rich filver mines in New Mexico, a country not far to the fouthward of Newfoundland ; and filver ore has been found in Scotland, feveral degrees farther to the north than it is fuppofed to have been found here.
But though Sir Humphrey was very well fatisfied with the account his Saxon gave him, yet he thought himfelf obliged to proceed in his difcoveries fouthward; for which, while he was providing, fome of his men fell fick, fome deferted, fome died, and fome fell to plundering and piracy: in fhort, the number of his people was fo lelfened, that he was conftrained to leave the Swallow behind him. The captain of his admiral going home,, Captain Brown of the Swallow took the command of the admiral, and the captain of the Squirrel deferring likewife the expedition, Sir Humphrey went on board that little veflfel himfelf; as thinking her the fitteft for obferving and difcovering the coaft, becaufe ffie could run into every creek, which a larger fhip could not do. All things being now ready, and plenty of pro- vifions of all forts being put on board, they failed on the 20th of Auguft from the harbour of St. John, with three ffiips, the Delight, the Golden Hind, and the Squirrel, and proper boats and pinnaces for difcovery. Before their departure they made an exadft observation of St. John’s Harbour, and found it to be in the latitude of forty-feven degrees forty minutes north. The next night they reached Cape Race, which is twenty-five leagues diftant; and from thence failed about eighty-feven leagues towards Cape Breton.
All this time they had the wind indifferently good, but never could get fight of the land, being hindered by the currents; at laft they unhappily fell into thofe flats and Ihoals in which molt of them perifhed. On the 27th the general ordered his
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men in the frigate to found, and found thirty-five fathom white fand, in the latitude of forty-four degrees. The wind coming fouth, the next evening they bore in with the land, all the night weft north-weft, contrary to the advice of Mr. Cox, mafter of the Golden Hind. On the 29th the wind blew vehemently at fouth and by eaft, with rain, and fo thick a mill, that they could not fee a cable’s length before them. Early in the morning they found themfelves in the midft of flioals and fands, among which they found fometimes deep, fometimes Ihoal water, every three or four ftip’s length. After they began to found, a fignal was immediately given to the Delight to call about to the feaward, but it was too late; for lhe ftruck immediately, and her ftern and hind-quarters prefently beat to pieces. Upon which the Golden Hind and the frigate call about eaft fouth-eaft, bearing to the fouth, which carried them to the feaward, and with much difficulty got clear of the flioals.
In the Delight periffied Captain Maurice Brown, with near one hundred perfons : the captain might probably have faved his life, if he would have left the ffiip when fhe firft ftruck, but he would not be the firft to fet an ill example. In the mean time fourteen perfons leaped into a finall pinnace of a ton and a half burden, no bigger than a Thames barge. They looked out fome time for the captain, but not feeing him took in Mr. Clark, the mafter of the Delight, and one more : being now fixteen in number, they cut the rope and committed themfelves to the mercy of the waves, without any provifions, or a drop of frefh water, and 'nothing to work with but one fingle oar. The boat feeming to be over-loaded, one Edward Headly, thinking it was better for fome to periffi than all, propofed to eaft lots, and that four of the number, upon whom the lot might fall, Ihould be thrown over-board to lighten the boat: but he was over-ruled by Mr. Clark ; who, though it was propofed that he Ihould be excepted from the number, perfuaded his comrades rather to fubrnit to Providence. The boat was driven before the wind fix days and fix nights, during which time thefe poor wretches had no other fuftenance than their own urine, and fome weeds which fwam on the furface of the water; and in this extremity of cold, wet, hunger, and thirft, only Headly and one more periffied the fifth day; but the other fourteen lived till they were driven the feventh day on ffiore, on the coaft of Newfoundland; whence they got in a French ffiip to France, and fo to England, before the year’s end. During their feven days dangerous courfe they had the wind always at fouth, which faved their lives; and it is very remarkable, that in half an hour after they were on ffiore it came about and blew full north.
After the lofs of the admiral the men being generally difeouraged, and in want of neceffaries, Sir Humphrey Gilbert propofed returning to England, having, in his judgment, made difeoveries fufficient to procure affiftance enough for a new voyage in the fpring. His people, when he made this propofal, were at firft a little backward, but, upon hearing his reafons, they fubmitted; and, according to his advice, on the laft of Auguft they altered their courfe and returned back for England. On the 2d of September they paffed in fight of Cape Race, and had afterwards frequently very bad weather, with fuch high feas, that they in the Hind often expected to fee the Squirrel fwallowed up; notwithftanding which, Sir Humphrey would by no means be perfuaded to leave her. On the 9th, the ftorms and fwelling of the feas increaf- ing, he was again preffed to leave the frigate, but his anfvver was, “ we are as near to heaven by fea as by land.” About midnight the Squirrel being a-head of the Golden Hind, her lights were at once extinguiffied, which thofe in the Hind feeing, cried out, “ our general is loft!” and it was fuppofed ffie funk that inftant, for ffie was never more heard of.
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The Golden Hind arrived in fafety at Falmouth, on the 22d of September, more fortunate than her companions; not only as Ihe returned, but as Ihe loft but one man during the whole courfe of this unfortunate undertaking. Such was the end of this expedition, very difaftrous to its author; who loft firft his fortune, and then his life, by it; to which, if the fallies of fome diftempered men’s untimely wit could effedt it, we might add his reputation alfo. Yet to this expedition I make no fcruple of imputing all our fucceeding colonies in America; and the grounds of this opinion of mine, which-1 muft confefs is new, I lay down thus :
12. We have before Ihewn that Sir Humphrey Gilbert was a man of great in- tereft and alliances : for, befides his eldeft brother Sir John Gilbert, and his younger brother Sir Adrian Gilbert, who were of the whole blood, he was, by the mother’s fide, brother alfo to Sir Walter Raleigh, who had a great concern in this undertaking; and who is on good grounds allowed to have beep, one of thofe true, brave, and fteady friends, who went to fea with him in his firft attempt, which there is juft reafon to believe was in 1579- This great man, after Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s mifcarriage and lofs in his laft voyage, procured his patent to be renewed to him- felf, which was dated the 25th of March 15 84,' and he refolved immediately to carry it into execution; to which purpofe he made choice- of two very able fea officers, Captain Philip Amadas, and Captain Arthur Burlow; who, in two fmall barks fit for difcovery, failed from the weft of England upon the 27th of April following, fhaping their courfe for the Canaries, which they paffed on the 10th of June, and proceeding from thence to the iflands of America, they croffed the gulph of Mexico, and foon after difcovered the coaft of Florida. Some authors who have written of this expedition, and who are pleafed to fpeak in very high terms of Sir Walter Raleigh’s ikill in maritime affairs, venture neverthelefs to affirm, that the perfons he employed were fo ignorant of navigation, that, by the computation of able fea- men, they went above two thoufand leagues out of their way ; but as I am very well fatisfied they purfued Sir Walter’s inftruftions, fo I cannot help thinking this imputation of ignorance ought to be wiped away; and this may be very eafily done, by Ihewing the true caufe why this great and knowing feaman directed this courfe : he had obferved that all the attempts hitherto had failed, by the adventurers purfuing their difcoveries from the north, which was one reafon why he chofe another rout; befides which, he had a better and ftronger motive; for, confidering all the lands on the continent of America from the laft fettlements of the Spaniards to fixty degrees north, as lying within his grant, he very prudently chofe to fettle thofe firft, which lay neareft thofe Spaniffi fettlements; and this was the clear and certain caufe of his dire&ing his fervants to take this courfe; which was fo far from being a proof of their ignorance, that it is a full and fair teftimony of their mafter’s extenfive knowledge.
It was on the 2d of July they fell in with the coaft of Florida, in fhoal water, where they fmelled a moft delightful odour, as if they had been in the midft of a garden, abounding with the moft fragrant flowers, by which they fuppofed they were near, though they faw no land. On the 4th they difcovered the continent, and failed along the coaft forty leagues, till they came on the 13th to a river, where they anchored, and, going on Ihore, took polfeffion in right of the Queen, and for the ufe of the proprietors. This place they afterwards found to be the ifland of Wokoken, on the coaft of the country fince called Virginia, in thirty-four degrees latitude; and in it they found deer, rabbits, hares, fowls, vines, cedars, pines, faffaffas, cyprefs, and maftic trees. The author of the hiftory of Virginia fays, they anchored at the inlet of Roenocke, at prefent under the government of North Carolina. They went to
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the tops of the hills which were neareft the lhore, from whence, though they were not high, they difcovered the fea on all fides, and found it to be an ifland of twenty miles in length, and fix in breadth. It was the third day before they faw any of the natives; but then a little boat with three of them appeared : one of them going afhore, they rowed up to him, and he not only waited their coming without any figns of fear, but went on board, where they gave him a fhirt and hat, with fome wine and meat, which he expreffed a liking to. After he had, with a feeming fatisfaction, narrowly viewed the barks with all that were in them, he went in his own boat to above a quarter of a mile’s diftance, where he fifhed, and in half an hour loaded his boat with fiffi, as deep as it could fwim, and came again to the point of land; where, to fhew his gratitude, he divided it into two parts; and, making figns that he defigned it for the two Ihips equally, he departed. '
The natives from the continent, after this, repaired to their fhips frequently, and exchanged feveral forts of {kins, white coral, and fome pearls, for fome tin things, and other baubles of inconfiderable value. The very next day after they faw the three Indians, feveral boats appeared in view; in one of which was the king of the coun- try’s brother, attended by forty or fifty men of a tolerable good appearance. They made him, and four of his chiefs, prefents of feveral toys, which he accepted of very kindly; but he took all himfelf, and gave them to underhand that none there had a right to any thing but himfelf; two days afterwards they let him fee their merchandize, of which nothing feemed to pleafe him more than a pewter dilh, for which he gave twenty deer {kins; and, making a hole in the rim of it, hung it over his neck for a breaft-plate, making figns that it would defend him againft the enemies’ arrows. The next thing he bought was a copper kettle, for which he gave fifty {kins. As long as he thought fit to traffic with them, none, but fuch as like him wore plates of gold or copper on their heads, were allowed either to buy or fell; but as foon as they had done, every man had his liberty. They offered very good exchange for hatchets, axes, and knives, and would have given any thing in truck for fwords; but the Engliffi would not part with any. The king’s brother came afterwards frequently on board, and would eat, drink, and be merry with them ; and once he brought his wife and children with him, who afterwards came frequently with their followers only.
They often trufted the king’s brother with goods upon his word, to bring the value at a certain time, which he never failed of doing. He had a ftrong inclination to have a fuit of armour and a fword, which he faw in one of the fhips •, and would have left a large box of pearls in pawn for them, but they refufed it; that he might not know they fet a value upon them, till they could difcover whence he got them. They underftood from the natives, that their country, which they found to be very fruitful and productive of all things, in fo very ffiort a time as is hardly credible, was called by the name of Wingandacoa, and their king Wingina. When they went on ffiore they were entertained with extraordinary civility, and once in particular by the king’s brother’s wife, at a little village in Roenocke. They were told of a great city where the king refided, fix days’ journey on the continent, which, however, they did not fee: they made no long ftay, nor proceeded any farther on dif- covery, only juft to the neighbouring parts, in their boats; and, being fatisfied with what they had feen, returned to England about the middle of September, pleafed with the advantage they had made in this ffiort and profperous voyage ; and, with the hopes of the future advantages they ffiould make, efpecially as they found all things here entirely new and furprifing.
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They gave a very advantageous account of matters, by reprefenting the country fo delightful and deiirable, fo pleafant, and abounding with all the necefl'aries of lifej the climate and air fo temperate, good and wholefome, the woods and foil fo charming and fruitful, and all other things fo agreeable, thatParadife itfelf feemed to be there in its native luftrc. They gave particular accounts of the variety of good fruits, fome whereof they had never feen before; efpecially, that there were grapes in fuch abundance as were never any where known; ttately tall large oaks, and other timber •, red cedar, cyprefs, pines, and other ever-greens and fweet woods, for tall nets and largenefs exceeding all they had ever heard of. Wild fowl, deer, fifh, and other game, in fuch plenty and variety that no epicure could delire more than this new world feemed naturally to afford. To make it yet more defirable they reported, that the native Indians, who were then the only inhabitants, were fo affable, kind and good-natured; fo tractable in learning trades and falhions ; fo innocent and ignorant in all manner of tricks and cunning, and fo defirous of the Englifh, that they rather feemed ready to take any impreffion, than any ways like to oppofe the fettling of the Englifh near them.
Upon this fair reprefentation of the effects of their voyage, and of the noble dif- covery that had attended it, Queen Elizabeth was pleafed to promife what affiftance it fhould be neceffary for the crown to give for promoting and perfecting this fettle- ment; and fhe was likewife pleafed to beftow the name of Virginia upon this newfound country; but whether, as is commonly believed, in regard to its being discovered under a virgin Queen, or in allufion to the uncorrupted ftate of the land and its inhabitants, is a queftion I will not pretend to decide ; but perhaps the former was the fenfe impofed by Sir Walter, the completeft courtier, fhall I fay, or rather the completed: man of his time; and the latter the fenfe in which the Queen would have had it underftood : but however that matter be, we muff not confound the Virginia of Sir Walter Raleigh with the province now fo called; for, without all queftion, it was in thofe days a very different thing, and comprehended the whole country claimed by the crown of England, from the fouthern limits of the new province of Georgia, to the utmoft extent of our difcoveries northwards, agreeable to the two patents granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and to his brother Sir Walter Raleigh.
It was not long before the proprietor refolved to fit out a much more confiderable fleet than had hitherto been employed in fuch undertakings, that fomething might be done worthy of the nation, on whofe behalf this fettlement was to be made, of the powerful Queen who had protected it, and of himfelf, who was the author and patron of this fcheme; Sir Walter intended to have commanded in this expedition himfelf, and to have carried with him a fufficient number of forces to have completed this defign of making a fettlement there; but being at that time jealous that his abfence might be prejudicial to his intereft at court, which the earl of Leicefter fought all oc- caftons to leffen, he committed the conduct of this fecond enterprize to his lieutenant, Sir Richard Greenville 5 who, on the 8th of April, let fail from Plymouth with feven lhips fitted out by the company, of which himfelf and feveral gentlemen were members ; and this company was the firft of that kind that was eftablifhed in Europe: thefe King James incorporated, by the name of the Governor and Company of the Weft Indies: which, for their mal-adminiftration, was diffolved by his fon King: Charles I.
On the 26th of June, 1585, Sir Richard Greenville anchored at Wokoken, and in Auguft following they began to plant on the ifland of Roenocke, five miles diftant from the continent, where Sir Richard landed one hundred and eight men, under
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Governor Ralph Lane, and Captain Philip Amadas, who was conftituted admiral of the new colony, though I do not find he had fo much as a bark left with him.
Sir Richard did not remain above three weeks longer in thofe feas; but having made fome difcoveries to the fouthward, and having traded with the Indians for {kins, furs, pearls, and other commodities, he failed on the 25th of Auguft on his return to England, in which he took a very rich prize; fo that this voyage appeared to the eyes of the nation no lefs profperous than the former, and the new Virginia company began to entertain very fanguine hopes of their undertaking. Let us now return to the firft planters in Virginia, and give an account of what happened to the fir ft colony the Englilh eftablilhed there, or in any part of America. Sir Richard Greenville was no fooner failed, than the people whom he left behind applied themfelves with diligence to what had been recommended to them by Sir Walter Raleigh, which was the difcovering the continent, and with this view they travelled eighty miles fouth, and one hundred and thirty north from that part of the main oppofite to their illand ; but in thefe expeditions, venturing indifcreetly too high up the rivers, and too far into the country, the Indian governors grew jealous of their defigns, and began firft to be weary of their company, and then to cut off their ftragglers when they fell into their hands; and they alfo formed a confpiracy to deftroy the reft, but were happily prevented.
The journals of the colony’s proceedings were duly entered, and afterwards delivered to the company in England, who were not fo careful as they fliould have been to fend them fupplies of provifions, and the Englilh, not underftanding the nature of the climate, neglected to gather food in feafon as the Indians did, by which means they were reduced to great {freights. The natives never after kept faith with them, but watched all opportunities to cut them off. And as this obliged them to be more wary in their enterprizes on the main, fo it hindered them from having any fupply from thence; however, they endured all with incredible refolution, and extended theft difcoveries near a hundred miles along the fea-coafts. They kept the Indians in awe by threatening them with the return of their companions and the reinforcement of men ; but no lliips coming from England in all that winter, nor in the fpring following, nor in fummer, they defpaired of being able to fupport themfelves any longer, the natives beginning to defpife them, when they faw them as it were abandoned by their countrymen ; and the Englilh expected every day to be facrificed to their cruelty. In this diftrefs their chief employment was to look out to fea, in hopes of finding fome means of efcape, or recruit; and, when they were almoft fpent with want and watching, hunger and cold, in Auguft they dil'covered Sir Francis Drake’s fleet, who was returning from an expedition againft the Spaniards in North America, and had been commanded by the Queen to vifit this plantation in his way, and fee what encouragement or affiftance they wanted.
The fight of Sir Francis’s fleet was moll joyful to thefe poor people: their firft petition to him, was to grant them a fupply of men and provifions, with a fmall Ihip or bark to attend them, that, in cafe they could not maintain themfelves where they were, they might embark in it for England. Sir Francis granted their requeft; and they fet all hands to work to fit the Ihip he had given them, and furnilh her with all manner of ftores for a long ftay; but a ftorm arifing, which drove the veffel from her anchor to fea, and the Ihip fullering fo much in it that Ihe was not fit for their ufe, they were fo difcouraged, that, notwithftanding Sir Francis offered them another Ihip, they were afraid to ftay, and earneftly intreated him to take them with him, which -he did: and this put an end to the firft fettlement.
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It was not at all owing to any negligence in Sir Walter Raleigh that this misfortune happened ; for he continually preffed the company to reflect on the neceflity of fup- porting the colony in time, and fo folicitous he was in this bufmefs, that, finding the fleet which was preparing under the command of Sir Richard Greenville went on but flowly, he propofed that the firft Ihip that was completely manned and equipped, Ihould be lent, without flaying for the reft, which was done; but when fhe arrived at the ifland Roenocke, fhe found it deferted. A few days after came Sir Richard Greenville with his fquadron of three fmall veffels, and found not a man upon the place, to his great difappointment; however, he refolved to fettle again, and therefore left behind him fifty men, with directions to build a houfe, or rather fort, for their own fecurity, furnifhing them befides with all necefiaries for two years, and giving them the ftrongeft affurances, that they fhould be conftantly and regularly fupplied.
' This fecond colony had no better fortune than the firft, for the Indians, taking advantage of thefmallnefs of their number, and the difficulties they had to ftruggle with, attacked, and cut them off; fo that when Mr. John White came thither with three fhips and confiderable fupplies, on the 22d of June, 1587, he found their fort demolifhed, fome huts they had erected near it deftroyed, and not far from them the bones of a dead man. In all thefe revolutions Manteo, the Indian, remained firm to the Englifh intereft, and it was from his information that Mr. White learned what was become of this laft colony.
The misfortunes that had attended thefe two fettlements, would certainly have dif- couraged a man of lefs conftancy and fortitude than Mr. White •, but he had a com- miffion to be governor, and Sir Walter had ftrongly recommended to him the keeping poffeflion of the place. He therefore erected a new habitation, and, chufing eleven of the molt capable perfons that came along with him, conftituted a regular fociety, to which he gave the title of the Governor and Court of Affiftants of the City of Raleigh in Virginia, hoping they might be able to retrieve the credit of this undertaking, and conduce to the improvement of the commerce and navigation of his country, and thereby anfwer the expectations of his honourable patron, whofe name he had given to his new plantation. On the 13th of Auguft, Manteo the faithful Indian, was chriftened, and created by the governor Lord of Daffumonpeak, an Indian nation fo called, as a reward of his fidelity and fervice to the Englilh ; and on the 18th of the fame month was born the firft child that was the iffue of Chriftian parents in that place, being the daughter of Mr. Ananias Dare : fhe was after the name of the country chriftened Virginia. Good government and induftry foon rendered Mr. White and his men formidable to the Indians, who courted their friendlhip, and made leagues with the corporation, which they kept or broke as they thought themfelves too weak or too ftrong for the Englifh, who, as much as they feemed to thrive, underwent fo many hardlhips for want of due fupplies from Europe, that nothing but the invincible conftancy, which is the diftinguifhing character of their nation, could have fupported them in the midft of fo much mifery.
Yet fo far were they from repenting of their undertaking, or defiring to return, that they difputed for the liberty of remaining at Roenocke, and obliged Mr. White their governor to return for England, and folicit the company to fend them recruits of men and provifions. Mr. White undertook to negociate their affairs; and, leaving one hundred and fifty men in the corporation, fet fail for England, where he arrived in fafety, and was two years there before he could obtain a grant of the neceffary fupplies. At laft he had three fhips fitted out for him, with provifions and more men for the colony. And on the 15th of Auguft he arrived at Cape Hattaras; and, landing

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on the ifland Roenocke, found by letters cut on trees, in large Roman characters, that the Englilh were removed, but he could not tell where. They faw the letters C.R.O. on feveral trees; and, fearching farther, on one of the pallifadoes of the fort which they had quitted, they found cut in large capital letters the word Croatan, one of the iflands forming the fouth, about twenty leagues fouthward of Roenocke. On this advice, they embarked in quell of their fellows at Croatan; but they were fcarce all of them aboard, before a dreadful ftorm arofe, which feparated the lhips one from another. They loft their anchors and cables, and durfl not venture in with the fhore, fo they all Ihifted for themfelves, and, with various fortunes, arrived in England and Ireland.
This dreadful blow proved the ruin of the third fettlement, of which I do not find that the company took any farther care, or that any new attempt was made for pre- ferving the poffefiion of this country to the crown of England, which had been fo highly magnified, and the advantages thereof painted in fuch ftrong colours at the beginning. Some have attributed this to Sir Walter Raleigh’s troubles j but furely they were but indifferently acquainted with his hiftory, fince it was during the latter part of Queen Elizabeth’s reign that he flood in the highefl credit at court, and was moft capable of procuring favour from it. But that I may not leave this fubjeCt altogether dark and imperfect, I fhall venture to fuggefl what appears to me to be the true reafon why there was no more care taken of fo promifing a fcheme as this was of which we are writing. Sir Walter Raleigh, as very clearly appears from his manner of conducting it, had the public fervice alone in view, which induced him to throw the concerns of this colony into the hands of a company, in which, no doubt, he thought he had provided for them effectually, and therefore turned his own thoughts and moft vigorous endeavours to other purpofes, in which he was fo entangled, that he found it impoffible to difengage himfelf, when he faw their negligence, and forefaw the confe- quences of it, which were fatal to a fettlement that coft him fo much pains, and of which he had once fo great hopes.
13. But neither the bufinefs of planting, nor the profits refulting from military expeditions, could hinder fuch as were addicted to the ftudy of maritime affairs from wilhing to fee the new paffage to the Indies fairly opened. And notwithftanding many attempts had been made to very little purpofe, yet no confiderable mariner, no man of reputation for cofmographical learning, could propofe any reafonable fcheme for this purpofe ; but there were merchants enough ready to lend their affiftance, and to lay down whatever money was requifite for carrying it into execution. This freedom and readinefs of venturing their private fortunes for the public fervice, was certainly very honourable and commendable, but they did ftill more, for they did not only profecute fuch attempts like merchants, but adhered to them with a philofophic firm- nefs ; fo that when a man returned without fuccefs, and plainly Ihewed that he had done his duty, and that there were ftill hopes, they encouraged, they rewarded, they fitted him out again and again : but this was an age of public fpirit; the people went eagerly into whatever great minifters propofed; moft of thofe minifters had only the fervice of their iniftrefs at heart; and the Queen herfelf was truly the mother of her people.
In fuch a reign it was natural that wonders Ihould be done, and it happens very luckily for thofe who celebrate thefe wonders, that they are able to -maintain all that they affert, by inconteftable evidence; an inftance of which we fhall give in a fuccinCl account of the voyages of Captain John Davis, for the difcovery of the north-weft paffage ; which, however, Ihould not have been brought in here, but have been referred to another chapter, if we had not found them neceffary to ihew the limits of our dif-
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coveries in the northern parts of America; and having thus opened the true defign of his attempts, we lhall proceed to the narrative of them, in fuch a manner, as to render the nature and fuccefs of his enterprizes as clear as it is poliible. In order to this, it is requifite to obferve, that before his firft voyage was undertaken, there was a defign of attempting to difcover a north-well; palfage, formed by fome traders of the weft of England ; who, when they underftood that the like project had been fet on foot at London, propofed joining their forces, which was accepted, and Mr. William Sanderfon, merchant of London, who was both a principal man in the undertaking, and a large contributor towards the expence, recommended Captain John Davis, as a proper perfon to have the direction of this enterprize; and he was accordingly appointed commander of the Sunlhine of London, a bark of fifty tons, on board of which were three and twenty perfons, and, in conjunction with the Moonlhine, of Dartmouth, a veffel of thirty-five tons, with nineteen perfons on board, they failed from the laft mentioned port on their voyage for difcovery, June 7, 1585.
On the 14th of the fame month they were forced into one of the Sylley, Dr, as it is now written, the Scilly iflands, where being detained for a fortnight, Captain Davis fhewed his aftive and indefatigable genius, by making an accurate chart of them, which was a thing, at that time, very much wanted. On the 28th they failed from thence, and continued their courfe to the-north-weft, till on the 19th of July they came into a whirling tide, which fet northwards, and failing about half a league into a very calm fea, which bent fouth-fouth-weft, they heard a mighty roaring, as if it had been the breach of fome fhore, which could not but be very terrible, fince the weather was fo foggy that they could not fee from one fhip to another, though at a very fmall diftance. Upon this the Moonlhine was ordered to hoift her boat out to found, but they could find no ground in three hundred fathoms and better; then the captain, the mailer, and Mr. Jane, who wrote this account, went towards the breach to fee what it was, and it proved to be feveral iflands of ice which were broke loofe, and floating in the fea; they got out upon thefe, and walked upon them, and when they went back into their boat, they carried feveral large pieces of ice, which melted into very good frelh water.
On the 20th the fog breaking up they difcovered the land, which looked like a fugar-loaf, and made fo uncomfortable, or rather fo horrid an appearance, that Captain Davis called it the Land of Defolation. On the 21ft they were forced to bend their courfe fouth again, to clear themfelves of the ice, which they did, and then ran along the Ihore. On the 2 2d the captain endeavoured to go afliore, but was hindered by the ice; the water on the coaft was very black, and though the feamen made ufe of their lines, they could catch no filh. On the 24th the captain caufed the men’s allowance to be increafed, to encourage them; but it is very remarkable, that he allures us the weather was far from being cold, but like ours in April, very lharp, when the wind blew from the Ihore; and on the contrary, very hot, when it blew from the fea.
On the 25th they bore away north-weft, and continued their courfe for four days. On the 29th they difcovered land in the latitude of fixty-four degrees fifteen minutes north, the fea quite free from ice, and the weather very temperate. Upon viewing the coaft they found many pleafant bays and commodious ports, but judged it not a continued land, but rather an archipelago, and therefore they refolved to go alhore on one of thefe fmall iflands, in order to fearch for wood and water, and to gain a better knowledge of the country; they were no fooner on Ihore, than they found evident marks of the country’s being inhabited, by there lying upon the ground a fmall Ihoe, feveral pieces of leather fevved with linews, a piece of fir and wool like beaver. They
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went next upon another ifland, where, getting upon a high rock, they were feen by the people of the country, who fet up thereupon a raoft hideous howling; when they perceived this, the Englilh likewife made a noife, to give notice of what had happened to their own people; upon which Captain Bruton, of the Moonlhine, prefently came to their afli fiance, with a good number of his feamen; and prefently after their' arrival there appeared ten boats full of the natives coming from a neighbouring illand, and two of thefe canoes advanced fo near the fhore, that they could eafily talk with thofe that were in them; their language was much in the throat, and their pronunciation harlh and unpleafant; one of them however, feemed inclined to come on fhore, but firft pointed to the fun, and then flruck his bread fo hard, that they could hear the blow; upon which, Mr. John Ellis, mailer of the Moonlhine, was appointed to treat with him ; and he going to the fea-lide, pointing to the fun, and ftriking his bread, as the favage had done, he at length ventured on Ihore, and they threw him caps, dockings, gloves, and what elfe they thought might pleafe him; but the night drawing on, they took their leaves on both lides.
The next morning there came thirty-feven canoes rowing by their Ihips, calling them to come alhore. The Englilh however did not make great hade; upon which one of he favages leaped on Ihore, and went to the top of a rock, where he danced and beat a drum, to Ihew his joy. The Englilh then manned their boats, and came to them to the water-lide, where they waited in their canoes ; and after the formal ceremony of fwearing by the fun, the favages made no fcruple of truding them; but on the contrary, fhewed all poffible figns of kindnefs, and even of politenefs; for when the author of this voyage offered to diake hands with one of them, he fird took his hand and kiffed it. They readily parted with any thing they were afked for, and were content with whatever was given them, Ihewing no figns of greedinefs, much lefs of treachery or infidelity. They bought of them five of their canoes, and feveral of their dockings and gowns, which were made, fome of feal and other of bird Ikins, all of them well dreffed and neatly made ; fo that it plainly appeared they had various trades amongd them. They had plenty of furs; and when they faw that the Englilh admired them, they gave them to underdand, by figns, that they would go up into their country and come down and bring them more, but the wind proving fair in the night, Capt. Davis, defpifing profit, on the id of Augud failed dill farther to the north-weft; and on the 6th of the fame month they entered into a very fair road, free from ice, in the latitude of fixty-fix degrees forty minutes, where they landed under a high mountain, the cliffs of which Ihone like gold.
Captain Davis, having taken a view of every thing, began to think of beftowing names on the places he had difcovered. He gave to the hill the name of Mount Raleigh ; the road where the Ihip lay he called Totnefs Road ; the found at the foot of the mountain, Exeter Sound; the north-foreland, Dier’s Cape; and the fouth-fore- land, Walfhingham. Here they difcovered four white bears of a prodigious bignefs, two of which they killed and brought on board; the fore-paw of one of which meafured fourteen inches. They faw a raven upon Mount Raleigh, and at the bottom of the hill they found fome Ihrubs and flowers like primrofes; the coaft however was very mountainous, and altogether barren, affording neither wood nor grafs, nor fo much as earth; the mountains being all of ftone, but the braveft ftone, fays our author, that ever we faw. Yet this account concludes nothing againfl the fruit- fulnefs of the inland part of the country, which might be very good for all that, and indeed probably was fo, fince the bears were very fat, and yet it appeared, upon open-
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ing their ftomachs, and upon viewing their dung, that they were not ravenous, but fed upon grafs.
They weighed on the 8th from Mount Raleigh, failing ftill along the coaft, which lay fouth-fouth-weft, and eaft-north-eaft. On the nth they came to the molt foutherly point of this land, which they called the Cape of God’s Mercy, and here they were furprifed with a very thick fog; upon the breaking up of which, they found that they were Ihut into a very ftreight or paffage, in fome places fixty miles broad, in others ninety •, the weather very fine and temperate, and the water of the fame colour with that of the ocean, which filled them with hopes. They failed through this ftreight for fixty leagues, and then difcovered feveral fair illands in the midft of it, with an open paffage on both fides, through which they failed ; one bark taking the north, the other the fouth fide ; but the wind changing, and the weather growing foggy and foul, they were forced to lie by for five days, in thofe which have been ever fince called Davis’s Streights. On the 14th they went alhore, and faw evident marks of the country’s being inhabited ; for they found part of a ftone wall and a human ikull. On the 15th they heard a great howling on Ihore, which they fuppofed to be wolves, and therefore went alhore to kill them; when they came to land they found the creatures they had taken for wolves were dogs, and they came inftantly running to the boat to meet them, wagging their tails, and lhewing other figns of joy, as is ufual for thofe animals to do at the fight of men. There were twenty of them in all, and as they were of the fize of maftiffs, with Ihort ears, and long bulhy tails, the fearnen being afraid of them, fired and killed two, one of which had a leather collar on. They found likewife there two fledges, one made of feveral kinds of boards that were fawed, and the other of whale-bone. They likewife faw larks, ravens, and partridges. On the 17th they went alhore again, and in an oven built with ftones, they found a fmall canoe made of wood, an image, a bird made of bone, beads for necklaces, and other trifles. The coaft made no very promifing appearance, as having neither wood nor grafs; but the rocks were of a fine bright ftone, like marble beautified with veins of different colours. Upon the Ihore they found a feal or fea- calf juft Head and thrown under a heap of ftones.
Captain Davis and his mafter were extremely well pleafed with the appearance of this ftreight, though they began to doubt whether the feafon would permit them to continue long in it; which neverthelefs they took for the very channel into the South Seas, in fearch of which they came, and refolved to report fo much upon their return to England. The reafons which confirmed the probability of there being a paffage in this ftreight, and upon which they grounded their hopes of future fuc- cefs, were, firft, That this place was all iflands, with great founds between them. Second, That the water remained all of the fame colour with the main ocean, without altering; whereas they never came into any bay before nor after, but the colour of the water was altered very blackifh. Third, Becaufe they faw to the weft of thofe iflands three or four whales in a Ikull, which they imagined came from the Weftern Sea, becaufe to the eaftward they had feen no whales. Fourth, Becaufe as they were rowing into a very great found lying fouth-veeft, from whence thofe whales came, there came fuddenly a violent counter-check of a tide from the fouthward, againft the flood which they came in with, not knowing from whence it received its fource. Fifth, Becaufe in failing twenty leagues within the mouth of this entrance, they had founding in ninety fathoms on a grey and oufy fand ; and the farther they ran into
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the weftward, the deeper was the water: fo that among the iilands they had near the Ihore no ground in three hundred and thirty fathom. Sixth, Becaufe it ebbed and flowed fix or feven fathom, the flood coming from divers parts, fo that they could not with any certainty difcern the chief fource of it.
On the 19th it was refolved by the officers to continue the profecution of their dif- coveries ; but the wind changing on the 20th, they were obliged to remain at anchor; and the weather growing very foul, they, on the 24th, hoifted fail for England. On the 10th of September they fell in with the Land of Defolation ; on the 27th they had fight of the Englilh coaft, and in a ftorm loft the Moonlhine that night. On the 30th captain Davis came fafely into Dartmouth, where he found the Moonlhine, which arrived about two hours before. Upon his return to London, captain Davis gave a very clear account to his owners, of his expedition, and of what he had done; obferving, that at the time he put to fea he had only general inftruftions to fearch for a paflage to the north-weft, without any intimation where that paflage was moft likely to be found; that he had accordingly entered a ftreight which he thought might poflibly be that paflage; but the weather changing, and the feafon of the year being too far advanced, he judged it requifite to return home.
His owners were fo well fatisfied, that they procured him an audience of fecre- tary Wallingham ; who approved very much of the enterprize, and of the manner in which he had conducted it; but at the fame time recommended it to him to complete this difcovery, to which he was alfo preffed by thofe who were concerned in his former undertaking, and by fome merchants of Exeter, who defired to join in the expences neceffary for a fecond expedition; to which he willingly confented, and accordingly undertook it; and as he has written himfelf an account of this voyage, which was a very remarkable one, I {hall give it the reader as near as may be in his own words.
“ On the 7th of May, 1586, I fet out from Dartmouth with four fail, viz. the Mermaid of one hundred and twenty tons, the Sunlhine of fixty tons, the Moonlhine of thirty-live tons, and a pinnace of thirteen tons, called the North Star. We coafted the fouth lide of Ireland, and on the thirteenth fteered away north-weft, till we came to the latitude of fixty degrees. At which time I divided my fleet, and ordered the Sunlhine and the North Star, to feek a paflage northward between Greenland and Iceland, to the latitude of eighty degrees, if land did not hinder them. I departed from them the 7th of June, and on the 15th difcovered land in fixty degrees latitude, and in longitude from the meridian of London weftward forty-feven degrees. The ice lay, in fome ten, in fome twenty, in fome fifty leagues off the lhoi;e ; fo that we were conftrained to bear into fifty-feven degrees to double the fame, and to get a free fea, which through God’s favourable mercy we at length obtained.
“ On the 29th, after many ftorms, we again difcovered land, in longitude from the meridian of London fifty-eight degrees thirty minutes, and in latitude fixty- four degrees, being eaft from us, into which fince it pleafed God by contrary winds to force us, I thought fit to bear in with it, and to fet up our pinnace, which we had provided in the Mermaid to be our fcout for this difcovery, and fo much the rather, becaufe the year before I had been in the fame place, and found it very convenient for fuch a purpofe, being inhabited by a people of tractable converfation, and the fea void of ice. The Ihips being within the founds, we fent our boats to fearch for fhoal-water, where we might anchor, which in this place is very hard to find. The people of the country efpying them, came in their canoes towards them with Ihouts and cries; but when they faw in the boats fome of our company that were there
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the laft year, they rowed to the boat, and taking hold of the oar, hung about the boat, expreffing a great deal of joy; and making figns that they knew all thofe that had been there the year before. I went alhore with others of the company, and took with me twenty knives. We had no fooner landed but they leaped out of their canoes and came running to us, and embraced us with many figns of hearty welcome ; there were eighteen of them, and I gave to each of them a knife, and they offered me fkins for a reward; but I made figns that they were not fold, but freely given to them ; and fo difmiffed them for that time, with figns that they fhould return after certain hours.
“ The next day, with all poffible fpeed, the pinnace was landed upon an ifland, there to be finifhed ; and while it was fetting up the people came continually to us, fometimes a hundred canoes at a time, bringing feal-fkins, ftag-fkins, white hares, feals, falmon-peal, fmall cod, dry caplin, with other fifh, and fome birds. I fent one of the boats to fearch one part of the land, while I went to another part, with ftriQ: command that there fhould be no injury offered to any of the people, nor any gun fhot. They formed tents made of feal-fkins, wherein was ftore of dried caplin, being a fmall fifh no bigger than a pilchard, fome bags of train-oil, many little images cut in wood, and feal-fkins in tan-tubs, whereof they diminifhed nothing. When they had paffed ten miles within the fnowy mountains, they came to a plain champaign country with earth and grafs, like to our moory and wafte grounds in England ; they went ten leagues up into a river, which in the narroweft place was two leagues over, finding it ftill to continue they knew not how far. But I with my company took another river, which, although at firfl it afforded a large inlet, yet it proved but a deep bay, the end whereof I attained in four hours ; and there leaving the boat well manned, went with the reft of the company three or four miles into the country, but found nothing, nor faw any thing but gripes, ravens, and fmall birds, as larks and linnets. The 3d of July I manned my boat, and went with fifty canoes attending upon me into another found, where the people, by figns, willed me to go, hoping to find their habitation. At laft they made figns that I fhould go into a warm place to fleep ; at which place I went on fhore, and defired they would leap with our men, which they agreed to, but ours did over-leap them; from leaping they wenf to wreftling ; we found them ftrong and nimble, and to have (kill in wreftling, for they call fome of our men that were good wreftlers.
“ On the 4th the mafter of the Mermaid went to certain iflands to ftore himfelf with wood, where he found a grave with divers buried in it, covered with feal-fkins only, and a crofs laid over them. The people are of good ftature, well proportioned, with fmall flender hands and feet, broad vifages, fmall eyes, wide mouths, the molt part unbearded, great lips and clofe toothed ; they are much given to bleed, and therefore flop their nofes with deer’s hair, or that of an elan. One of them kindled a fire after this manner ; he took a piece of a board wherein was a hole half through; then he put into the hole the end of a round ftick like a bed ftaff, wetting the end thereof with train-oil, and, (as your turners do,) with a piece of leather by the violent motion he fpeedily produced fire; this done, he made a fire with turfs, into which, with many words and ftrange geftures, he put divers things which we fuppofed to be a facrifice; they defired me • to go into the fmoak, and I willed them likewife to ftand in the fmoak, which they would by no means do ; I then thruft one of them into the fmoak, and commanded one of my men to tread out the fire and fpurn it into the fea, to fhew them that we did contemn their forcery. They are very fimple in their converfation, but marveloufly thievifh, efpecially

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of iron, which they have in great efteem. They cut away the Moonfhine’s boat from her item; they cut our cables and our cloth where it lay to air, though we did carefully look to it; they dole our oars, a caliver, a boat, a fpear, a fword, with divers other things, which fo grieved the company, that they defired me to diffolve this new friendlhip; whereupon I ordered a caliver to be (hot among them, and immediately upon the fame a falcon ; which drange noife did fo amaze them, that they departed with all fpeed •, but within ten hours they returned and intreated a peace, which being granted, they brought us feal-fkins and falmon-peal, but when they faw iron they could not forbear dealing ; which when I perceived, I commanded that in no cafe they fhould be any more hardly ufed, but that our own people fhould be more vigilant to keep their things.
“ They eat all their meat raw ; they live moll upon filh, drink fait water, and eat grafs and ice with delight; they make fifhing-nets with whale-fins; it is probable they have wars with thofe on the main land, many of them being fore wounded, which wounds they received upon the main land, as by figns they gave us to underdand. -The 17th of July I went afhore in our new pinnace, and with the mod part of my company went to the top of an high mountain, hoping from thence to fee into the country,; but the mountains were fo many and fo lofty that we could not fee far; we returned to our pinnace and faw a drange fight, which was a mighty whirlwind, continuing three hours with little intermiffion, which taking up the water in great quantities, furioufly mounted it into the air. The next morning, the dorm being over, we failed into a mighty great river, dire&ly into the body of the land, and found it to be no firm land, but huge, vad, and defert iflands, with mighty founds and inlets palling between fea and fea. On the 9th we returned to our Ihips, where our mariners complained heavily againd the people, that they had dolen an anchor from us, had cut one of our cables very dangeroufly, and fpared not to fling dones at us of half a pound weight: the next day I went alhore and ufed them with much courtefy, and when I returned they followed me in their canoes ; I gave fome of them bracelets, and feven or eight of them came on board, whom I ufed kindly, and let them depart; as foon as fun was fet they began to pracfife their devililh nature, and with flings threw dones very fiercely into the Sunlhine, and knocked down the boatfwain; whereupon we purfued them with our boats, and {hot at them; but they rowed fo fwiftly, that we could not reach them.
“ On the nth five of them came to make a new truce; the mader acquainted me with their coming, and defired they might be kept prifoners until we had our anchor again ; but when he faw the chief ring-leader and mader of mifchief was one of the five, he was then very urgent to have him feized, and fo it was determined to take him ; he came crying Iliaout , and, driking his bread, offered a pair of gloves to fell; the mader offered him a knife for them : fo two of them came to us, one we difmiffed, but the other was foon made captive among us ; then we pointed to him and his fellows for our anchor, which being had, we made figns to him he fhould be fet at liberty; about an hour after the wind came fair, and we fet fail and brought him away with us. One of his companions, following our {hip in his canoe, talked with him, and feemed to lament his condition ; we dill ufing him well, and faying to him Iliaout , i.e. we mean no harm ; at lad he aboard fpake four or five words to the other, and clapped both his hands on his face, the other did the like, and fo parted ; we judged the covering his face, and bowing down his body fignified his death; after fome time he became a pleafant companion among us ; I gave him a new fuit of frieze of the Englifh fafhion, of which he was very fond; he trimmed up his darts and

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all his fifhing tools, and would make oakum, and fet his hand to the rope’s-end; he fed upon caplin and dry Newland fifh. The 17th, being in latitude of fixty-three degrees eight minutes, we fell in with a mighty mafs of ice, very high, like land, with bays and capes; and, fuppofing it to be land, we fent our pinnace to difcover it; but on her return, we were affured that it was only ice, which caufed great admiration to us all, and the rather, becaufe in this place we had very tickle and ftrong currents. We coafted this mafs of ice till the 30th, finding it a great bar to our purpofe. The air was now fo foggy, and the fea fo peftered with ice, that all hopes of proceeding was banifhed; for on the 24th of July our fhrouds, ropes, and fails, were fo frozen and compaffed with ice, only by a grofs fog, as feemed to us very ftrange, who the laft year found this fea free and navigable without impediments.
“ Our men, through this extremity began to grow fick and feeble, and with- all hopelefs of good fuccefs ; whereupon, very orderly and difcreetly, they intreated me to -regard our prefent ftate, and withal advifed me, that in confcience I ought to preferve my own life and theirs; and that I thould not, through my own bold- nefs, leave their widows and fatherlefs children to give me bitter curfes. This did move me to commiferate their condition, yet confidering the importance of this difcovery, if it could be accomplifhed, the great hopes of a paffage by what we had feen the laft voyage, and that there was yet a third way to be attempted, I thought it would turn to my difcredit if the action fhould fail through my neglect, therefore refolved to profecute it; and confidering the Mermaid, by reafon of her burden, was not fo nimble and convenient for this purpofe as a fmaller bark, and was one hundred pound a month charge to the adventurers ; I determined to re-victual the Moonfhine, and proceed as God fhould direct me : whereupon I altered my courfe to recover the next fhore, where this might be performed ; and the 1 ft of Auguft difcovered land without fnow or ice, in latitude fixty-fix degrees thirty-three minutes, and in longitude, from the meridian of London feventy degrees.
“ On the 2d we anchored in a very good road, where, with all fpeed, we graved and re-vi6lualled the Moonfhine; we found it here very hot, and we were very much troubled with mufkitos, which did fling grievoufly. The people of the country caught a feal, and, with bladders faft tied to him, fent him to us with the flood, fo as he came right with our fhip, which we took as a friendly prefent from them. On the 5th I went on top of a hill, and efpying three canoes under a rock, went to them, and found in them fkins, darts, &c. whereof we diminifhed nothing; but left upon every boat a filk point, a bullet of lead, and a pin. The next day the people came to us without fear, and bartered with us for fkins ; our favage kept clofe, and made fhew that he would fain have another companion, Being thus provided, I departed on the 12th, leaving the Mermaid at anchor ; her crew finding many occafions of difcontent, and being unwilling to proceed, here forfook
me.
“ The 14th, failing weft fifty leagues, we difcovered land, in latitude fixty-fix degrees 19 minutes; and the next day we flood to the fouth ; and on the 18th difcovered a very fair promontory north-weft from us, in fixty-five degrees, having no land on the fouth, which gave us great hopes of a paffage. The 20th I went to the top of a high hill, whence I perceived that this land was all iflands; we coafted this ifland towards the fouth, from fixty-feven to fifty-feven degrees. The 28th, having great diftruft of the weather, we arrived in a fair harbour, and failed ten leagues into

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the fame, being two leagues broad, with fair woods on both fides: here we continued to the i ft of September, in which time we had two very great ftorms; I went fix miles into the country, and found the woods were fir, pine-apple, elder, yew, withy, and birch. Here we faw a black bear, and ftore of birds, as pheafants, partridges, wild geefe, bucks, blackbirds, jays, thrulhes, and other fmall birds. The ift we fet fail, and coafted the fhore with fair weather. The 4th we anchored in a good road, among many iflands. Eight leagues to the north of this place we had ftrong hopes of a paffage, by reafon of a mighty fea palling between the two lands, weft ; we greatly defired to go into this fea, but the wind was dire&ly againft us.
“ The 6th we fent five young men alhore to an illand, to fetch fome filh which we had left there covered all night. The favages who lurked in the woods fuddenly affaulted our men, which we perceiving let flip our cable, and under our fore-fail, bore in to the fhore, and difcharged a double mulket upon them twice ; at the noife of which they fled, having killed two of our men with their arrows, and grievoufly wounded two more; the other efcaped by fwimming, with an arrow Ihot through his arm.
“ This evening it pleafed God farther to increafe our forrows with a furious ftorm at north-north-eaft, which lafted to the 1 oth: we unrigged our Ihip and intended to cut down our malts; the cable of our Iheet-anchor broke," fo that we expected to be driven on fliore, and become a prey to the cannibals ; yet, in this deep diftrefs, God gave us fuccour, and fent us a fair fea, fo that we recovered our anchor again, and new-moored our Ihip ; where we faw that God had manifeftly delivered us, for two ftrands of our cable were broken. The nth the wind coming fair at weft-north-weft, we departed with truft in God’s mercy, lhaping our courfe for England, and arrived in the Weft-co,untry the beginning of October, where the Sunlhine arrived a few days before us; lhe had been at Iceland, and from thence to Greenland, and fo to Eftotiland, and thence to Defolation, where lhe trafficked with the people, flaying in the country twenty days. They loft fight of the pinnace called the North Star, on the third of September, in a very great ftorm, and lay a-hull to tarry for her all the next day; but faw her no more : the faid pinnace never returned home.”
We find annexed to this account of Capt. Davis’s fecond voyage, a letter of his to Mr. William Sanderfon, who feems to have been his patron, in which he excufes his want of fuccefs in this voyage, declares his confident hope, that fuch a paffage might yet be found, the improvement of his knowledge by this laft voyage, and his refolution to profecute this difcovery to the utmoft, though it fliould coft him the little paternal fortune he had in the Weft; and concludes with an affurance, that he would communicate to him a fair and clear chart of his voyage, which would give him a perfect comprehenfion of the arguments he had to offer in fupport of his notion, that this paffage fo often attempted in vain might ftill be found. This letter is dated from Exeter, the 14th of October 1586; and it had all the good effects that Capt. Davis could expect from it, fince his friend ftill continued to have as good an opinion of him as ever, and fo it appears the reft of his owners had; but it went no farther than the approbation of his conduct in his laft voyage, tor when he came to propofe a third expedition, the Weft-country merchants, and molt of thofe in London, grew weary of the expence, and would be concerned no longer. He propofed however, to the reft of the adventurers, a new fcheme, which took effect, and it was this : that they ffiould fit out three veffels, one of which only thould be employed on the difcovery, and the other two in fifliing; by which he propofed to defray all, or at leaft
vol. xii. r r ' the

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the belt part of the expence. It is very remarkable that Mr. Bruton, who ferved with Capt. Davis in his firft voyage, accompanied him alfo in this, and fo did Mr. John Jane, who has been his merchant or fupercargo, and many of his old feamen ; which lhews the confidence they had in his Ikill, and how fenfible they were of his care and good ufage.
The velfels provided for this laft voyage were the Elizabeth of Dartmouth, the Sunlhine of London, and the Ellen, which was but very fmall. As for the hiftory of the voyage, which is but lhort, we lhall give it as we did the former, in the words of the author. “ We departed from Dartmouth the 10th of May, and dif- covered land on the 14th of June. On the 16th we anchored among many low illands which lay before the high land; the people came to us crying, Iliaout, and fhewing us feal-lkins. On the 20th I left the two Ihips to follow their fifliing, taking their faithful promife not to depart till I returned unto them, which fhould be in the end of Auguft ; but they finilhing their voyage in fixteen days, prefently returned for England, without regarding their promife, whilft I, not dilhufting any fuch hard meafure, proceeded on the difcovery. On the 24th, in latitude fixty- feven degrees, forty minutes, the weather was very hot, thirty favages came to us in their canoes, twenty leagues from the land, intreating us to go alhore. I coafted the fhore of Greenland, from the 21ft to the 30th, having the fea all open towards the weft, and the land on the ftarboard fide, eaft from me, the weather extremely hot and very calm. The fun was five degrees above the horizon at midnight, latitude feventy-two degrees twelve minutes; the compafs in this place varied twenty-eight degrees towards the weft. The 3d of July we fell in again with ice; and on the 6th put our bark through it, feeing the fea free on the weft fide; and when we had failed five leagues weft we fell in with another mighty bank of ice which we could not pafs 5 therefore returning again, we got clear on the 8th at midnight, and recovered the open fea through God’s favour, by giving us fair winds and calm weather. On the 15th, in latitude fixty-feven degrees forty-five minutes, a great current fet us to the weft fix points from our courfe.
« On the 19th we had fight of Mount Raleigh. On the 30th we crofted over a great inlet or paflage, being twenty leagues broad, and fityate between fixty-two and fixty-three degrees, in which place we had eight or nine great races, currents, or over-falls, like the water under London-bridge, and bending their courfe into the inlet. The 31ft, in latitude fixty-two degrees, coming dole by a foreland, we fell into a mighty race, where an ifland of ice was carried by the force of the current as fall as our bark could fail with all fails bearing. This cape, as it was the fouthern limits of the gulph we palfed over yefterday, fo was it the north promontory, or beginning of another great inlet which we palfed over this night, where we law the fea falling down towards the inlet with a mighty over-fall, and circular motion, like whirl-pools, in the fame manner as forcible ftreams force through the arches of bridges. On the 10th of Auguft, as we were feeking our Ihips that went to filh, being among many illands, we ftruck on a rock, and had a great leak; the next day we flopped our leak, in a ftorm; and on the 15th, being in latitude fixty-two degrees twelve minutes, and not finding our Ihips, nor (according to their promife), any mark or beacon which I willed them to fet up, and they promifed to do, upon every headland or cape within twenty leagues every way from their filhing-place, and we having but little wood in our Ihip, and but half a hoglhead of frelh water, I fhaped my courfe for England, and arrived at Dartmouth the 15th of September.”
Upon his return from this, as after his fecond voyage, he wrote a letter to Mr.
11 Sanderfon,

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Sanderfon, dated from Sandridge, September 16, 1587; wherein he tells him, that he had returned fafe with all his company : that he had failed fixty leagues farther than he intended at his departure : that he had reached the latitude of leventy-three degrees north, finding the fea all open and the fireight forty leagues broad; concluding from thence that the paffage was moll certain, and the execution moll eafy ; but, as we Ihall fee hereafter, he was in this miftaken, which however, does not at all lelfen his merit or the great difcoveries he made, by which he entitled his country to all this coaft of North America, the value of which may hereafter prove as great as any difcovery made in this reign. Neither ought we to efteem it any diminution of his merit, that he was fo confident of finding a paffage this way to the very laft; becaufe as far as he, or any man, could judge, there was indeed great probability of the thing, and nothing but fuch a fpirit as his will ever be able to effect this difcovery whenever it fliall be made.
But he was not only an able officer and a moll fkilful feaman, but had like- wife a head perfectly well turned for making all poffible advantages of the fervice in which he was employed ; as appears from the minutes of a memorial of his which I have feen, addreffed to Secretary Walfingham; wherein he tells him, that he found many ignorant and malicious people had a very mean opinion of what he had done, becaufe his voyages had not anfwered the expence ; but he perfuaded himfelf that fo wife and honourable a ftatefman, would think in a manner different from the vulgar, and efteem his fervices capable of producing great advantages to the nation, even fuppofing that no fuch paffage as he expected fhould be found; in fupport of which he laid down the five following points.
I. That it would redound very much to the honour of the Queen and her fubjects, if the people in thefe northern regions were converted to the Chriftian faith; in which pious work many of thofe bufy and fiery fpirits might be profitably employed, that, by their factious ftirrings at home, ferved only to create confufion in church and ftate: for if thefe people, who feemed neither deftitute of wit, induftry, or valuable commodities, were once brought over to the Chriftian faith, they might foon be brought to relifh a more civilized kind of life, and be thereby induced to take off great quantities of our coarfer woollen manufactures ; which would employ the poor at home, increafe our {hipping, and augment the number of our feamen.
II. That in the judgment of fuch as were beft acquainted with the fiffiing trade, the cod he caught were the fatteft and fineft that were ever feen; and that the plenty of thefe fiffi was fo great as might well encourage the eftablilhing an annual fiffiery at the mouth of the Streights, which would afford immediate profit, and might lead to future difcoveries of greater importance.
III. That notwithftanding the fhores of the countries he had feen were bleak and barren, yet the inner part of the country might, notwithftanding, be very rich and fertile : that as the people he had converfed with had fome of them utenfils of different metals, it might be prefumed there were mines of value in thefe countries; and that how little profit foever thefe people might make of them, they might be wrought to great advantage by fuch as underftood them better.
IV. That it was very evident from the feveral voyages he had made, that there was nothing intolerable in thefe northern climates, and that it would be of great fervice to the nation to keep up a conftant fucceffion of enterprises on this fide, fince it might be done with very little expence at firft ; would contribute to make thefe parts of the world better known, and fecure the advantages derived from them to the Engliffi; whereas, if they were difcontinued or abandoned, other nations would not fail to make
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attempts of the like kind, and fo come, in procefs of time, to reap the fruits of other men’s labour.
V. That the furs brought from thence were much efteemed, and allowed to be richer and more valuable than any that came from Mufcovy •, and that if the falhion of wearing them at court were encouraged, it might prove a means, when all others failed, of promoting this commerce; for you know right well, moll honourable Sir, concludes he, that it is a great fecret in policy to make the follies of the extravagant, and the vanity of the ambitious, contribute to the maintenance of induftry ; fo that even the vicious and the lazy, may of their own accord furnilh the rewards of labour and virtue.
I lhall, hereafter, take occafion to fliew, that he has very wifely and fenfibly recommended the propagating the Chrillian religion, as the molt proper means for ex tending, as well as eftablifliing, our colonies, and rendering them highly beneficial. There is no queftion that the fending a few preachers to convert any of thefe nations to Chriftianity, would be a thing of greater confequence to this nation, than building many forts to fecure our commerce with favages; for thefe people would then live in towns, wear cloaths, cultivate their lands, and, inftead of deftroying and extirpating- each other, as at prefent, they would live peaceably, and confequently grow daily more numerous; which would occafion fuch a confumption of our manufactures of all kinds, and fuch a return of their commodities, which is the only true and juft ftandard of trade, as neither fraud nor force can any other way attain. His reflections, with re- fpect to the expediency of keeping up this northern navigation, are highly fenfible, and it would have been much for our intereft, if, even at the public expence, they had been continued; for then Sir Jofiah Child would not have fet down this north fifhery among the number of our loft trades, as he does with juft reafon. That our neighbours would be wifer in this relpect than ourfelves, was in itfelf a very Ihrewd, and in fact has proved a prophetic obfervation 5 for the Dutch and other nations ftill frequent Davis’s Streights, which we have in a manner deferted, and employ thereby a vaft number of people at home, befides raifing annually frefh fupplies of fkilful and well- feafoned feamen, which a maritime power ought to regard as a point of the higheft confequence, and in that view ought to favour moft fuch branches of commerce as are known to contribute thereto, efpecially if they are not at a great diftance. With thefe remarks we lhall difmifs this fubjeft for the prefent, and, as the nature of our plan directs, proceed from thefe difcoveries in the moft northern parts of America, to the attempt made for fixing a fettlement more to the fouth than any we have yet obtained.
1.}. The fpeaking of this fouthern fettlement brings us back to Sir Walter Raleigh, a gentleman whofe name muft often occur in all books that any way relate to Englilh hiftory, and whofe memory will be ever celebrated by fuch as can diftin- guilh any kind of worth ; for he had all, and excelled in all. Amongft the reft, the completed: courtier of his time, which perhaps drew upon him more envy than all his other great qualities; and I am induced to think fo from the nature of thofe calumnies by which he was moft hurt; for though deeply malicious, they were fo indifferently forged, that they could not bear the leaft infpection; fo that notwithftanding they coft him his favour often, and his life at laft, from the credulity of princes, yet they never had any effedl upon his reputation with wife men in his life-time, nor have injured his reputation in the leaft with pofterity.
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country retreats, and thence write pitiful letters and poems to fcrew himfelf again into the affeftions of the Oueen his miftrefs, as fome other of her great men did, and which he could have done better than any of them ; nor did he form intrigues againft her minifters, and force himfelf into power and his fovereign’s prefence ; but he took another road peculiar to, and worthy of Sir Walter Raleigh : he applied himfelf to contrive, and not to contrive only, but to execute, fuch great and glorious enterprizes, as raifed his fame fo high, that the whifpers of envy could be no longer heard ; and, when the Queen recalled him to her favour, it never appeared as an aft of grace, but as a ftroke of juftice; fo that after thefe recedes, he Ihone at court with double luftre, and his miftrefs, haughty as fhe was, could not help appearing upon thefe occafions proud of the pofleflion of fuch a man, and afhamed of his abfence.
It was in one of thefe voluntary exiles that Sir Walter Raleigh executed a defign he had long meditated, I mean his expedition to Guiana, an expedition great in it- felf, though unfortunate in its confequences; formed upon the moft noble principles, and performed with equal valour and prudence, and in a word every way equal to the genius of its author, and, experience has fince fatally ftiewn, fuperior to every genius but his. He faw, with regret, the plantation of Virginia abandoned, and he faw that the want of immediate profit was the caufe ; he refolved therefore to ftrike out the means of fettling a new colony in another part of America, which Ihould be free from this inconvenience, and which fhould transfer the richeft produfts of that country to the Englifh, if they had but courage and conduft enough to fetch them. In order to this he inquired, with the greateft diligence, into the ftate of the country before mentioned ; he fought from books and papers all the afliftance that could be had of that kind ; he drew from perfonal informations, which were more in his power than perhaps they ever were in any other man’s, all the notices that they could give; but he drew the greateft lights from his own profound knowledge and extenfive experience.
He was undoubtedly as well verfed in all parts of philofophy and natural hiftory, as any man of his time, and perhaps much better; for, befides all the knowledge which refults from reading, he had likewife a great practical fkill, whence, without doubt, arofe his confident belief, that this country of Guiana was the richeft in America, and by confequence, according to the opinion of thofe times, and indeed of thefe, the richeft in the world. He did not go thither, therefore to fatisfy his own mind upon that head, but that he might furnilh himfelf with the means of fatisfying others ; for he very well knew that it would have been an idle and ridiculous thing in him to think of moving people to attempt a plantation merely by a rational and philo- fophical argument, which he knew few would be able to underftand, and of thofe that did, many would oppofe his fentiments from pride, and more from prejudice. He chofe therefore to treat the riches and value of this noble country in the plaineft way, and as a point of faft; and forefeeing that it would be objefted, that if it were fo, and the fafts fo notorious as he reprelented it, the Spaniards would certainly have fettled there, and not have left it to fall into the hands of any other nation ; this induced him to draw up a very clear and fuccinft account of the fe- veral methods ufed by the Spaniards to dilcover and gain this country, which at once anfwered the objeftion, and proved to fuch as had an high opinion of the judgment formed by the Spaniards of the wealth and importance of thefe countries, that Guiana was one that deferved the higheft commendations.
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Thefe accounts of his are difperfed through various pieces written by him upon this fubjeci; but for the eafe of the reader, we fhall colled and range them in their natural order, by which means they will become a kind of fupplement to what has been already delivered of the Spanifh difcoveries and conquefts ; this being the foie reafon of our omitting them there, becaufe we forefaw the necefiity of repeating, or at leaft of recapitulating, them here, for the fake of explaining Sir Walter Raleigh’s expeditions. We have Ihewn in that chapter how the Marquis Pizarro overthrew the empire of the Incas, and made himfelf mailer of all their territories, and of a great part of their treafures; and we have likewife (hewn that this was fo far from ‘fatis- fying his avarice and ambition, that he propofed to extend his conquefts beyond the limits of Peru, in order to penetrate into the heart of South America, from the hopes lie had conceived of finding richer countries there than any he had yet met with.
It was with this view that • he ordered his brother Gonzalo, after he had taken poffeffion of Quito, which was the laft conqueft of the Incas, to continue his expeditions on that fide, though he was fenfible that he could receive little or no affiftance from the informations of the natives; his brother accordingly entered the province of Los Quixos ; and after making himfelf mailer of that country, the people of which were downright barbarians in comparifon of thofe of Peru, he determined to pafs the high mountains which bound that province on the north, and alfembled a great many Indians, and a good quantity of cattle for that purpofe ; but when he had afcended half way up thefe mountains, he found that he had taken his meafures wrong, and that the cold was fo intenfe, that it would be impoflible for him to profecute his march in that manner. He therefore quitted his cattle and the bell part of his baggage, refclving to make all the halle he could into the plain countries on the other fide, and trull to the provifions he might meet with there.
Accordingly he defcended into the valley of Zumaque, which he found very plentiful, and in which therefore he refrelhed his forces for two months, endeavouring then to continue his march northward; but finding the road extremely rough and mountainous, he turned direftly eall, in hopes- of meeting with an eafier palfage ; this opened a way into a new province well peopled and very rich ; the inhabitants of which were dreadfully amazed at the coming of the Spaniards amongll them, and indeed they very well might, for they behaved towards them in a manner barbarous beyond expreffion ; for Gonzalo Pizarro exercifed the greatelt cruelty imaginable on the inhabitants of thefe regions, infomuch that he gave men to be eaten alive- by his dogs. This engaged all the natives to put themfelves in arms againft him, fo that he was obliged to encamp himfelf as in an enemy’s country ; and his cruelties, together with the defpair he was in of ever being able to find what he was feeking after, had like to have put an end to his enterprize at once. He was encamped on the bank of a river, which fwelled fo much in one night, that if the fentiriels, who perceived the water was a-pace getting ground, had not warned them of their danger, they had been all drowned; but at the alarm they foon fecured themfelves, by making towards the cottages of the wild people; and Pizarro re- folved to return to Zumaque, not knowing what other courfe to take. From thence he proceeded again with all his men, and after a'march of four leagues he met with a great village called Ampua, governed by a cazique, and found a great number of the inhabitants in a pofture of defence, expecting their enemy ; but there was another and greater obftacle in his way than this cazique and all his troops, and that was a river fo wide and deep that he could have no thought of venturing to fwim
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over it. He could therefore find no better expedient than to enter into a treaty with the people of the country, and to defire the help of their canoes to crofs this river.
The cazique received this propofal with great civility, offered them what they afked, and gave them as many of thefe little boats as they defired ; and on this, Pizarro made him a return of a great many little Spanilh toys, by way of requital. This cazique having received advice of the ill treatment many of his neighbours had received from the Spaniards, thought of nothing more than how to get rid of them, and to deliver himielf from the danger of fuch bad guefts, endeavoured to make them believe there were great riches to be found among the people that dwelt upon the river, fome days journey lower. Pizarro, by his actions and by his guides, who were. his interpreters, returned him thanks for his courtefy; but finding no appearance of thofe pretended riches, he returned to Zumaque very much diffatisfied with his expedition; however he had too much courage to retire back to Quito juft as he came. He had a mind therefore to attempt fome great exploit, and, by the difcovery of fome other part, to render himfelf as confiderable as the Marquis Pizarro, his elder brother: he opened his mind to Francis Orellana, a gentleman of ITuxillo in Spain, who was come to join him in the valley of Zumaque; and, having taken one hundred effeftive foldiers, and fome Indians for guides and to carry provisions, he marched directly to the eaft.
Either the ignorance of his guides, or the hatred they bore him, engaged him in a country all full of mountains, forefts, and torrents, fo that he was conftrained to make ways where he found none, and to open himfelf a paffage through the woods with hatchets, where none had ever gone before. At length, after many days’ march, he pierced through as far as the province of Coca ; the cazique of which province came to meet him, and offered him all the accommodations the country afforded for his refrefhment; Gonzalo promifed himfelf much from this kind entertainment, and by the afliftance of his guides entered into converfation with the cazique : he informed him that the country through which he had paffed, which was fo full of mountains, forefts, and brooks, was the only paffage he could have taken to come thither, that it was extremely difficult to get through it; but that if he was willing to embark on the river he faw before him, or to follow it by land, he might affure himfelf, that along the banks of another river much greater than this, he lhould find a country abounding with all things, whofe inhabitants were covered with plates of gold. There was no need of faying any thing more to Pizarro, to incite him to any kind of enterprize, who prefently fent two of his guides to Zumaque, with orders to his officers to come and join him, who marched immediately ; and furmounting all the difficulties of the way, arrived much fatigued, at the town of Coca.
Pizarro having refted fome few days, afterwards put them in battalia before the cazique, who was fo much terrified with them, that he amaffed almoft all the pro- vifions of his whole province to make a prefent of them to Pizarro, that by this magnificence he might civilly acquit himfelf of his new acquaintance, who was more impatient of his flay than the other ; and the next morning, having filed his troops along the river, he took his leave of the cazique, prefenting him with a fine fword, and put himfelf at the head of his cavalry, and followed the pleafant courfe of the river. This good way did not laft long, but they had rivulets to fwim over, and were forced to march in uneven ways, and for forty-three days, without finding any provifions, or any fords, or canoes by which to pafs the river. This long march
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having mightily fatigued our travellers, they were {topped by a very furprifing fight; the river was prefled by two rocks, and on each fide its paffage, at no more than twenty feet diftance from one another; and the water going through this {freight precipitated itfelf into a valley, and made a leap of two hundred fathoms: here it was that Pizarro caufed that famous bridge to be made for his troops to pafs over, which is fo much boafted of by the Spanirn hiftorians.
But finding the way not at all better on the other fide, and the provifion growing more and more fcarce every day, Pizarro refolved to make a brigantine, to carry by water all his fick men, provifions, baggage, and the gold which they had got amongft them. This was no finall difficulty ; but induftry and neceffity furmounted it, and the veffel being finiffied, Pizarro embarked all in it that hindered his march, and gave the command of it to Francis Orellana, with fifty foldiers ; giving him ex- prefs order not to part far from him, but to come every night to the camp. He obferved this order exactly, till his general, feeing all his men much pinched with hunger, commanded him to go and feek fome provifions and cottages where his men might be refrefhed. Orellana had no fooner received his orders, but he launched out into the middle of the river, and the rapidity of the ftream carried him as fait as he could with, for he made above one hundred leagues in three days, without the ufe of either fails or oars.
The current of Coca carried him into another river which was much larger, but not near fo fwift: he made his obfervations of it one whole day, and feeing that the farther he went down, the more the river widened ; he made no doubt but this was that great river which had been fo often and in vain fought after. The joy he conceived at his good fortune, fo tranfported him, that it made him quite forget himfelf, fo that dreaming only of the enjoyment of this good fuccefs, and trampling upon his duty, oath, fidelity, and gratitude, he had now nothing in view but to bring about the enterprize he was contriving. To this end he perfuaded his companions that the country was not the fame with that which their general had defcribed ; that it had not that plenty the cazique had told him he fhould find at the joining of the two rivers; that they mud certainly float along farther, to find that pleafant and fertile country, where they might {tore themfelves with provifions; and befides that they all faw there was no likelihood of getting up this river again which they came down in three days, but as he believed, could not make the fame way back again in the fpace of a whole year; that it was much more reafonable to wait for their company on this new river; and that in the mean time it was necefi'ary for them to go and feek provifions.
Thus concealing his defign, he hoifted fail; and abandoning himfelf to the wind, to his fortune, and to his refolution, he thought of nothing but purfuing the courfe of the river, till he fhould difcover it quite to the fea. His companions were amazed at the manner of his putting in execution the defign he had been propofing to them, and thought themfelves obliged to tell him, that he went beyond the orders of his general; and that in the extreme want he was in, they ought to carry him the little provifions they could find; and that he had given fufficient evidence he had fome ill defign, becaufe he had neglected to leave two canoes at the bank of the two rivers, as the general had appointed him, for his army to pafs over in. Thefe remonftrances were made chiefly by a Dominican friar named Gafpar de Carvajal, and by a young gentleman of Badajos in Spain, called Fernand Sanches de Vargas. The confideration they had for thefe two perfons, occafioned a divifion in the company in this little veffel into two parties j and from words they were like to have
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fallen to blows, but that Orellana, ftifling their gratitude by his diffimulation, by fair proteftations, and great promifes, appeafed this diforder.
By means of his friend he had in the veflel, he gained moft of the foldiers that were againft him to his fide; and feeing the two heads of the other party left ahnoft alone, he caufed Fernand Sanches de Vargas to be fet afhore, leaving him quite alone, without victuals and without arms, in a difmal wildernefs; bounded, on one fide, with high mountains, and with a river on the other. He had more prudence than to treat the friar after the fame manner, yet he gave him to underhand, that it was not for him to penetrate any more into the intentions of his commander, unlefs he had a mind to be feverely chaftifed. After this he continued his voyage; and the next day, being willing to know if he might depend upon all that were with him for the fuccefs of his refolutions, he let them know that he afpired to a much higher pitch of dignity than what he might have obtained in the fervice of Pizarro : that he owed every thing to himfelf and to his king; and that his fortune having, as it were, led him by the hand to the greateft and moll deiirable difcovery that was ever made in the Indies, namely, the great river upon which they were failing; which coming out of Peru, and running from weft to eaft, was the fineft channel in the New World, through which they might pafs from the. fouthern to the northern fea; that he could not, without betraying them all, and without ravilhing from them the fruits of their voyage and induftry, make others {hare in a favour which heaven had referved for them alone. By this means he eafily quieted thefe murmurs, and brought his men to have a {hare of that ambition which flamed in his own breaft. His neceflities forced him aihore for pro- vifions, and, as he did not take thefe with that gentlenefs and prudence that became him in a ftrange country; the natives unanimoufly took up arms, and with great bold- nefs fell upon the Spaniards, who defended themfelves with much courage, and killed many of their antagonifts with their crofs-bows ; and upon infpecting their bodies, found that feveral of them were women; as indeed it was no uncommon thing for the Indian women, in that country, to fight by the fides of their hufbands; but our Spaniard, having a romantic head, improved this flight incident into a formal hjftory of a great nation of Amazons, fettled upon this river : by which fable he overturned his great defign of bellowing his own name upon it, and thereby perpetuating the memory of his paflfage; for from this ftory of his it received the name which it ftill bears, and will always bear, of the river of Amazons.
He took care, in the remaining part of his paflage, to behave with more prudence and mildnefs to the people he met with, among whom were many gentle, and even polite nations, as well as others fierce and wax-like. In fine, he pafled quite down the river to the fea ; and having coafted about a cape, now called the North Cape, which by the way is the name the French have bellowed on the country of Guiana, two hundred leagues from the ifland of Trinidada, he failed directly thithei-, and there bought a lhip to carry him to Spain ; where he made fuch a report of the countries he had feen, to the Emperor Charles V. that he obtained as ample a commillion as he could defire; and, in the year 1549, failed with three {hips for the river of Amazons; but this fecond expedition was the very reverfe of the firft, as being unfortunate from the beginning; for a contagious diftemper, fpreading among his men, obliged him to quit two of his three {hips, and afterwards his company was fo reduced as to fail in a fmall bark, with which he propofed to profecute his difcovery; but being flxipwrecked on the coaft of the Caraccas, he there loft the reft of his men, and loon after died ■ himfelf on the ifland of St. Margaret, of downright defpair.
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the difcovery of the river of Amazons, and it feemed quite extinguifhed by the civil wars of Peru, till the Marquis de Caguete, being viceroy of that kingdom, a gentleman of Navarre, named Peter de Orfua, who had always entertained thoughts worthy of his great courage, turned his defigns on this great rivet, and believed he fhould be more fortunate than Orellana. He prefented himfelf to the viceroy, and propofed his defigns to him, who, being well acquainted with his merit, commended his refo- lution; and was perfuaded that if fo difficult a matter ffiould fucceed, it mult be by the conduct of fo wife and brave a commander. Moll of the gentry came to offer their fervice to Orfua, who was fo much in every one’s efteem, that there was no fol- dier fo old but would leave his retirement with pleafure, to ferve under fo excellent a general; he made choice of fuch amongft them as were fit for his purpofe; and to carry on the famous conqueft he defigned, he made all neceffary provifions, to which all the lords and inhabitants of the towns contributed with a great deal of liberality, being well perfuaded that Orfua had qualities that well deferved to be obliged.
He departed from Cufco in 1560, with the acclamations and good wiffies of all the inhabitants of that place: he was attended with above feven hundred good foldiers, and with a confiderable number of good horfes. Being well verfed in the map of Peru, and having been for fome time laying the fcheme of his journey, he marched dire&ly to the province of Mofilones firft, to meet the river Moyabamba, by which he was fure of entering into the river of Amazons. One would have hoped, an attempt fo wifely laid, and fo univerfally approved, ffiould have had a happy iffue, yet never was any project more unfuccefsful; for Orfua had taken with him one Don Fernand de Gufman, a young man lately come from Spain, and another more advanced in years, named Lopez d’Aguira of Bifcay, a little ill-favoured man, whom he had made his enfign. Thefe two wretches fell in love with their general’s lady, whofe name was Agnes, and who had accompanied her hufband in all his travels; and thinking they had a favourable occafion to fatisfy their luff and ambition together, they engagad Orfua’s troop to revolt, and alfaffinated him.
After the tragical fact, the traitors who committed it, who to the number of feven or eight were in a ftricl confederacy, elected Don Fernand de Gufman for their king, whofe mind was vain enough to receive that title which became him fo little ; but he did not enjoy it long ; for thofe very perfons that had given him the quality of king, gave him his death wound too ; and D’Aguira fucceeded him; who made himfelf king, notwithftanding the remonftrances of others. He gave all thofe he had gained to his party to underftand, that he intended to make himfelf mafter of Guiana, of Peru, and of the new kingdom of Grenada; and promifed them all the riches of thofe great kingdoms. His reign was fo bloody and barbarous, that the like tyranny was fcarce ever heard of in the world. Therefore the Spaniards, to this day, called him the tyrant. However, he commanded Orfua’s veffels, and went down the river Coca into Amazon, hoping to obtain one of thofe kingdoms, and to make a confiderable pro- grefs into it: but having entered the Amazon, he was not able to mafter the current of it, and fo was conftrained to fuffer himfelf to be carried down to the mouth of the river above a thoufand leagues from the place where he embarked, and was driven into the great channel which goes to the North Cape, being the fame way Orellana had taken before him. Going out of the Amazon he came to the ifiand of St. Margaret, which is, to this day, called the Tyrant’s Port. There he killed Don Irean de Villa Andrada, governor of the ifiand, and Don John Sermiento his father.
After their death, with the affiftance of one John Burg, he made himfelf mafter of the ifiand, plundered it entirely, and there committed unheard-of barbarities; he killed
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all that oppofed him, and paffed from thence to Cumana, where he exercifed the fame cruelties. He, after that, defolated all thofe coafts that bear the name of Caraccas, and all the provinces along the rivers Venezuella and Bacho. He then came to St. Martha, where he put all to the fword, and entered the new kingdom of Grenada, defigning to march from thence through Quito into Peru. In this kingdom he was forced to a battle, in which he was utterly defeated and put to flight, and all ways being {lopped, when he found he mufl perifli, he thereupon begun his tragedy with a fort of barbarity, without example. He had a daughter by his wife Mendoza, that had followed him in all his expeditions, and whom he loved entirely: daughter (faid he to her) I mufl kill thee; I defigned to have placed thee on a throne, but fince fortune oppofes it I am not willing thou fhouldfl; live to fuffer the fliame of becoming a Have to my enemies, and of being called the daughter of a tyrant and a traitor:— “ Die my child, die by the hand of thy father, if thou haft not courage enough to die by thy own—She, furprized at this difcourfe, defired him, at leaft, to give her fome time to prepare for death, and to beg of God the pardon of her fins. This he granted, but, thinking her too tedious in her devotion, as fhe was praying upon her knees he {hot her through the body with a carbine; but having not killed her outright, he ftuck his dagger into her heart, and (he falling down at the ftroke, cried, “ Ah Father, it is enough.” Soon after her death he was taken prifoner, and carried to the ifland La Trindada, where he had a confiderable eftate. His procefs was made, and he condemned to be quartered. He was publicly executed 5 his houfes razed to the ground, and the places where they flood fowed with fait.
I chofe to mention the attempts of the Spaniards to penetrate into this country on the fouth-fide, firft ; that I might end with thofe attempts made by the fame nation upon the north, by the great river Oronoco, or, as moil of our Englifh writers write it, after the French manner, Oronoque, by which alfo Sir Walter Raleigh made his attempt. The firft perfon we read of who engaged in this defign of finding and making himfelf mafter of the inca’s new city of Manoa, was Diego de Ordaca, who failed from Spain with a great force for this purpofe, in the year 1531 ; which, by the way, fhews how early this notion was taken up, and that it was not, as is commonly believed, invented by the Indians, to rid themfelves of Gonzalo Pizarro. This Diego de Ordaca, with fix hundred foot and thirty horfe, reached the Oronoco, where, by a feries of unlucky accidents, too long for us to relate, his expedition was totally ruined : yet one of thefe accidents proved the means (as the Spaniards pretend and believe) of making a full difcovery of this famous city; and the ftory is thus told:— When Ordaca came firft upon this coaft, and anchored in the harbour of Morequito, his magazine of powder, by fome mifchance, blew up; and this being imputed to the careleffnefs of Juan Martinez, his mafter gunner, he was condemned to be fhot for it; but the feamen prevailed to have this punifhment changed into his being put alone into a little canoe, with his arms only, and without any provifions, and fo committed to the mercy of the wind and waves.
In this wretched condition he was found by fome of the Indians, or favages, who, having never feen a white man before, paffed him about from one place to another, till he came to the royal city of Manoa, where the King no fooner faw.him than he knew him to be a Chriftian and a Spaniard, for this happened but a very little after the Marquis Pizarro had deftroyed the empire of the inca’s in Peru. This prince, however, received him civilly enough, though he was far from forgetting the cruelties exercifed by the Spaniards on his countrymen. He kept him feven months at Manoa; but in all that time he was never fuffered to go without the city, or even to pafs through the
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ftreets of it without' a guard, and a cloth bound over his eyes. At the end of this fpace, when it was perceived that Martinez had acquired, in fome meafure, the language of the country, the King fent for him, and propofed two things to his choice, viz. either to remain with him as long as he lived, or to return into his own country, and he chofe the latter; upon which the King fent him under a guard the fhorteft way to the river Oronoco; but, at the time he difmiffed him, he was pleafed to beftow on him, as a mark of his favour, a confiderable quantity of gold, which, however, was taken from him by the favages on the frontiers, and by the Oronocoponi, a nation fo called from their living upon the banks of that great river. They left him, however, two large bottles, in which they thought he kept his drink, but which were really filled with gold duft, and thefe he brought along with him to the ifland of Trinidada, from whence he went afterwards to St. Juan de Puerto Rico, where he lived for fome time, and from whence he intended to have procured a palfage to Spain ; but being feized there with a mortal difeafe; after he had received the extreme unction, and faw no hopes oflife, he caufed his two bottles of gold to be brought, and the account he had written of his voyage: the gold he gave to the church for maifes to be faid for his foul, and the relation of his voyage was entered at large, in the regifters of the chancery of St. Juan de Puerto Rico.
To this Martinez the Spanifh writers unanimoully afcribe the difcovery of this famous city, which he ftiled Manoa el Dorada, or the Golden Manoa, on account of the prodigious quantities of that metal which he had feen there, in their palaces, temples, and other public edifices, but more efpecially in their drunken feaits, of which he gave the following very fingular account:—that thofe who drank with the King were quite naked, and having their bodies rubbed over with a kind of thin gummy balfam, they were then powdered with gold-duft, fo as to be gilt from head to foot:— this relation, whether true or falfe, proved of very fatal conlequence to the Spaniards, for it gave occafion to (fome fay twenty, others fixty) feveral expeditions in fearch of this golden city, all of them with very indifferent fuccefs. Juan Cortez attempted it with thirty men, but neither he nor they were ever heard of more. Gafpar de Sylva, and his two brothers, failed with two hundred men, from the Canaries, to reinforce Diego de Ordaca ; and, after taking a great deal of pains, to no purpofe, returned to the ifland of Trinidada, where they died.
Another adventurer, in the fame way, was Don Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, who landed at Cumana, and afterwards marched by land on the banks of the Oronoco till he came to an Indian nation called Wikiri, who oppofed his further paffage, and attacked his men with fuch fury, that only eighteen of his Spaniards efcaped from the battle; yet this enterprife was of particular fervice to Sir Walter; for it fell out that when Captain Amias Prefton took the city of St. Jago de Leon by florm, he made one of thefe adventurers prifoner, who gave him a large account of the vafl riches the Spaniards hoped to find in this country, which coming to the ears of Sir Walter Raleigh, induced him to make diligent and ft riel fearch into, the original of this ftory, whence he came to colleft a multitude of hiftories, relating to this matter of which we have given the reader only a few, that he might fee upon what grounds this expedition was undertaken, or rather what reafon Sir Walter Raleigh thought fit to affign for his voyage, in order to draw fuch an approbation of it as was ne- ceffary, from thofe whom nothing but a {how of vafl and immediate profit could tempt; for, I.mufl confefs, it feems very doubtful to me, whether Sir Walter Raleigh gave entire credit to thefe accounts, or not; but whatever his own opinion was, he had certainly a right to ufe them as popular arguments for promoting his defign,
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fmce no politician ever doubted that it is lawful to cheat men as well as children for their own good. But he took care to provide reafons of another nature, for men of other minds: he ffiewed them that of all the countries in America, the molt profitable, the beft fituated, the eafieft planted, the moft defenfible, was Guiana. Thefe notes of excellency I have collected from his writings upon this fubject, which are very artfully immethodical, and, under an apparent careleffnefs of ftile and order, are fo wrote, as to affect the mind of the reader with an opinion, that he has made difcoveries in Sir Walter’s treatife, by penetrating into thofe fecrets which he meant to conceal; while, alas! the true fecret is, that he meant thus to catch us, and make every man’s underftanding revolt in his favour.
It was neceffary, in his time, and more efpecially to him; and therefore his de- fign is as commendable as his execution is inimitable. But that he might proceed cautioufly in an affair of fuch importance, he fent before him one Captain Wind- don to take a view of the coaft, that he might be perfectly informed of the ftate things were then in, and thereby become more able to take the proper meafures for overcoming thofe difficulties, which a man of lefs fagacity would have efteemed infuperable. This gentleman did his bufinefs effectually, though he met with fome obftruclion from the force, and fuffered much greater inconveniences from the frauds of the Spaniards, who were at that time bent upon the fame defign, and labouring with the utmoft diligence to difcover and fecure this valuable country.
Among other adventurers there was one Gonzales Ximenes de Cafada, a man of greater courage than good fortune ; who, after having had a large Ihare in the conqueft of New Grenada, attempted to penetrate into Guiana ; but after a great expence, and incredible fatigue, to no purpofe, was obliged to return, difappointed indeed, but not in defpair. This gentleman had an only daughter, whom he married to Don Antonio de Berreo ; to whom, with a large fortune, he bequeathed this expedition, taking from him an oath, that he would profecute the difcovery and conqueft of Guiana to the laft hour of his life. He, to fulfil this obligation, undertook this enterprize, with feven hundred horfe, attended by a vaft number of Indian flaves ; but after marching five hundred leagues in purfuit of this project, he was obliged to return, but brought with him from the frontiers of Guiana forty plates of gold, and many other valuable curiofities, fufficient to fortify him in his refolution not to abandon the defign. It was this Berreo that Captain Whiddon had to deal with, and of whom he made a very bad report on his return.
When Sir Walter’s project was ripe for execution, he was affifted by the Lord Admiral Howard and Sir Robert Cecil, fo that in the beginning of the year 1595 he was ready to proceed ; and it appears, from his relation, that he had in the whole five fhips. He does not tell us the name of his own, which he commanded in perfon; though as to the reft, he diftinguiffies them plain enough; fo that we perceive the Lion’s Whelp, which was the Lord Admiral’s, was commanded by- Captain George Gifford; Captain Keymis had the command of a galego, befides a bark, which was committed to Captain Crofs, and another to Captain Calfield. The whole number of men in this fleet is not mentioned ; but the felecl company of officers, gentlemen, and foldiers, he ufed in his difcoveries, exceeded not one hundred.
Thus prepared he departed from Plymouth on the 6th of February following, and failed to the Grand Canaries, and fo to Teneriff, where he waited awhile for the Lion’s Whelp, and for Captain Amias Prefton. But this captain difappointed him,
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and went upon another adventure, which proved fome difadvantage in the profecution of his difcoveries. After waiting feven or eight days, to no purpofe, he failed with his own fhip and a bark, commanded by Captain Crofs, to the ifland of Tri- nidada, where he arrived the 2 2d of March, and fpent a confiderable fpace of time in viewing that ifland, examining all its ports and havens, and even every little creek, with infinite care and exactnefs. The reafons which moved him to this ftay were two; the firft, that he might revenge himfelf upon Berreo for the injuries he had done Captain Whiddon’s people, eight of whom he betrayed into his hands, and then ufed them barbaroufly ; the other was, that he might obtain fome account of the continent, and of the molt proper method for entering into Guiana, in both of which he fucceeded, in fpite of all the care the Spanilh governor could take to hinder it. At laft, perceiving that the Spaniards were contriving meafures for his de- ftru&ion* and knowing there could be nothing more fatal than to leave an enemy at his back, he refolved to make himfelf mailer of this place, which he knew would gain him the friendfhip, as well as fecure him the obedience, of the Indians, who by the Spaniards were moll cruelly opprefled. Accordingly he fent Captain Calfield to attack the main-guard with fixty men, and following himfelf with forty- more, reduced the town of St. Jofeph without much trouble.
The inhabitants he fet at liberty, keeping only the governor and his Spaniards prifoners ; and afterwards, at the requell of the Indians, burnt the place ; but though he gratified them in this refpect, yet, in all others, he a&ed towards his prifoners, and more efpecially towards the governor, with fo much civility and kindnefs, that he drew from him a faithful account of all his adventures in purfuit of the defign before mentioned. The fame day that Raleigh made his conquell arrived Captain Gifford and Captain Keymis, and in their Ihips divers gentlemen, and others, which to his little army was a great fuccour and folace. Then proceeding upon his dif- covery, Raleigh firll called all the chiefs of the ifland together, who were enemies to the Spaniards ; for fome of them Berreo had brought out of other countries, and planted there to eat out and walle the natives; then by the Indian interpreter, whom he carried out of England, he made them underlland, “ He was the fervant of a Queen, who was the greatell cazique in the north, and a virgin, who had more ca- ziques under her command than there were trees in that ifland; that fhe was an enemy to the Callelans, in regard of their tyranny and oppreflion; and, having freed all the coalls of the northern world from their fervitude, had fent him to free them alfo; and withal, to defend the country of Guiana from their invafion and conquell.” Then he lhewed them Her Majelly’s picture, which they fo admired and honoured, that it had been eafy to have made them idolatrous thereof.
The like and larger fpeeches he made in a folemn manner to the reft of the nations both in his paflage to Guiana and to thofe of the borders, fo as in that part of the world the Queen of England’s fame was diffufed with great admiration. This done, Raleigh returned to Curiapan; and though he had learnt of Berreo that Guiana was fome hundred miles further than the accounts he had received of Captain Whiddon had reprefented it, he kept the knowledge thereof from his company, who he much feared would have been difcouraged thereby from profecuting the dif- covery. When Raleigh had further gathered from Berreo the proceedings of the pall adventurers and his own, he told him he was come upon the fame defign, and was refolved to fee Guiana. Berreo ufed many arguments to difluade him ; as that he mull venture in very light and fmall boats, to pafs fo many dangerous Ihal- lows and could not carry viftuals enough above half the way; that none of the
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country would fpeak with him, and if he followed them would burn their towns; befides, the way was long, the winter at hand, and the rivers beginning to fwell; but, above all, that the kings and lords who bordered upon Guiana, had decreed that none of them fhould trade with any Chriftians for gold, becaufe the fame would be their own overthrow. Raleigh, refolving however to make trial, direfted his vice- admiral Captain Gifford and Captain Calfield to turn eaflward againft the mouth of the river Capuri, and gave them inftrudtions to enter at the edge of the fhoal, and upon the beft of the flood to thrufl over, but they laboured in vain, nor did the flood continue fo long, but the water fell before they could pafs the fands, though they ufed all the Ikill and diligence they could.
Then Raleigh fent one King, mafter of the Lion’s Whelp, to try another branch, called Amana, if either of the fmall fhips would enter ; but when he came to the mouth, he found it like the reft ; after him went John Dowglas, who difcovered four fair entrances, but all fhoal and fhallow in the bays leading to them. In the mean time Raleigh, fearing the worft, caufed his carpenter to cut down an old galego boat, to fit her with banks for oars, and fo as fhe might draw but five feet. In this went Raleigh with gentlemen and officers, to the number of threefcore; in the Lion’s Whelp boat and wherry they carried twenty; Captain Calfield, in his wherry, carried ten ; and a barge of Raleigh’s ten more'; this was all the means they had, having left their fhips at Curiapan, to carry a hundred men with weapons and provifions for a month, expofed to all the extremes of the weather, all the hazards of the water, to lie open to the air, and upon hard boards by night in ilorrns of rain, or under the burning fun by day, to fmell the wet clothes of fo many crowded together, the dreffing of their food, and that moftly ftale fifh, in the fame place, to be in fuch a labyrinth of rivers, in fuch a remote unknown region; what prifon could be more loathfome and unhealthy, what profpect more fearful and defolate ? At firft fetting out they had twenty miles of a high fea to crofs in thefe crazy boats, fo that they were driven before the wind into the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, inhabited by inhuman cannibals, who fhot poifoned arrows, and from thence to enter one of the rivers of which Dowglas had brought tidings. After four days they got above the force of the tide, and might have wandered a year about, and never been able to extricate themfelves; in fuch a general confluence or rendezvous of ftreams were they now bewildered, and fo refembling one another, as not to be diftinguilhed, but imperceptibly circulating and driving them about into the fame place where they had been before, palling between many illands and ftraits, whofe borders were fo thickly arched and overlhadowed with trees, as bounded their fight to the breadth of the river and the length of the avenue, while the gloominefs of the profpeft added horror to the loathfomenefs of the places in which they were confined.
At length, on the 22d of May 1595, they fell into a river, which, becaufe it had no name, they called the Red Crofs River, thefe being the firft Chriftians who ever entered the fame : when they drew into a creek, which led to a town upon this river, their Indian pilot, named Ferdinando, landing, was fet upon by his countrymen, who hunted him with dogs ; whereupon Raleigh feized an old man palling that way, and threatened to cut off his head, if he did not procure his pilot’s liberty; but he, by his agility, foon efcaped them, and fwam to Raleigh’s barge; however, they kept the old man, and ufed him kindly, affuring themfelves of ufeful information from a native, fo long converfant in thofe parts. And indeed, but for this accident, they had never found their way forward to the country they fought, 10 nor

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nor back to that where their Ihips lay; the old man himfelf being often in the utmoft perplexity which river to take, fo numerous and intricate they were. The people who inhabit the countries at the mouth of this great river, are comprehended under the general name of Tivitivas, a bold and hardy race of people, who know the value of liberty, and have courage enough to defend it: they live in houfes during the fummer, or dry jfeafon, but in the wet or winter months they live in little huts, which are built upon trees, a thing common enough on this coaft, and even in the Eaft Indies, where the countries are exceffively wet.
After this, Raleigh’s barge ran a-ground, and that with fuch force, that it did not feem very probable they Ihould be able to get her off; fo that the difcovery feemed at a Hand ; but on the fourth day after this accident happened they fet her on float, and, ftriking into the Amana, one of the nobleft branches of the Oronoco, they continued their voyage, but with incredible fatigue. As they were now within five degrees of the Line, Sir Walter was forced to keep up their fpirits by directing his pilots to give them hopes from time to time that their labours would foon have an end. At length the old Indian pilot they had on board, perceiving that their provifions were quite exhaufted, and that they were in danger of perifhing without an immediate fupply, told them that if they would venture up a river on their' right hand, he would bring them to a town where they might be fure of re- frefhments, and be able to return before night. Sir Walter took him at his word, and went immediately into his boat with eight mufketeers, followed by the Captains Gifford and Calfield in their wherries, with eight men a-piece. But it appeared that the Indian pilot had learned Sir Walter’s art, for they not only rowed all day, but all night', without feeing any town, and a lefs prudent captain than he would have been tempted to have punifhed the pilot for giving them falfe hopes. Yet about one the next morning they reached this long expected town, and obtained thofe fupplies of which they flood fo much in need. In the mean time the company in the galley manned out a boat in fearch of them, but next day they returned and continued their courfe. After they had made this hungry and hazardous voyage for fourfcore miles in that river, which, befides other ftrange fiflies of marvellous bignefs, abounded with crocodiles, whence the people named it the river of Lagartis, Raleigh had a very proper young negro attending upon him in his galley, who, leaping out to fwim in the mouth of this river, was in the fight of them all inflantly devoured by one of thefe amphibious animals.
Not long after, being again in want of victuals, they took two canoes laden with excellent bread, being run afhore by the Indians in them, called Arwaycas, who fled to hide themfelves in the woods, fearing, through the prepoflfeflions of the Spaniards, that Raleigh and his company were cannibals. Raleigh, purfuing them in hopes of fome intelligence, found, as he was creeping through the bufhes, a refiner’s bafket; in which were quickfilver, falt-petre, and divers other materials for the trial of metals, and alfo the duff of fome ore that had been refined. But in two other canoes that efcaped them, they heard of a good quantity of ore and gold. Raleigh then landed more men, and offered five hundred pounds to any of his foldiers who fhould take one of the Spaniards. He found the Arwaycas hidden in the woods, who had been pilots to the Spaniards, of which Raleigh kept the chief for his pilot, and carried him to Guiana; by whom he underftood in what parts the Spaniards laboured for gold, which he divulged to two of his company, knowing both the leafon of the year and other conveniences would be wanting to work any mine himfelf. After recruiting his people with wholefome refreflunents, he continued his
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voyage: the men feemed now quite as well pleafed as their commander had been from the beginning,, and of their own accord offered to go as far as he would; fo that on the fifteenth day from their leaving their {hips he entered the great river Oronoco, and had an opportunity of fatisiying himfelf as to the number and names of the Indian nations that inhabited both fides of it.
After having paffed the mountain Aio, and a great ifland which he mentions, he reached on the fifth day of his entering the great river aforefaid, as high as the province of Aromaia, and anchoring at the port of Morequito, which is full three hundred miles within the land, upon the faid great river Oronoco, he fent a meffenger to the old king of Aramaia, named Topiowary, who came the next day before noon on foot from his houfe, and returned the fame evening, being twenty-eight miles backwards and forwards, though himfelf was one hundred and ten years of age. He had many attendants of both fexes, who came alfo to wonder at the Englifli, and brought them great plenty of flelh and fifh, with divers fort of fruits. When the old king had refrefhed himfelf awhile in the tent, which Raleigh had caufed to be pitched for him, they entered by the interpreter into difcourfe about the murder of Morequito his predeceffor, and the other barbarities of the Spaniards. Then Raleigh acquainted him with the caufe of his coming thither, whofe fervant he was, and that it was his Queen’s pleafure he lhould undertake this voyage for their defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of the Spaniards, dilating at large (as he had done before at Trinidada) on Her Majefty’s power, her juftice, and her clemency towards all oppreffed nations; all which being with great reverence and attention received, he began to found the old man touching Guiana, as what fort of commonwealth it was ; how governed ; of what ftrength and policy; of what extent; with whom in alliance or enmity; laftly, the diftance and way to enter the heart of the country. The King gave fuch an ample and perfect account of thefe particulars, that Raleigh wondered to find a man of fuch gravity, judgment, and good difcourfe, without the help of learning or breeding.
After his departure Raleigh failed weftward to view the famous river Caroli, both becaufe it was fo wonderful in itfelf, and led to the ftrongeft nations of all the frontiers, who were enemies to the Epuremei, fubjects to the Inca or Emperor of Guiana, and Manoa: even when he was ihort of it, or lower down than the port of Morequito, he heard the roaring falls of this river; but when he entered it with his barge and wherries, thinking to have gone up fome forty miles to the Cafiagotos, he was not able, with a barge of eight oars, to row one ftone’s-throw in an hour, and yet the river is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich. Therefore encamping on the banks, he fent off an Indian to acquaint the nation upon the river of his arrival and his purpofe, and that he defired to fee the lords of Canuri, who dwelt in that province. Then one of the princes came down, named Wanu- retona, with many of his people, and brought great ftore of provifions, as the reft had done. By him Raleigh found the Carolians were not only enemies to the Spaniards, but mod of all to the Epuremei, who abounded in gold ; and that there were three mighty nations at the head of that river which would join them againft them; he was further informed by one Captain George whom he had taken with Berreo, that near the banks of this river there was a great filver mine, but the rivers were now all fo rifen, that it was not poffible for the ftrength of men, with any boat, to row againft the ftream. Therefore he difpatched a party of between thirty and forty to coaft the river by land, while himfelf, with a few officers and half a dozen {hot, marched over land to view the ftrange and wonderful over-
VOL. XII. e f. falls'

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falls of the faid river Caroli, which roared at fuch a diftance, and the plains adjoining, with the reft of the province of Canuri.
When they had got to the top of the firft hills, overlooking the river, they beheld that prodigious breach of water which poured down Caroli, and how it ran in three ftreams for twenty miles together ; no lefs than ten or a dozen of the fteep catarafts appeared in fight, each as high above the other as a church tower, which rufhed down with fuch violence, that the very rebound of the waters made the place feem as if it had been all over covered with a great lhower of rain; and in fome places they took it at firft for a thick fmoak which had rifen out of fome great town, till they drew nearer down in the valley to this thunder of waters, where they better dif- cerned and diftinguilhed the effects of it. And here Raleigh fays he never faw a more beautiful country, nor more lively profpects; the hills fo raifed up and down about the valleys; the waters winding into fuch various branches; the plains fo clear of brufh and fhrub, and covered all with fair green grafs; the ground of hard fand, and eafy for the march either for horfe or foot; the deer crofting in every path ; the birds towards the evening finging on every tree a thoufand feveral tunes, with cranes and herons, of white, erimfon and carnation, perched along the river-banks j the air refrefhed with gentle eafterly breezes, and every ftone they ftooped to take up, promifing either gold or filver by its complexion. His company, at their return, brought feveral of thofe ftones home, which they rather found coloured outwardly like gold, than any of that metal fixed in them; for thofe who had leaft judgment or experience, kept only fuch as glittered, and would not be perfuaded but they were rich, becaufe they fhone; and thereby bred an opinion that all the reft were no better. Yet fome of thofe ftones Raleigh Ihewed afterwards to a Spaniard of the Caraccas, who told him it was El Madre del Oro, that is, the Mother of Gold, and that the mine was farther in the ground: he received alfo many other informations from thefe people, fome of which, however, feemed to border upon thofe fabulous accounts delivered by antiquity, but always fufpecled by men of fenfe; which Raleigh reports, but with due caution.
While he lay at anchor near the banks of the Caroli, he fpared no pains that were requifite to gain a thorough knowledge of the names and manners of the feveral Indian nations that lay farther within the country, which was all, in that refpeft, left in his power ; there being many reafons which rendered his farther ftay improper, and his return to his fleet a point of abfolute neceflity ; for he had been now abfent above a month, had wandered in that fpace above four hundred miles from the fea coafts; and befides the winter was coming on very fall, and the greater river began to rife. Be- fides all this they had no inftruments with them to open mines; and if they advanced farther, were to ad; againft a numerous, civilized, and warlike people ; fo that, having done more with a handful of people, and that too in fewer days than the Spaniards had been years in fearching for this country, he very wifely refolved to fubmit to nsceflity, and feek the fhorteft way back to his fhips. Yet as he returned to the eaft, he fpent fome time in difcovering the river towards the fea, which he had not furveyed, and which he thought alfo neceflary to do; in a day’s time he arrived again at the port of Morequito ; for, gliding down the ftream, he went without labour, though againft the wind, little lefs than one hundred miles a day; when he came to anchor, he was very defirous of farther conference with old Topiowary, who foon came with a multitude of his people flocking down to Raleigh’s tent upon the fhore, loaded with prefents.
When the old King was refrelhed, and the croud retired, Raleigh, by his interpreter,
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entered into a long conference with him, telling him, that as both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were his enemies, the one having conquered Guiana already, and the other endeavoured to get it from both, he defired to be inftru£ted, both in the bell way to the golden parts of Guiana, and the civilized towns of the Inca. The King anfwered, he could not perceive Raleigh meant to proceed to the great city of Manoa, becaufe neither the feafon of the year, nor the ftrength of his company, would enable him; for he remembered that in the plains of Maqureguarai, the frit town of Guiana, where all the gold plates were made which were fcattered over the neighbouring nations, and above four days journey from his own, three hundred Spaniards were deftroyed who had no friends among the borderers; he therefore advifed Raleigh never to invade the ftrong parts of Guiana without the help of all thofe nations which were their enemies. Raleigh aiked, if he thought the company he had with him were fufficient to take that town ? The King thought they were, and offered to affift him with all his borderers, if he would leave him a guard of fifty men upon his departure.
But Raleigh, knowing if they fhould efcape the Guianians, the Spaniards, expecting fupplies, would repay upon him his treatment at Trinidada, very plaufibly excufed himfelf. Hereupon the King defired he would forbear him and his country at this time; for if the Epuremei fhould know he had given Raleigh any aid or intelligence, he fhould foon be overrun by them, nor could he avoid the Spaniards if they fhould return, who had before led him, feventeen days, in a chain like a dog, till he paid a hundred plates of gold and feveral chains of fpleen-ftones, for his ranfom; but if Raleigh would return in due feafon next year, he would engage all the borderers in the enterprize •, for that he could not more defire to make himfelf mailer of Guiana, than they to aflifl him, having been plundered in their wars by the Epuremei, of their women, whom to recover, they would willingly renew the war, without hopes of farther profit; for the old King complained of it as a matter of grievous reflraint, that now they were confined to three or four wives apiece, who were wont to enjoy ten or a dozen, while the lords of their enemies had no lefs than fifty or a hundred; but they feem to have had a political reafon for this recovery, to flrengthen their alliance, and increafe their forces ; thofe frontiers having been much depopulated, between the fub- jects of the Inca and the Spaniards.
Raleigh, after farther confultation, finding it abfolutely improper either to' leave any of his company, or to attempt war upon the Epuremei till the next year, applied himfelf now, only to learn how thofe people wrought thofe plates of gold, which were difperfed about, and how they divided it from the Hone. The King told him, that moll of their plates and images were not fevered from the Hone; but that, on the lake of Manoa, and many other rivers thereabouts, they gathered the perfect grains of gold, and, mingling a proportion of copper, the better to work it, put it in a great earthen pot, under which they increafed the fire by the breath of men through long canes faltened to the holes under the faid pot, till the metal dilfolved, which then they call into moulds of Hone and clay, and fo made thefe plates and images; whereof Raleigh brought two forts into England, more to Ihew the manner of them, than the value y for he gave more pieces of gold of the twenty {hilling coin, with the Queen’s effigy upon them, among thefe people, to wear in honour of Her Majelly, and to engage them in her fervice, than he received, fo little did he make his defign of gold known to them. He brought away with him, however, various famples both of the fpar and of the ore, which were fufficient to jullify his reports of the riches of this country; and he likewife brought^ with him the higheft tellimony that could well
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be given him of the fincere love and entire confidence of the natives, fince old Topio- wari, one of the wife!!, and none of the leaft powerful, princes in that country, lent over his own fon Cayworaco into England, where he was baptized with much ceremony by the name of Gualtero. On the other hand, Sir Walter left behind him, at their own requeft, two of his company, viz. Francis Sperry who was an excellent draftfman, and undertook to defcribe, as he did, all the country very exactly ; and Hugh Goodwin, a boy who waited upon Sir Walter, and who was to learn the languages of the Indian nations, which he did to great perfection, but was unfortunately devoured by a wild beaft.
After this, a cacique whofe name was Putoma, and another whofe name was Warapana, offered to conduct him to a gold mine, which they accordingly performed ; but the weather being extremely bad, Sir Walter was defirous to make as much hafte back as it was poffible to his Ihips, which he accordingly did; but when he found himfelf on the fea coaft, and in a manner at the end of his labours, he met with a molt dreadful and dangerous ftorm, which drove them almoft to their wits-end ; and at length, in a dark night, and in the midft of the tempeft, he quitted his galley, which he found among!! fhoals and fands, and in his boat thru!! out to fea, with fo much good fortune, however, that the next morning, by nine o’clock, they had fight of the illand of Trinidada, and rowing cautioufly under the fhore, arrived fafely at Curiapan, where their veffels lay at anchor. In all this tedious and furprifing expedition, wherein they went through fuch a variety of dangers, being always alike ex- pofed to the feverities of the weather, and to the attempts of their enemies, abfolutely wanting moft of the conveniencies, and frequently even the neceffaries of life, except the negro devoured by the crocodile, he loft not fo much as a fingle man, which amazed the Spanilh governor Berreo to the higheft degree, who openly profeffed his admiration of Sir Walter’s conduct and courage, which fo vifibly furpaffed thofe of all the Spanilh captains employed in this fervice, from Orellana down to himfelf.
After a fhort ftay, to put his little fquadron in order, he failed from Trinidada on his return to England, and in his paffage home, landed and burnt feveral of the Spanifh towns upon the coaft; and on the 13th of July he met with Captain Prefton, under Cape St. Antonio, in the ifland of Cuba ; and on the 20th of the fame month purfued his voyage to England, where he fafely arrived, his expedition being exceedingly applauded, in profe and verfe, by all the reputed wits of thofe times.
But it was not long before thofe who envied Raleigh began to circulate new calumnies, framed on purpofe to depreciate his difcovery. It is of fome confequence, even at this day, to examine and expofe thefe lying ftories, becaufe they have moft unaccountably found fo great credit with the generality of mankind, that though they commend Sir Walter’s defign, as fuppofing it again!! the Spaniards, yet they queftion his veracity with regard to the produce, value, and expediency of fettling Guiana, which is the reafon (at leaft it ought fo to be) why it was not afterwards attempted, when the importance of plantations were better underftood. The fir!! fuggeftion was, that this was a favourite fcheme, perhaps a pleafing vifion of Sir Walter Raleigh’s; and there was no reafon to yield implicit credit to any man’s dreams, how wife and learned foever. It is really ftrange, how far fuch foolifh infinuations as thefe prevail, and how bafely mankind repay the greateft fervices that can be done them. When Colon opened his fcheme in Portugal, it was reputed a mere fancy and a contrivance to gain employment; when Fauftus invented printing, he was treated by fome as a conjurer, and by others the art was condemned as prejudicial to the book- fcriveners; and at the time Harvey taught the circulation of the blood, he was almoft
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generally run down ; and that, according to the phyficians of thofe times was treated as a ridiculous fiftion, which is now regarded as the very foundation of the art of phyfic. The truth feems to be, that what is pervaded and clearly comprehended by a firft-rate genius, is a mere cloud, vifion, or airy appearance, in the judgment of common men, who, either really forgetting, or affecting not to diftinguilh, this difference in capacities, would have their judgments take place, and the ignorance of the many rather reputed wifdom than the fentiments of a fingle man ; and thus, between folly and arrogance, the advantages which might be drawn from fuch high and rare fpirits, if due diftinc- tion were made, are abfolutely loft, and the difcoveries in the world of fcience (always achieved by fuch men) poftponed for ages. Sir Walter Raleigh was aware of this, which induced him to take fo much pains in tracing the knowledge of the Spaniards, and in making what they knew, and had endeavoured on this fubject, public, by which he thought he plainly proved this was no invention of his, but only an improvement on the notions of other men. He obferved likewife, that the French, at the very time he attempted it, had a view to this difeovery ; and, it is very certain, that fince his time, Count Pagan recommended fuch a fettlement to Cardinal Richelieu, fo that the calling this a whim of Sir Walter’s, as many did then, who are believed •, now is to talk childifhly and ignorantly on a very important fubject.
The next infinuation was, that there was no fuch thing as gold duft, gold plates, or gold mines there, but that all was mere invention, calculated to recommend the project. To this Sir Walter oppofed three reafons, each of which was a fair and full anfwer, and indeed wholly deftroyed the objection. For firft, he fhewed from the fituation, it was impoflible this country ftiould not be rich, as having New Grenada on one fide, Peru at its back, and in that climate which affords the richeft mines of gold and filver in America; to which, we may add, the difeovery of the Brazil trea- fures unknown in his age. He next pleaded the authority of the Spaniards; and that with refpect, not to opinions only, but as to facts; for he annexes to his voyage certificates of confiderable quantities of gold, which they had drawn from that country, and which made them fo eager to difeover it fully. This too has been confirmed by Father D’Acughna, and other writers, fince his days, who very pofitively maintain the Very fame thing. He laftly urges his own actual experience, producing very ample fpecimens of gold ore from thence. Upon fome doubt whether the ftones by him produced were gold ore or not, he caufed them to be examined by refiners. From fome, Mr. Weftwood, who lived in Wood-ftreet, drew at the rate of twelve or thirteen thoufand pounds a ton; fome, tried by Meffrs. Bulmar and Dimock, held after the rate of twenty-three thoufand pounds a ton, and fome, examined by Mr. Palmer, comptroller of the mint, and Mr. Dimock, held almoft twenty-feven thoufand pounds in a ton. Yet after all this, another queftion was ftarted, whether Raleigh did not carry this gold from Africa as well as bring it from Guiana; to which he anfwered, that from the very mines in that country, he helped to dig it himfelf, though with no fitter inftrument than his dagger.
Another head of calumny was, that he chiefly aimed at attacking and plundering the Spanilh towns upon the coafts; and that thefe were in reality Raleigh’s gold mines in Guiana. But this was fo far from the truth, that one principal reafon, which Sir Walter afligns for fixing here, was, that the Catholic King had neither any right to, or poffeflion of, this country. It is alfo mod evident from Sir Walter’s own accounts, that, except at San Jofeph in Trinadada, he took nothing in the places which he plundered in that country, and from this very inftance he recommends planting rather than privateering. On the whole, therefore, this affair has been mif-
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taken from fir ft to laft : Sir Walter’s propofal was wife and well-founded; his defcrip- tfon of this country true and very exact, his expectations, though fanguine, perfectly well grounded; and his own voyage a very pregnant proof that fuch an eftablifhment is highly practicable. If any Ihould enquire what views I have in labouring this topic fo much, I lhall fairly anfwer, many: I thought the nature of my fubjeSt led me to it; I conceived that Sir Walter’s memory demanded this piece of juftice ; and I remembered that we are at war with Spain, Guiana ftill unfettled ; and that we may, as the phrafe once was, “ take and hold.”
15. We are now to fpeak briefly of fuch other tranfa&ions under the reign of this great Princefs, as may contribute to explain fome paflages in this chapter, and fet what follows in a clear light. She encouraged privateers immediately after her coming to the crown, as the mod effectual means of raifing a fleet in a fhort time; but when Ihe found this end anfwered, Ihe brought that practice under due regulations. She was extremely careful in giving all poffible encouragement for difcoveries, and it was with this view that fhe promoted, as we lhall fee hereafter, feveral enterpizes for finding out a paffage to the Eaft Indies, by the north-eaft and by the north-weft. The Ruflia trade Ihe encouraged; and her conduCt in refpeCt to that nation was fuch as raifed her credit in thofe parts of the world, to the higheft degree that can be imagined. The King of Sweden was fo charmed with what fame reported of the Queen, that he put himfelf into the number of thofe who were fuitors to her for marriage. The King of Demark alked her leave to tranfport corn through the narrow feas, which, to {hew her dominion over them, Ihe once refufed; and the Hanfe Towns having prefumed to fend a fleet through them without her leave, Ihe feized and confifcated their fhips; as for the Dutch, they more than once offered to fubmit themfelves to her government, and in the moft public manner acknowledged that they owed the recovery of their liberty to her fuccour and protection ; but me was wife enough to forefee, that as they grew in power they might alter their notions, and Ihe took care to provide againft this, by procuring the keys of Holland and Zealand to be put into her hands, by which means Ihe was able to lock up their commerce, and naval force, at her pleafure.
She kept France in great awe, even when it was governed by Henry IV., the wifeft, braveft, and bell monarch of the houfe of Bourbon. She ruined the naval power of Spain, then the moft formidable in Europe, and under the direction of a Prince whofe abilities were equal to every thing but his ambition: fhe encouraged expeditions to the Weft Indies, as long as they proved beneficial to her fubjeCts; and when they appeared to be no longer fo, Ihe very prudently reftrained them. It was under her reign, that the Englilh firft attempted the paffage into the South Seas by the Streights of Magellan; which proved of great confequence, not only in that part of the world, but alfo in opening a way to the Eaft Indies, as we have already {hewn in the former parts of this work, to which thofe paflages properly belonged.
She brought, by affording the means of employing them, the building of fhips into ufe, and by degrees to great perfection, which was of infinite benefit to the nation, and at the lame time delivered us from the heavy inconvenience of hiring veffels from foreigners whenever the public occafions demanded a large fleet; but moft of thefe things (though incident to my purpofe) have been already infilled on by others, and therefore I am content barely to mention them, that I may have room to mention fome other things of no lefs importance, though not fo much attended to. We have {hewn how wretched a fituation things were in at the beginning of her reign, and how fuddenly and how effectually Ihe changed the face of our affairs; and we have in fome meafure pointed out the manner in which this was done; but there remain fome
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other points worthy the reader’s confideration, which I jfhail next handle with all imaginable brevity.
Queen Elizabeth taught all her fubjeds induftry and application by her perfonal condud ; fhe was conftantly attentive to every branch of her government; knew exactly what was done, what might be done, and what was omitted; fhe underftood moll things herfelf, and what fhe did not underftand, fhe committed to the in- fpedion of fuch as were reputed to be beft acquainted with them; fhe was flow in refolving, and quick in execution; fhe heard all that could be laid for, or againft, Sir Francis Drake, before fhe went on board his {hip, or gave him any public marks of her favour ; but afterwards fhe would never permit his condud to be cenfured.
She was fparing in her honours, becaufe fhe was refolved to ufe them as rewards ; and fhe knew that in order to this it was requifite they fhould not become cheap 5 fhe never employed any but capable minifters ; for fhe had men for fhew and men for fervice; and in nothing demonftrated her great capacity more than in her choice of fervants. Secretary Walfmgham, and after him Secretary Cecil, had the department of the marine, and- both underftood it well, fo that whoever applied to them, was to make out the reafon and probability, as well as the pro- fitablenefs of his projed. This produced the many excellent pieces which are pre- ferved in Hackluit, particularly Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s difcourfe of the north-weft paflage, Sir George Peachapi’s benefits of Weftern planting, with Mr. Harriot’s account of Virginia, and many fuch things. By this means a fpirit of ufeful knowledge was promoted and kept up ; all things were thoroughly fifted before encouragement was given, and due regard had to what fucceeded, to what did not, and to the reafon and caufes of both.
She took fome fhare of moft expeditions of confequence, as well to keep up the fpirits of thofe concerned, as in cafe any good prizes were made, that the public might have its part, in which we find her always ftrid, and fometimes a little fevere: but with all her frugality and good management in this refped, fhe found war an expenfive and ruinous thing, which demanded conftant and great fupplies, bringing in but flowly and inconfiderably. She was the better able to difcern this, becaufe fhe took care to have the treafury books as regularly kept as thofe of a merchant, whence fhe was very well able to tell how far her revenues anfwered her expences, in what articles her exceffes were incurred^ and even the lofs and gain on particular expeditions ; as for inftance, that of Cadiz, or Cales, reputed the moft fortunate in her long reign, which neverthelefs coft fixty-four thoufand pounds more than it brought in. The balance, in this refped: was always againft her, notwithftanding the vaft found her prizes made in the world ; for according to a minute of an account made up by the famous Lord treafurer Burleigh, from the thirtieth to the thirty-fourth year of her government, it appears, that the bare expence of the navy amounted to two hundred feventy-five thoufand, feven hundred and fixty-one pounds, and all received by prizes within thofe years, which were the moft profperous in that refped of the whole Spanilh war, came to no more than fixty-four thoufand and forty-four pounds.
Yet, confidering what mifchief was done the enemy, how much his commerce was embarrafied, his merchants ruined, his credit leffened, and his power decreafed, there was no great caufe to repine ; and in truth, we no where find the Queen did fo, but fhe always endeavoured to put her nobility upon fuch enterprizes, as well
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to keep them employed, as to throw a part of the expence upon fuch as fhe judged were much more able to afford it than the common people.
But there was another great and ufeful effect which flowed from this afliduous care in the Oueen, and this generous conduct in her nobility, and that was, the eftablifhing a juft regard for public fpirit. It was the mode in her days, to do every thing with a view to the welfare of the ftate, and it was impoflible for any man to make a figure at court, or to appear with diftinction in his country whole actions as well as words did not difcover fomewhat of the patriot. Some of the nobility ferved in Holland, to learn the trade of war, at the fame time that they contributed to break the power of Spain, and to raife the Englifh reputation for courage, fteadinefs, and other military virtues. The Earl of Effex, and other men of quality, ferved the Queen at fea in various expeditions of great importance. Others again, fuch as the Earl of Cumberland, embarked in particular enterprizes at their own expence ; and by this means, after the formidable invafion in 1588, the King of Spain found himfelf Tufficiently employed at home, and perceived, when it was too late, that he had wafted the blood and treafure of all his kingdoms to raife up two new powers in Europe, viz. England and Holland, which neither he nor his fucceffors would be able to cope with.
But the Queen and her minifters, when the dangers of war were thus removed or kept at a diftance, knew how to divert the fame fpirit to other good and falutary purpofes. In former reigns there had been little care taken to explore the riches of this kingdom; but now every part of it was examined, and every kind of improvement fet on foot. The lord treafurer fent for feveral Germans over, who were employed in erecting iron works, in difcovering and working lead mines, and in making faltpetre. We formerly exported moft of our commodities raw and unwrought, but now the perfecution in the Low-Countries furnilhed us with multitudes of able workmen in every branch of the woollen manufactory, who had all imaginable encouragement given them, and with very confiderable privileges were fettled in different parts of the kingdom, more efpecially at London, Norwich, Colchefter, and Canterbury. The like care was taken with refpect to other trades, and this was attended with fuch fuccefs, that whereas in the beginning of the Queen’s reign we bought our artillery abroad, towards the end of it we furnilhed all Europe with ordnance ; fo that at length it grew a queftion, whether it might not be requifite for the public fafety, to put a flop to the exportation of iron cannon.
There was now fcarce a feflion of parliament held in which there were not acts paffed for promoting new branches of trade, or for preferving or regulating the old ; and though it may be, and I believe is, true, that fome of the laws then made, have become in procefs of time rather dangerous and deftructive than profitable or advantageous to commerce, yet certainly they were made with a good intent ; and we have reafon to believe were well enough fuited to thofe times, fo that we have no reafon to cenfure thofe who made them, on account of the inconveniencies they produce, but ought rather to blame ourfelves for not repealing them. By thefe fteps the face of things in this country was quite changed : inftead of being ferved by the Venetians and Genoefe, with all the commodities of the Eaft, we brought them home ourfelves, and even furnilhed them to others ; inftead of fuffering all our do- meftic trade to be managed, as formerly, by Germans and other foreigners, we began to fettle factories abroad, and there was hardly a nation in the known world, with which, before the death of this Queen, we had not fome correfpondence.
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Yet inftead of fetting down quietly with thefe acquifitions, and falling into a nominal trade amongft ourfelves, like the modern flock-jobbing ; we were then continually contriving and executing new fchemes, either for improving our country or exporting its produce; our people, even then, began to think the trading world too narrow for them, and admired nothing fo much as finding out new markets, where goods always fell belt, where novelty and variety often procure high prices even for indifferent commodities. We need not at all wonder, therefore, that in thefe times there were men of fuch extenfive abilities produced, as feemed to grafp the whole circle of commercial knowledge; fuch as Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Robert Dudley, Sir Thomas Grefham, and many others; fome of whom have left us treatifes in this way, that are both read and admired in more enlightened times. We may therefore fafely pronounce, that the feeds of all our traffic, which have fince fo happily come up, and from which the nation has reaped fuch mighty profits, were fown in this reign, and cultivated when they needed cultivation moft, by the royal hand of the matchiefs Elizabeth; the mother of her fubjefts, the terror of her enemies, and the benefactor of pofterity.
16. We are now to take a view of the ftate of Englifh affairs in regard to America, at the clofe of this Queen’s reign, when it will appear, that there was fcarcely any part of it, whether of the northern or fouthern continent, or iflands, with which we had not fome acquaintance; though we had made no fettlements any where. Drake and Candifh examined the whole backfide of America from fouth to north, and it appears very clearly from Sir Richard Hawkins’s Hiftory of his own Voyage, that we were almoft as well acquainted with thofe countries as the Spaniards themfelves; this will appear lefs ftrange, when it is obferved, that fome of our feamen being furprifed, others being fent afhore by their commanders, and feveral ftraggling when landed in parties, on particular defigns, fell into the hands of the Spaniards; and being fent from place to place, travelled through more countries than moft of the Spaniards that were fent thither by their government, or were driven thither by their neceflities, fome of whom coming home, related, and feveral of them, particularly Miles Phillips and David Ingram, wrote accounts of their adventures, as we lhall have occafion to ffiew in another place.
By this means we gained very clear and diftindt defcriptions of the countries bordering on the ftraits of Magellan, of Chili, Peru, the bay of Panama, the feveral provinces of the kingdom of Old Mexico, fome knowledge of the New, and even of California: nor were we lefs acquainted with the other fide of the continent, as the reader may learn from the Englilh voyages of the firft chapter of this work, in which are contained very diftinft accounts of the moft fouthern parts, from the river of Plata to the mouth of Magellan’s ftraits. We have likewife a fufficient knowledge of the great country of Brazil, from Mr. Knivet, and other travellers; though it muft be allowed that they gave great fcope to their imagination, in what they have written, or at leaft what is publiffied by Purchas, if it was by them written, upon this fubjeft. As to Guiana, or the country of the Amazons, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Capt. Laurence Keymiffi, whom he fent thither foon after his return, have written as good defcriptions of them, if not better, than any that are extant in other languages.
As for the coaft, from the ifiand of Trinity up to Carthagena, it was the chief fcene of moft of our privateer expeditions in this reign, fo that we had repeated relations of'all that was neceffary to make this part of the new world perfectly known. The remaining part of the coaft, as far as the gulf of Honduras, was likewife explained and defcribed by feveral Englilhmen, who had vifited thofe coafts, particularly Captain Barker ; and as for the bay of Mexico, it was often reforted to ;
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but more particularly by Captain, (afterwards) Sir John, Hawkins, in the year 1568, at which time he fet on fhore David Ingram, before-mentioned, at about one hundred and forty leagues weft-by-north from the cape of Florida. From thence he travelled with feveral other perfons of his company by land, to within fixty leagues of Cape Breton •, where they found a paffage home by a French fhip, in 1369, and foon after their arrival, David Ingram, Richard Brown, and Richard Twede went to vifit Captain Hawkins, who had fet them on fhore, and related to him their adventures. I have been more particular on this head, becaufe this Ingram has given the cleared: account of any man concerning the north-weft paffage, as the reader will fee hereafter in its proper place, where I fhall give his account at large. The remaining part of the coaft of North America, from the cape of Florida to the utmofl extent of the continent northward, was examined by feveral of our feamen, as appears by what has been already faid in this fe&ion, and will farther appear from the account we are yet to give of fome voyages that were made in the laft years of the Queen, and which I thought proper to referve for this place.
The firft of thefe, in order of time, is the glorious expedition of Captain William Parker of Plymouth, who undertook, at the expence of a few private perfons, an en- terprize again!! the Spaniards, in which he was accompanied by Captain Giles and Captain Ward, land officers ; and by the Captains Fugars, Loriman, Affily, and feveral other gentlemen as volunteers, which, all circumftances confidered, will appear one of the hardeft undertakings, as well as one of the moft fuccefsful, in that reign, or indeed ever attempted by our own nation or any other of which there remains an account in hiftory. This fquadron of his confifted but of three fmall barks, fcarce equal in ftrength to a fifth-rate man of war ; of thefe the Prudence, ftiled the Admiral, was of the burden of one hundred tons, and a hundred and thirty men, commanded by Mr. Parker himfelf; the Pearl, vice-admiral, of fixty tons, and fixty men, Captain Robert Rawlins commander; the Pinnace of twenty tons and eighteen men. They failed in November 1601, and off the fouth cape had the misfortune in a violent guft of wind to lofe their pinnace with all her men but three; fleering their courfe from thence to the iflands of Cape Verd, they landed one hundred men, and took one of them called St. Vincent, with a town of the fame name ; and, after having given the fpoil of it to the foldiers, fet fire to the place. Hence they haled over to the coaft of the continent, and coming to La Rancheria, or the Pearl Fifhery, in the fmall ifland Cu- bagua, they there found the governor of Cumana, with a fmall company of foldiers. This did not difcourage them from landing, and though at firft they were received with great warmth, they got at laft the better of them, and took the place with feveral prifoners, barks, and boats, all which they ranfomed for the value of five hundred pounds, which was paid them in pearls.
They failed from thence directly for Cape de la Vela, where they took a great Portuguefe fhip of 250 tons, coming from Angola and Congo, and bound for Car- thagena ; which, having little of value in her except three hundred and feventy negroes, they ranfomed for five hundred pounds. After this they went to the ifland of Cabecas, where they embarked one hundred and fifty of their men in two fmall pinnaces and two fhallops, and failed to the Baftimentos, where they landed, and picking up fome negroes for their guides, with their boats and pinnaces, they entered the river of Puerto Bello the 7th of February 1602 ; it being moon-light the watch difcovered them at their firft entrance into the haven, and haled them by the flrong caftle of St. Philip ; in which were thirty-five brafs guns, and foldiers enough to manage them. Having fome on board who fpoke the Spanifh tongue, they pretended they were Spaniards coming from Carthagena.
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The officer of the caftle bid them come to anchor, which they did, but about an hour after Captain Parker gave them the flip with his two boats and above thirty men, leaving the pinnaces at anchor before the caftle. With this force he went directly to the fuburb of Triana, and, though the alarm was given, landed his thirty men, andfetting it on fire left it burning, and marched into the great and rich town of Puerto Bello. As foon as he entered, he marched directly to the King’s treafury, where he found a guard of foldiers drawn up to receive him, with two brafs field pieces on their carriages; the fight was long and obftinate, and Parker had loft the beft part of his men, when Captain Fugars and Captain Loriman, who commanded the pinnaces, hearing the noife, came timely to his relief, with one hundred and twenty men. This affiftance foon turned the fcale, and the Spaniards began to think of fecuring themfelves by flight; a good number of them got into the King’s houfe, which they defended very re- folutely for four or five hours; but at length the Englifh became mafters of that, as well as of the whole town. They found but ten thoufand ducats in the treafury, though there were often fix millions in it; and if they had been feven days fooner they would have found one hundred and twenty thoufand, which had been embarked in two frigates for Carthagena.
The fpoil of the town, which in money, plate, and merchandize was confiderable, was by Captain Parker given to the foldiers. But two frigates, which he took farther up the river, he carried away with him; after having kept pofleffion of the town two days, Captain Parker generoufly fpared it with its churches, buildings, and forts from burning; and releafed the prifoners, among whom were Don Pedro Melandez, the governor, the King’s fecretary, and feveral perfons of quality, without ranfom; fatisfied with the honour of having taken with a handful of men, in fo little time, and with fo inconfiderable a lofs, one of the fineft towns the King of Spain had in the Weft Indies. His reafon for this was to give the Spaniards an example of civil and generous deportment towards their enemies; and the governor he releafed, becaufe he had fought fo bravely, having received eleven wounds in the action.
The town had at this time two churches, fix or feven fine ftreets, three fmall forts on one fide, befides the great caftle of St. Philip; all which they might have demoliffied, and have left the whole a heap of ruins. During their ftay in the town they had not the leaft difturbance from any forces of the Spaniards, nor any alarm given; only as they were failing away the enemy began to appear, but it was only to exchange a few bullets, and to take leave of each other from the mouths of their great guns. Thus Captain Parker returned fafely home with much honour, and not without reafonable profit; and not only our own, but Spanifh writers fpeak of his expedition in very honourable terms.
The next year fome of the Virginia company refolved to fit out a vefl'el for that country, and accordingly made choice of Captain Bartholomew Gofnold for their commander, who had been formerly there. He failed from Falmouth on the 26th of March 1602, in a fmall vefl'el, and no more than thirty-two perlons on board, of whom it was propofed that twelve fhould ftay behind and form a fettlement, in cafe he fhould meet with any place which he fhould judge convenient for that pur- pofe. This Captain Gofnold was an excellent mariner, and therefore he did not go the former courfe, but a much fhorter one; and on the nth of May he arrived in the latitude of forty-two degrees and fome few minutes, among the iflands, forming the north fide of Maffachufet’s Bay, in New F.ngland ; where, not finding the conve- niencies he defired, he fet fail again ; and when he thought he had got clear of the
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land, he fell upon the bay of Cod, now part of New England. He went afhore on a fmall uninhabited ifland, which he called Elizabeth Ifland, and on another ifland, which he named Martha’s Vineyard, where the natives had left fome marks of their habitations. Here fome of his company fowed Englilh corn, and faw it come up very kindly ; he built a little fort for his, and his mens’, fecurity, and traded from thence with the favages, to whom Europeans were no ftrangers; for the commander of the firft body of them that came to trade was dreflfed with waiftcoat, breeches, fhoes, dockings, hat, and all accoutrements befitting an Englilhman; but his attendance had only deer-fkins about their Ihoulders, and feal-fkins about their waifts; their hair was very long, and tied up with a knot behind ; they were painted all over, but their natural fwarthy colour was eafy enough to be difcerned.
On the north-weft fide of Elizabeth’s Ifland the captain found a lake of frelh water, about a league in circumference, and very near the fea; in the midft of which was another little ifland of about an acre of ground ; and this they pitched upon as the molt commodious place for building their fort above-mentioned, and they begun it accordingly. About this lake they found an infinite number of tortoifes, with feveral forts of filh and fowl; fo that thofe who propofed to fettle there had a fair profpect of having provifions enough. They vifited the main land adjoining to this ifland, which they found, in all refpects, as charming as meadows, groves, brooks, and rivers could make it. They had fome communication with the Indians of the main land, who came and bartered with them for fome of their European rarities, and there was nothing hardly but what was fo to thefe people. The commodities they gave in exchange for knives and other toys, were beavers, lucains, martens, otters, foxes, conies, feals, deer, and fkins. The affairs of this plantation might have gone on very well, had all the planters been unanimous and eafy in their fettlement here; but they were intent upon their private interefts, and contrived to make only a profitable voyage. The captain laboured againft it, but to no purpofe; fo having gotten a large cargo of faffafras, cedar-wood, furs, and other good commodities, they fet fail for England. They left their little fort on the 18th of June, and they arrived at Plymouth the 23d day of July following, A. D. 1602.
What the confequences were of this voyage and difcovery will appear in the next chapter; and therefore we fhall pafs on to the laft voyage, which we are concerned to take notice of here ; and that was made in the fame year 1602, by one Captain Mace of Weymouth, fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh ; and as the fhort account we have remaining ferves to correct all that has been faid by different authors upon this fub- jeft; and does a very Angular piece of juftice to the memory of Sir Walter, who might feem to have abandoned thofe who went upon his faith to fettle in Virginia; I have judged it both reafonable and requifite to infert the whole paper here, with this farther obfervation, that Mr. Richard Hackluit received, as he acknowledges, great afliftances from Sir Walter Raleigh, in compiling his excellent collection, and the papers of Mr. Hackluit falling, upon his death, into the hands of Mr. Samuel Pur- chas, he made fuch ufe of them as he thought fit, having by no means a capacity adequate to his undertaking; and from his fourth volume, page 1653, we tranfcribe the account before mentioned, which feems to be no more than a memorandum from a larger relation of the voyage to which it refers ; and which, if it had been given us at length in the manner that fuch things were given by Mr. Hackluit, would very probably have furnilhed us with other curious particulars. As it is, thus it runs :
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A brief Note of the fending another Bark this prefent Tear 1602, by Sir Walter Raleigh, for the fearehing out of,his Colony in Virginia.
“ Samuel Mace of Weymouth, a very fufficient mariner, an honeft, fober man, who had been at Virginia twice before, was employed thither by Sir Walter Raleigh, to find thefe people which were left there in the year 1587 ; to whofe fuccour he hath fent five different times at his own charges. The parties by him fet forth performed nothing, fome of them following their own profit elfewhere, others returning with frivolous allegations ; at this laft time, to avoid all excufe, he bought a bark, and hired all the company for wages by the month, who departed from Weymouth in March 1602, fell forty leagues from the fouth-weftward of Haterafke, in 34 degrees, or thereabouts ; and having there fpent a month, when they Ihould have come along the coaft to feek the people, they did it not, pretending the extremity of weather, and lofs of fome principal ground-tackle, forced and feared them from feeking the port of Ha- teralke, to which they were fent. From that place where they abode, they brought faffafras, radix China, or the China root, benjamin, caffia lignea, and the bark or a kind of a tree more ftrong than any fpice as yet known, with divers other commodities, which hereafter, in a large difcourfe, may come to light.”
ij. It may be very natural for the reader to think that I ought to have changed the order of the two laft paragraphs, and that I Ihould have concluded my account of the voyages to America, before I had drawn up a general view of fuch naval tranf- actions as happened in the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; but I dare affure him that I confidered this atteiltively, and that I quitted what I faw was the regular method, in order to obtain what- appears to me to be the great end of method, clearnefs, and being perfectly underftood. By drawing together the naval tranfactions in the time of this famous Queen, I have Ihewn how the was occupied throughout the whole courfe of the government, fo as not to have it in her power to attend to the eftablilhment of colonies, which are a work of time, of leifure, and of recollection. But what the nature and circumftances of her adminiftration would allow her to do for trade, fhe moft certainly did; and that fhe did it by fits and ftarts, was owing not to any fault in her or in her ininifters, but to the faults of the times, which did not permit her to do it otherwife. This, as I have difpofed the thing, will, to the reader, appear at firft fight to be the truth, becaufe he will fee that in the latter part of her reign the defire of planting revived, and in the courfe of it all the different parts of America, fome from one motive, and fome from another, were vifited and difcovered.
This I take to be the true ftate of the matter j for though there are many writers, who, in their general characters of that Queen, have afcribed to her the beginning of our plantations, yet undoubtedly they were therein either miftaken themfelves, or delivered their fentiments in fuch a manner as occafioned their being miftaken by others. The glories of that period of time are fo many, and fo great, that they need no falfe colours to heighten them; on the contrary, they are leffened thereby: for when, upon enquiry, it is found that part of them are mifreprefented, it naturally leads people to doubt of the reft; and, as in all other cafes, fo here, flattery debafes what it meant to exalt, and really leffens what it feems to extol. The bufinefs of planting is indeed highly advantageous; and I believe it will appear from the following chapters, that no nation has gained more by it than our own ; but then it is the bufinefs of peaceable and fettled times, when nations grow full, and difcharges of
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people become neceffary, which was not furely the cafe under this great Princelk The great and real excellency of her adminiftration confided in this, that fhe always, and in all things, confulted the good of her people; and the wifdom of her minifters is vifible chiefly from hence, that they did not obftinately purfue good things in feafon and out of feafon, but chofe, as the circumftances of things directed, to do the beft for the nation that their fituation would allow. It was the opinion of feveral great men in her time, and upon their authority it has grown to be a received and fettled notion fince, that the Queen w r ent rather too far into the Spanilh war, and that her fubjects would have been greater gainers, if fhe had either avoided that war entirely, or if fhe had ended it fooner, which perhaps might be true.
But after confidering, as maturely as it is pollible for me to do, all that has been faid by Sir Robert Cotton and other able writers upon this fubject, I am thoroughly convinced that the Queen acled upon right principles, and that fhe began and continued the war with no other view than the good of her people. I am at the fame time, however, perfuaded that fhe extended her views in this refpecl, very far beyond her own times, and that fhe was fenfible enough fhe might have ended the conteft with Spain earlier, and with a profpett of much more quiet to herfelf, than to her dying day fhe enjoyed. But this was not the difpofition of Elizabeth ; if it had, the whole turn of her conduct would have differed widely from what it was ; and fhe facrificed willingly and knowingly the tranquillity of her own government, to fix the welfare of her fubjefts upon a folid foundation. In this confifted the ftrength of her mind and the greatnefs of her genius; whoever confiders her in another light will miftake her character. She faw plainly, that extenfive trade and fuperior naval force were things neceffary to the felicity of the inhabitants of this ifland ; but fhe faw at the fame time that it was impofiible thefe fhould be attained, if the power of Spain was not deflroyed. This therefore became her fettled point, which, once gained, fhe knew the other muff follow, and therefore from this fhe never departed; fhe was very fenfible that if the Spanifh power was once removed, the trade and naval force of this nation would have room enough to grow and profper, and therefore fhe refolved to remove it: fhe could not but know that this would prove a work of great difficulty ; that it would expofe her to a long and expenfive war abroad, and, which was worfe ftill, to many commotions, plots, and confpiracies at home •, but that did not at all move her ; fhe was bent upon doing what the fafety and well-being of the nation required; and though fhe could not but forefee that the advantages fhe laboured to procure muff belong rather to pofterity, than to the people fhe governed, yet fhe refolved to hazard all things to procure them.
This was her fyflem, vaft and extenfive in itfelf, big with difficulties and dangers, extremely liable to be mifunderftood, mifinterpreted, and mifreprefented; full of uncertainties, and requiring a great length of time, and a conftant feries of labours, to accomplifh it. If it had been poffible to have fet fuch a fcheme as this before the eyes of a monarch of ordinary qualities and virtues, it would, without doubt, have raifed aftonifhment and terror; but to a mind like her’s, capable of looking through the miff of prefent events, and difcerning the face of things beyond them ; though few obftacles were hid, yet none feemed unfurmountable; the toil was great, the journey long, the road extremely rough, and it was impoffible for her to know how far fhe fhould be able to proceed ; but, however, fhe thought it neceffary to fet forward, and though for a time things grew worfe and worfe, yet fhe knew that by perfifting they muff grow better and better. This refolution, this conftancy, this magnanimity, car-

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ried her through all, and {he had the great comfort of feeing before fhe died all the great ends accompliffied, which, in the dawning of her government, her admirable un- derftanding had prefented to her view ; and, like the fun, {he fet when Ihe had accompliffied that round propofed at her rifing.
We are told of Auguftus, that he boafted of leaving Rome built with Hone, whereas he found it of wood only. Queen Elizabeth might have boafted of much greater things, and with much greater truth; for {he did not rife to empire through blood and ufurpation, but came to it by fucceffion, and with the acclamations of all her people: acclamations that were fure omens of fuccefs; for without doubt there never was a kingdom in a lower, meaner, and more dejected ftate than this; when the crown was placed upon her brow, and her fubje&s could not have either joy or hopes, but what arofe from feeing it fixed there. She chofe for her motto, femper eadem ; that is, always the fame; and I hope I have {hewn what Ihe meant by it. Her conduct is the eveneft that we meet with in hiftory; {he met with many difficulties, but ffie created none; {he experienced misfortunes, but they were trials and not punifliments ; ffie met with much profperity, but all vifibly derived to her by the bleffing of God upon her wife endeavours.
We will fupport a few of thefe particulars by facts. She found fcarce any navy; ffie left a great one. She found the government much in debt, and though poffibly her power might have borne her out, if ffie had expunged it ; yet ffie paid it, even to the penfions granted by her father, to thofe who were excluded from their monafteries. She found her people poor and herfelf neceffitous; yet ffie fpared them till they grew rich; and in the mean time grew rich herfelf, by managing frugally a very fmall revenue ; for at the time ffie entered into the war with Spain ffie had feven hundred thoufand pounds in her coffers. She fpent above two millions in the war. She lent the ftates eight hundred thoufand pounds at different times, and half that fum to the French King, and yet ffie did not raife quite three millions upon her fubjefts. She faw the inhabitants of her capital city doubled in her life-time, as appears from the computations, publiffied by Sir William Petty. She found the cuftoms producing no more than thirty-fix thoufand pounds per annum; ffie left them worth, more than double that fum, without heightening of duties. At the time of her acceffion there were fcarce any Engliffi merchants in England; but before her death there were con- fiderable traders in every port of England. It is very true, that at the death of Queen Elizabeth our commerce was very trifling, to what it is; but it is no lefs certain, that if ffie had not lived, our commerce would have fallen very far ffiort of what we find it.
The next chapter will fully ffiew that our great improvements were made in the two fucceeding reigns; but, in this, we have made it evident, that no fuch improvements could have been made if this reign had not gone before them. It was in Queen Elizabeth’s time that the foundation of Engliffi commerce was laid, though the fuper- ftructure was raifed in the days of King James and King Charles. It was under her that our {hips vifited all parts of the known world. It was ffie that protefted the Ruffia company; one of the moft ufeful ever formed in this nation, and beyond com- parifon the belt conftituted. She founded the company trading to the Eaft Indies; and, in a word, ffie encouraged every branch of trade that had been opened before her time, projefted many, and made way for all. The room I had was much too little, to afford a juft account of all that we owe in this refpect to her memory, but I have made the belt ufe of it I could, and am only forry that I could not make a better.
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If what I have done expreffes my fenfe of the advantages derived to us, and which will defcend to our pofterity, from what {he and her minifters, who were truly fuch ; I mean the inftruments, and not the dire&ors of their miftrefs, did, it will afford me great fatisfa&ion; for to praife Queen Elizabeth, with judgment, is a character fufli- cient to gratify the ambition of the moft afpiring author, and to have attempted it is the greateft merit I fhall have to plead.

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CHAPTER II.
THE HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, AND OTHER TRANSACTIONS, OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN AMERICA,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF KING JAMES I. TO THE RESTORATION.
I. A fuccintt View of the State of Affairs at the Accejfton of King James; the Voyages of Captain Martin fringe, and of Captain Gilbert, to Virginia, and the Confe- quences of their Difcoveries. — 2. The Earl of Southampton, and Lord Armidel of Wardour, fend Captain Weymouth thither; his profperous Voyage, and the Patent granted by the King for erecting two Virginia Companies. — 3. The London Company Jit out Captain Chriftopher Newport with a fmall Squadron, who fettles a Colony at James Town in Virginia, in 1607, and the various unlucky Accidents that befel this Colony. — 4. They defert James Town, embark for England, and are met at the Mouth of Chefapeak Bay by Thomas Wejl, Lord de la War, who carries them back, refettles them, and effectually fecures this valuable Country to the Crown of Great Britain.
— 5. A fhort Defcription of this Colony, fhewing its feveral Advantages, the Nature of its Trade, and its great Confequence to this Nation. — 6. The firji Attempts of the fecond, or North Virginia Company, to fettle within the Bounds of their Grant, and the Difficulties and Difcouragements they met with in thofe Attempts. — 7. The Colony is at lajl fettled, under the Direction of the famous Captain Smith, and the Country named by Prince Charles (afterwards Charles /.) New England. — 8. A fuccinct Account of the Tranfaciions in this Colony, from its EJlablifhment to the Refforation. — 9. The Situation, Climate, Soil, Produce and Trade of New England, briefly reprefented, and the Importance of this Colony fet in a true Light. —10. The Difcovery and firji Settlement of the Bermudas, or Summer Iflands, with fome Account of them before they came into our Pojfejfion .— 11. A fhort Defcription of thofe Iflands, with an Account of their Commodities, and their Trade to England and to the Plantations .— 12. The Difcovery of Huffin's Bay, and the Countries in America, to which the Names of New ' North Wales, and New South Wales, were given by the firji Difcoverers. — 13. The Recovery of Acadia, or Nova Scotia, and the Hijiory of this Country within this Period, wherein is demonjlrated our clear and indubitable Right to the IJland of Cape Breton. — 14. The fever al Voyages to Guiana, down to the Death of Sir Waiter Raleigh, after his lajl Expedition thither, and an Account of our Settlement at Surinam.
— 15. A fhort Account of the firji planting the rich and fruitful IJland of Barbadoes.
— 16. The Hi/lory of this advantageous Settlement, down to the Refioration. —17. The Situation, Climate, Soil, Produce, and incredible Advantages that have accrued to Great Britain from this Colony, which is proved to be the befit in the World. —18. The Difcovery, Gonqueft, and Settlement of St. Chriftopher's, Nevis or Mevis, Mont- ferrat, &c .— 19. The Grant of the Province of Maryland to the Lord Baltimore, and the Settlement of that Country, with other Particulars relating to it within the Compafs of this Period. —20. The Expedition by the Direction of the Protector Cromwell, for the taking Hifpaniola from the Spaniards, with the true Caufes of its Mifi carriage .— 21. The Hijiory of the Conquejt and Settlement of the moji noble and mojl important IJland of Jamaica .— 22. A jhort Defcription of the IJland, a View of the
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vaft Profits derived to Great Britain from the Pojfejfton of it , and other Particulars. — 23. The Conclufion of the Chapter , with fome Remarks and Obfervations on the ■principal Events mentioned therein.
j. AT the time of King James’s Acceffion to the Englifh throne, there were the X3L faireft opportunities offered for extending and fecuring the commerce of tfiis ifland that could be wilhed; and therefore we need not be furnrized at finding fuch vaft improvements made, and fuch mighty advantages gained to this nation, under a government that has not hitherto been reprefented in the faireft lights to the people. We muft, however, obferve, that the peaceable temper of King James was of great ufe to the trading part of his fubjects ; for the power of Queen Elizabeth had raifed fuch a veneration in fome, and ftruck fuch a terror into others, that there was fcarce any nation which did not willingly embrace the friendfhip of King James, and offer him whatever terms could be thought moft fuitable to the commercial views of his fub- jecfs 5 which was extremely agreeable to the Englifh at that time, who began to entertain very true notions of trade; to fee its importance above all things, and to wifh for the means of promoting and extending it on all fides, to which they began to think a peace with Spain would not a little contribute. At the time of the Queen’s deceafe there was a fleet preparing under the command of Sir William Monfon, intended for the Spanifh coaft ; for it was a wife and juft policy in that Princefs, to keep the war at a diftance from her own dominions, to find her enemies work enough at home, and thereby prevent their difturbing any of her territories. But upon the acceffion of King James this fleet was countermanded ; and, it feems, not without reafon; for the archduke,’ who was then governor of the Low Countries, thought fit to recall his letters of reprizal, and thereby opened a free trade between England and Flanders, a thing highly fatisfa&ory to the merchants, who immediately reaped the benefit of it.
There was likewife another defign on foot at the time of the Queen’s demife, which was the profecuting the difcoveries and trade to North America, in which feveral gentlemen and merchants of Briftol were concerned, and amongft them the Rev. Mr. Hackluit, whom we have fo often mentioned; and who, having a prebend in the cathedral church of Briftol, and having a great genius for promoting fuch en resizes, was fixed upon to apply in behalf of himfelf, and the reft of the perfons concerned, to Sir Walter Raleigh, who was ftill looked upon as the proprietor of Virginia, in order to procure his licence for this trade. Upon his application to that worthy perfon, they received all the encouragement they could defire; for he not only granted them a licence under his hand and feal, but alfo made over to them all the profits which fhould arife from the voyage.
After they were thus impowered, they raifed a joint ftock of a thoufand pounds, and fitted out two fmall veffels, the one called the Speedwell, commanded by Captain Matthew Fringe, of the burthen of fifty tons, with thirty men and boys ; the other a bark of twenty-fix tons, called the Difcoverer, commanded by Mr. William Brown, who had under him a mate, and eleven men and boys befides. Thefe veffels were victualed for eight months, and had a large cargo on board, confifting of all forts of goods that were thought proper for that country. They failed from King’s Road, near Briftol, on the 20th of March, 1683. Being hindered by contrary winds, they put into Milford Haven, where they continued till the 10th of April following, and then continued their voyage. The rout they took was by the Azores, and they arrived without any remarkable accident on the coaft of North America, in the latitude of 43 degrees;
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and, after having examined the coaft, on which they found nothing for their purpofe, they failed on fouth-weft in fearch of that part of the country where Capt. Gofnold had been. ,
At length they found, in the latitude of 41 degrees and fome few minutes, a very convenient bay, to which they gave the name of Whitfon’s Bay, in honour of Mr. John Whitfon, who was then mayor of Briftol. Here they landed, and cut a good quantity of falfafras, and carried it on board ; but, left they lhould be furprized in the woods by the natives while they were at work, they erefted a little fort or redoubt, wherein they left their effe&s, and four or five men to guard them, while the reft were at work. The natives came and trafficked with the Englifh, forty or fifty in a company, and fometimes upwards of an hundred, who eat and drank, and were very merry with our adventurers; efpecially when they obferved a lad in their company playing upon a guitar, they would get round about him, and, taking hands, dance twenty or thirty in a ring, after the American manner.
Our feamen obferved, that the natives were more afraid of two maftiff-dogs they carried with them than of twenty men; and when they defigned to get rid of their company, they let loofe one of thefe maftiffs; whereupon the natives would fhriek out, and run away to the woods. But it is probable this ufage, and the erecting a fortification in their country, made the Indians at length look upon the Englilh as their enemies: for our adventurers inform us, that a party of Indians came and furrounded their fort a few days after, when moft of them were abfent, and would probably have furprized it, if the captain of the fhip had not fired two guns, and alarmed the workmen in the woods, who thereupon returned to the relief of the fort.
The Indians pretended indeed they had no hoftile intentions, but our people never cared to truft them afterwards : and the day before the Englilh embarked, the natives came down again in great numbers, and fet fire to the woods where they had cut the falfafras; which, it is probable, was defigned to let the Englilh know they would pre- ferve nothing in their country which lhould invite fuch guelts to vifit them again ; for no doubt the great guns and fire-arms had rendered the Englilh very terrible to them, as well as their dogs. The account thefe people gave of the country and the inhabitants was, as might very well be expected, much the fame with what had been given before by Captain Gofnold, and thofe who had failed with him into thofe parts, and therefore we need not dwell upon the fubje<Et. Amongft other curiofities they brought back with them, the moft remarkable was, one of the boats ufed by the inhabitants, made of the bark of a birch tree, fowed together with twigs, the feams covered with rofin or turpentine; and though it was feventeen feet long, four broad, and capable of carrying nine perfons, it did not weigh fixty pounds. Thefe boats the inhabitants rowed, or rather paddled, with two wooden inftruments like to our bakers’ peels, by the help of which they went at a great rate. About the middle of June they had completed the freight of their bark, which they fent home before them into England. After her departure, they made all the difpatch they could in loading their own velfel; for which they procured a very valuable cargo of fkins and furs, in exchange for the commodities they carried. On the 9th of Auguft they quitted the coaft of Virginia, and failed for England, arriving in the mouth of the Channel in five weeks; but meeting there with contrary winds, they could not reach King’s Road before the 2d of October ; but they had the fatisfaftion of finding that their bark was fafely arrived a fortnight before them.
There was another attempt made the fame year, upon the fame account, which, however, did not end fo fortunately. This voyage was performed by the Elizabeth
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of London, a bark of fifty tons, commanded by Captain Bartholomew Gilbert, who had been the year before at Virginia with Captain Gofnold. They departed from Plymouth the i oth of May, and in their paffage traded at St. Lucia, Dominica, and Mevis, at the latter of which they cut about twenty tons of lignum-vitas. The third of July they fet fail from thence for the coafl of Virginia, and particularly for Chefapeak Bay, which Captain Gilbert was very defirous of failing to, that he might make fome enquiry after the people near thofe parts. On the 25th they came near the mouth of that bay.
But the wind blowing hard, with a high fea, though they beat about for two or three days, they could not make it, and were obliged to bear more to the eaftward. The 29th, being not far from lhore, the captain with four of his belt men landed in their boat, and, being provided with arms, marched fome way up the country ; but in this march, being fet upon and overpowered by the inhabitants, they were all killed ; and it was not without difficulty that the boat, with two young men who were left in her, reached the fhip again to bring the news. They, being now in all but eleven men and boys in the fhip, were afraid to venture the lofs of any more of their fmall company *, and their provifions growing fhort, the mafter, Henry Sute, who had taken the command, refolved, though they were in extreme want of wood and water, to return homewards, which they did, and arrived in the river of Thames about the end of September.
The peace being concluded with Spain, in 1604, removed feveral obftacles that flood in the way of the Britifh trade; and at the fame time opened to our fhips a free accefs to many iflands, countries and ports, to which they had not before re- forted; which occafioned a great increafe in our exportations, and gave much encouragement to fuch as were employed in the different branches of the woollen manufacture. As the bufinefs of fettling and planting on the northern continent of America, that too was laid open, by the attainder of Sir Walter Raleigh, which hapr pened at the beginning of this reign, on account of a plot, which appeared very improbable then, and with refpedt to him efpecially, very ridiculous ever fince. The reports made by thofe who were concerned in the three laft voyages being very favourable to the country, and the profits made by them being very confiderable, induced feveral perfons of diftinction to think ferioufly of promoting thefe difcoveries, infomuch that fome of the nobility refolved to engage in an undertaking of this kind.
2. Accordingly Henry Wriothefly earl of Southampton, and Thomas lord Arundel, of Wardour, refolved to fit out a (hip for this expedition. This veffel was called the Archangel, and was commanded by Captain George Weymouth, an experienced and fkilful feaman, who failed on the laft day of March, 1605, from Dartmouth, and met with nothing of confequence, till fuch time as they judged themfelves to be very near the coaft of Virginia; but the winds carrying them to the northward, in the latitude of forty-one degrees, thirty minutes, and their wood and water beginning to grow extremely fhort, they grew very defirous of feeing land. By their charts they had reafon to expect it, and therefore bore directly in with it, according to their inftructions, yet they found none in a run of almoft fifty leagues. After much expectation, on the 16th of May, they obtained fight of an ifland of no great confequence, and very woody along the lhore ; but by the fruits they found, it appeared no barren nor defpicable fpot, more efpecially as there were ftreams of frefh water running down the cliffs in great plenty, vaft numbers of fowls, and fifh enough all along the fliore. This ifland is now called Long Ifland, and it was upon the eaftern parts of it they fell, to their great fatisfaCtion, From hence they could difcern a great many other iflands, and the
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main land {fetching from the wefl-fouth-weft, to the eafl-north-eafl. Several of the iflands adjoining to the continent they vifited, and found very full both of timber and fruit-trees, of feveral forts.
Among thofe iflands they met with a harbour, in which fhips of any burthen might lie, defended from all winds, in fix to ten fathom water, upon a tough clay ouze. This they called Pentecofl Harbour, becaufe it was about Whitfuntide they difcovered it. The fir-trees, which were in great numbers on thefe iflands, yielded an exceeding fweet turpentine; and the mufcles which they found about the rocks, afforded final! pearl in abundance, and feme that were large and orient; and the fhell of thefe pearls on the infide refembled mother-of-pearl; but they wanted proper tackle to dredge for them, and therefore could not take any considerable quantity. The natives from the continent came oft in their canoes to trade with them while they lay in this excellent harbour, their commerce being much the fame as in former voyages, all forts of fkins and furs in exchange for knives, beads, and fuch like trifles: and fo good chapmen were they at that time, that they would give the value of ten or twelve pounds in their goods, for five fhiilings-worth of Englifh iron ware. We fhall not enlarge on the manners, habits and cuftoms, &c. of the natives, which were the fame we have already feen. Their bows, arrows, and canoes, had nothing in them but what was common among other favages. Their tobacco-pipes were fometimes made of clay, and fometimes the claw of a lobfter only, but always of a capacity to hold as much as ten or twelve of ours.
They grew pretty familiar with thofe people, but found, as others had done, that, amidft all their fpecious fhov/s of friendfliip, they were very treacherous, and fought every opportunity of betraying them. Of this they had one very evident proof ; when thofe favages, having invited them on fliore to traffic, had very near drawn them into an ambuffi of near three hundred men, armed after their manner, with bows and arrows; but they difcovered their treachery in time, and efcaped the fnare. But the mofl extraordinary difcovery made in this voyage was that of a river, efteemed by thofe who found it the mofl beautiful in America. They went up it with their fliips feveral leagues, and gave this account of it; that as it runs up the main, it keeps a good breadth for forty miles together, in mofl places a mile, in feme three quarters, but never lefs than half a mile : it flows fixteen or eighteen feet; at low water it is from fix to ten fathom deep; it has abundance of harbours for fhips of all burthens, and will l'ecure them better from wind and weather than any known in Europe. On both fides there are, at a finall diflance one from another, many fine coves, fome of them capable of containing more than an hundred fail, where the ground is foft ouze, with a tough clay underneath for anchor-hold. Nature alfo has made feveral convenient places, like docks to grave and careen fhips of all burthens, and fecure them from all winds,; the neighbouring land trends along on both fides in a fmooth line, and, inflead of rocks and cliffs, is bordered with green grafs, and tall trees of different forts. After they had remained here about fix weeks, and during all that time carried on a very profitable trade with the natives, they thought of returning to England; with which view they hoifted fail June the 16th, and arrived that day month in fight of the Land’s-end of England.
This profperous voyage induced many perfons of high rank, and many more of great fortune, to defire to fee this new trade thoroughly eftablifhed, who applied to the crown for fuch legal authorities as were meceffary ; which defire of their’s was very foon complied with, and two companies formed for fettling this large trail of land, which for the prefent was divided into North and South Virginia, and were fo
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{tiled many years after. It was to this intent King James, by his letters patents dated the 10th of April, 1606, reciting that Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers, knights, and Richard Hackluit, clerk, prebendary of Weftminfter, Edward Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, and Raleigh Gilbert, efquires, William Parker, and George Popham, gentlemen, and divers others his loving fubjects, had petitioned him for leave to fend colonies to Virginia, and fuch other parts of America as either appertained to his crown, or which were not actually poffelfed by any other Chriftian prince or people, and lying between thirty-four and forty-five degrees of northern latitude, and within an hundred miles of the fea-coaft : and for the fpeedy accomplifhment of the faid plantation, intended to divide themfelves into two feveral companies, the one confifting of the adventurers of the city of London, who were defirous to fix themfelves between thirty-four and forty-one degrees of north latitude; and the other confifting of the adventurers of the cities of Briftol and Exeter, and the town of Plymouth, who were defirous to fettle between thirty-eight and forty-five degrees on the coaft of Virginia in America. His Majefty, in order to promote fo noble a work, which might tend to the glory of God, by propagating the Chriftian religion among the infidels and favages, and bring them to humanity and civility, did gracioufly accept their petition, and for himfelf, his heirs and fuccelfors, did grant and agree, that the faid Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hackluit, and Edward Maria Wingfield, adventurers of the city of London, and all others that lhould afibciate with them, fhould be called the firft colony, and might begin their firft plantation at any place upon the faid coaft of Virginia, or America where they fhould think fit, between thirty-four and forty-one degrees of latitude; and fhould have all the lands, woods, rivers, ports, fifhing, and hereditaments whatfoever to the fame belonging and appertaining, from the firft feat of their plantation, for fifty miles either way along the coaft, north and fouth, and an hundred miles to the weftward, within land, with all the iflands over againft the faid coaft for the fpace of an hundred miles at fea; with all the lands, ports, rivers, harbours, fifhings, and mines thereunto belonging or appertaining ; and liberty to plant, build and fortify therein; and that no other fubjects of this crown fhould be permitted to fettle themfelves in the lands to the weftward of this colony without their leave. And his Majefty did grant to the aforefaid Thomas Hanham, Raleigh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, of the cities of Briftol and Exeter, and the town of Plymouth, in the county of Devon, and all others that fhould affociate with them, that they fhould be called the fecond colony, and might begin their firft plantation upon the faid coaft of Virginia, or America, where they fhould think fit between thirty-eight and forty- five degrees of latitude; and enjoy all the lands, ports, rivers, fifhings and hereditaments thereto belonging, with the like extent of land and fea, from the feat of their plantation, as was granted to the firft colony. And it was provided, that the laid refpecfive colonies fhould not plant within the fpace of one hundred miles of each other; that each company fhould have a council, confifting of thirteen perfons, in whom the government fhould be lodged, but limited by certain articles under the privy feal; they were impowered alfo to dig mines in and beyond their refpeftive limits to the weftward, paying the crown a fifth of all gold, and a fifth of all copper ore they fhould get; they were alfo impowered to feize all fhips that fhould trade within their refpe&ive limits ; to coin money, raife forces for their defence, &c.
3. The patentees firft named were commonly ftiled the London Company, and
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thofe laft named the Weftern Company, who no fooner received this authority from the crown, than they began in earned to provide for making effectual fettlements within the bounds prefcribed by their refpeftive grants. With this view the London Company fitted out three veffels, one of an hundred tons, another of forty, and a pinnace of twenty; on board of which they embarked an hundred and ten land-men, with every thing requifite for fettling a colony. The command of this fmall fquadron was given to Captain Chriftopher Newport, an experienced feaman, well acquainted with the Weft-India navigation; but to prevent any difputes in the paffage, the orders which regarded the government of the colony, and the names of the council who were to be intruded with the adminidration of it when fettled, were delivered to them in a box fealed up, with directions not to be opened till they were on lhore.
They failed from London on the 20th of December, 1606 ; but by feveral unlucky accidents, were, for feveral weeks, detained on the coad of England. At lad they continued their voyage, and, having taken in frefh water and other ne- ceffaries, at the Canaries, proceeded to the Caribbee Illands, where they arrived on the 23d of February, and ftaid amongd them, but chiefly on the ifland of Nevis, about five .weeks. On the 3d of April they failed for Virginia, and arrived on the 26th of the fame month at the mouth of Chefapeak-Bay. The fird place on which they landed was the fouthern cape of that bay, where they built a fort, which they called Cape and Fort-Henry, as they did the northern Cape-Charles, in honour of the two princes ; and the fird great river they fearched, the Indian name of which was Powhatan, they called James River, after the King’s own name.
Of this river they made a full fearch, before they would come to any refolution about a fettlement, and then, by unanimous confent, they pitched upon a peninfula about flfty miles up the river, which, beddes the goodnefs of the foil, was edeemed mod capable to be made a place both of trade and fecurity, two-thirds of it in- vironed by the main river, which affords good anchorage all along, and the other third by a fmall river, capable of receiving fmall veffels of one hundred tons burden quite up till it comes within thirty yards of the great river again, and where generally, in fpring tides, it overflows into the main river; for which reafon the land they chofe to pitch their town upon had obtained the name of an ifland. In this back river fhips and fmall veffels may ride lafhed to one another, and moored afhore, fecure from all wind and weather. They gave the fame name to the town as to the river, viz. James-Town. The whole ifland thus inclofed contained about two thoufand acres of high land, and many thoufand of very good marfh, and is extraordinary good paflure as any in that country. By means of the narrow paffage, this place was of great fecurity to them from the Indian enemy; and to ftrengthen it the more they built caftles and a fort there, This was the firft plantation of the Englilh that fucceeded, and which has continued to this day.
As to the colony, the firft bufinefs they entered upon, after they landed, was to open their orders, where they found the following gentlemen appointed of the council, viz. Bartholomew Gofnold, Edward Wingfield, Chriftopher Newport, John Smith, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, of whom Wingfield was chofen prefident; but they thought fit to leave Captain Smith out of the council: for it feems the reft of the gentlemen were fo fet againft him, that they had confined him prifoner ever fince they left England, which Purchas infinuates was occafioned by their envy at his fuperior talents, and becaufe the company in England feemed to rely more upon his lkill and experience than upon any of the, reft ; and it appears that the planters
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themfelves were fo convinced of his abilities afterwards, that they were obliged not only to admit him into their council, but in a manner relign their adminiftration into his hands, after they had by their perpetual jars and weak management, almoll ruined the company’s affairs. After about five or fix weeks ftay before this their intended new town, the Ihips being difpatched, Captain Newport departed with them for England about the middle of June, leaving upwards of one hundred men fettled in the form of government already mentioned ; but when the Ihips were gone, the fame feuds and diforders broke out again with frefh violence.
In the midft of thefe feuds, however, they fell to planting, fowing, building, and fortifying; but, above all they carried on a very advantageous trade with the natives. They might neverthelefs have made much greater gains of it, and managed it more to the fatisfa&ion of the Indians, as well as to the great eafe and fecurity of themfelves, if they had been under any rule, or fubjeft to any method in trade, and not at liberty to outbid one another. By this means they not only leffened their own profit, but created jealoufies and dilturbances among the Indians, by letting one have a better bargain than another; for they being unaccuftomed to barter, fuch of them as had been hardeft dealt by in their commodities thought themfelves cheated and abufed. Thence they conceived a grudge againft the Englilh in general, and made it a national quarrel, which feems to have been the original caufe of moll of their fubfequent misfortunes from the Indians. Thefe Indians proved much the fame as they had been found to be in other places, fair and friendly at firft, but treacherous and deceitful in the fequel. However, it was chiefly by the help of their provifions that the Englilh fubfifted till the return of their Ihips.
The next year two vefiels were fent thither full freighted with men and provifions for the fupply of the plantation : one of them arrived directly ; but the other, being beat off to the Caribbee Iflands, did not arrive till the former was failed back for England. But what gave the greateft interruption to their trade was, an object which drew their eyes and thoughts entirely, not only from that, but even from taking the necefifary care for their prefervation, and for the fupport of their lives, which was this: they found, in a neck of land on the back of James-town ifland, a frelh ftream of water, fpringing from a fmall bank, which walhed down, with a yellow fort of dull ifing-glafs, which, being cleanfed by the frelh ftreaming of the water, lay Ihining at the bottom, and ftirred up in them an unreafonable defire after riches; for they, taking all to be gold that glittered, ran into the utmoft diftraftion, neglecting both the necefiary defence of their lives from the Indians, and the fupport of their bodies by fecuring provifions, abfolutely relying upon the power of gold, and thinking that, where this was plenty, nothing could be wanting. Nay, they began to be fo infatuated with the hopes of mountains of wealth, that they defpifed the mines of Peru and Mexico, in comparifon of their own ineltimable ftream.
They foon, however, grew fenfible of their error, and found that if this gilded dirt had been really gold, it could then have been of no advantage, for, by their negligence they were reduced to an exceeding fcarcity of provifions, and that little they had was loft by the burning of their town, while all hands were employed about this imaginary golden trealure; fo that they were obliged to live, for fome time, upon the wild fruits of the earth, and upon crabs and mufcles, and fuch like, not having a day’s provifion beforehand. By this neglect, likewife, they, many of them, became a prey to the cruelty of the Indians, and the reft durft not venture abroad, and fo were forced to be content with what they could get. In this mi- ferable condition they were, when the firft of the two Ihips arrived from England to
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their affiftance. They neither thought or fpoke of any thing but gold ; and therefore they put into this {hip all the yellow dirt they had gathered, and what {kins and furs they had bartered for, and filling her up with cedar, fent her away. When the other fhip arrived, they flowed her likewife with this imaginary gold dull, and filled her up with cedar and clapboard.
But being at length perfuaded that they might apply themfelves to other labours as profitable, as well as more necefiary than collecting yellow fand, which, fup- pofing it valuable, would be always in their power, if they took care to fortify themfelves effectually, they began to beftir themfelves for that purpofe, and by the good management and direction of Captain Smith, they made feveral difcoveries in James-river, and up Chefapeak-bay ; and in the year 1608, they firfl gathered Indian corn of their own planting. While Captain Smith was out on his expedition among the favages, he was treacheroufly fallen upon by three hundred of the Indians, under the command of one of their kings, called Pamaunkee, who put all his men to death, and taking him prifoner, carried him to Powhatan, their chief king, who would have put him to death had he not been faved at the interceffion of Powhatan’s daughter, Pacahunta.
Being releafed, he returned to James-town, where Mr. Ratcliff refigning his pre- fidentfhip, he was unanimoufly defired to accept of that office. While thefe difcoveries were making by Captain Smith, matters run again into confufion in Jamestown ; and feveral uneafy people, taking advantage in his abfence, attempted to defect the fettlement, and to run away with the fmall veffel which was left to attend it; for Captain Smith was the only man among them who could manage difcoveries with fuccefs, or who could keep the fettlement in any order. Neverthelefs, amidft all thefe inconveniencies which they brought upon themfelves, the plantation being increafed to near five hundred men, they made two other fettlements, one at Nan- famond in James-river, above thirty miles below James-town; and the other at Powhatan, fix miles below the falls of James-river; which lafl was bought of Powhatan for a certain quantity of copper, each fettlement confifting of one hundred and twenty men ; and foon after they made a fourth fettlement at Kiguotan, near the mouth of James-river. Captain Smith obferved that two-thirds of the adventurers came over with a view of having every thing provided to their hands, without any care or labour of their own, and were fubfifled by the labours of the other induftrious third, until he compelled them all to take {hare in the work; and then he foon planted ground enough to fubfift the colony in plenty, and, by moderate exercife and good food, faw them not only reftored to their healths, but in a very flourilhing condition; and as there was now no longer neceffity of procuring food from the Indians by violence, they lived and trafficked very amicably together, and Powhatan fuffered him to make feveral other fettlements in the country.
When their affairs were in this profperous fituation there arrived fix or feven {hips from England, with between three and four hundred planters, and fuch ample fupplies of ammunition and provifion, as would have enabled the colony to have made an entire conqueft of Virginia, or at leaft to have procured what terms they faw fit of the Indians, if they had been under any command 5 but as things were managed, this fupply only brought the colony into confufion. Upon report of which, Ae company in England, imagining the divifions among the council in Virginia, m whom the government there was lodged, were the occafion of moft of the mif- managements that had happened, procured a new patent from King James, whereby they were empowered to appoint a governor with a more ample authority than
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they had%y the preceding patent; and prevailed on the Lord de la War to accept of the government of their new colony ; who thereupon made Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Captain Newport, his deputies, until his arrival; and thefe gentlemen fet fail from England with nine fhips and five hundred men, in the month of May 1609.
All the three deputy-governors, being embarked in one Ihip, were unfortunately call away on the iflands of Bermudas, being then uninhabited, but they and all the people efcaped to the Ihore; where, finding plenty of provifions, they took poffeflion of thefe iflands for the crown of England, and from Sir George Summers they have been ever fince called the Summer Iflands. In the mean time the reft of their fleet arrived fafe in the bay of Chefapeak, with the reinforcement above mentioned; where they found Captain Smith prefident; but both old and new planters gave out they were not obliged to obey him, for there W'as another commiflion granted which had fuperfeded his, and they expected the arrival of the deputy-governors every day.
But notwithftanding thefe jars, Captain Smith made a Ihift to keep them in fome order while he remained among them, for otherwife the colony had been deferted over and over; but as this gentleman was extremely aftive, and almoft continually employed in fome fervice or other, he had the misfortune to be blown up by accident which, though it did not coft him his life, yet he was fo wounded and maimed thereby, that it was found abfolutely neceffary for him to return to England with the veffels that failed not long after 5 .a thing happy for himfelf, but extremely dif- advantageous for the fettlement; fince he was no fooner on fhip-board than every man took upon him to do what feemed right in his own eyes, which had defperate confequences, fo that thofe who had given him moft trouble while he was amongft them, deeply regretted the lofs of him ; and yet this fenfe of their own bad behaviour did not at all incline them to amendment, or to the fetting up any other perfon with fuch powers as might enable him to do what Captain Smith had done.
On the contrary, they emptied their magazines, and lived in the greateft profufion, till that brought on want; and then they rambled without order, and under no command through the country; taking provifions by force from the natives, who failed not to employ all their cunning, of which they had enough, to deftroy and cut them off; fo that when the deputy-governors arrived, in two floops which they had built in Bermudas, they found them in a moft deplorable condition ; war, ficknefs, and famine, having reduced them from upwards of four hundred, to fewer than four fcore, and thefe too uneafy and difcontented. Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers, took all the pains they could to quiet thefe uneafineffes, and to bring things once more into order ; but it was all in vain; and the people Ihewing their empty warehoufes, their ruined fettlexnents, and the number of fick amongft them, induced thofe gentlemen to confent to their embarking for England, as the only means of faving thofe who were left; which they accordingly did, to the great joy, no doubt, of the Indians.
But juft as they were failing out of the bay of Chefapeak, they met with their new governor, who obliged them to return to James-town, to repair their habitation and forts there, and to difpofe every thing for maintaining the fettlement. This worthy governor was the Right Honourable Thomas Weft, Lord de la War, of an ancient, as well as noble, family ; in which prudence feems to have been hereditary as well as title. He was endued with the virtues moft requifite for his ftation
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as governor of an infant colony; for, with great mildnefs and humanity, he had the warmeft courage and the greateft firmnefs of mind, and was equally capable of perfuading by words, animating by example, and awing by the juft ufe of his authority. He accepted of this commiffion from the company with a view of putting an end to thefe diffractions, which had hitherto difappointed all their expectations, and defeated all their endeavours, and which they juftly attributed to the ■want of having there fome perfon in fupreme authority; who might be able to direCt the induftrious, encourage the deferving, and punifh the factious and disobedient.
As foon therefore as thefe old, or rather new planters, were once on fhore again, his Lordfhip, in a free and plain difcourfe, fet before them the folly and madnefs of their proceedings, reproving them for their divifions, idlenefs, and ill conduct, which had occafioned their misfortunes, advifmg them to reform, or he fhould be compelled to draw the fword of juftice, and cut off the delinquents; declaring, however, he had much rather draw his own fword in their defence; and telling them for their encouragement, that he had brought them fuch plenty of provifions, that they would be in no danger of wanting for the future, if they were not wanting to themfelves, in providing fuch things as the country produced; then he proceeded to conftitute a council, confiding of Sir Thomas Gates, his lieutenant-general; Sir George Summers, his admiral; the Honourable George Piercy, one of his captains; Sir Ferdinand Wenman his matter of the ordnance; and Chriftopher Newport his admiral: thefe, and the reft of his officers, having taken the oaths to the government, and entered on their feveral employments, his next care was, to furnifh his people with flefh ; for notwithftanding there were not lefs than five or fix hundred hogs in the plantation when Captain Smith went to England, there was not one left alive at this time ; they had either been eat by the colony, or deftroyed by the Indians, who, to diftrefs them, had driven all the deer, and other game, out of the country; and the Engliffi were fo ill provided with nets, that though there was plenty of fiffi in the rivers, they knew not how to take them.
The company had fent over a fupply of cloathing, bifcuit, flour, beer, and other liquors ; but taking it for granted, that they had hogs, venifon, fowl, and fiffi enough in the country, had. made no provifion of fleffi; whereupon Sir George Summers the admiral, was difpatched to Bermudas, to bring over live hogs from thence, for of thofe Sir George found plenty in that ifland when he was call away there, though there were no people upon it. The governor alfo fet fome to fiffiing within the bay, and others without, where there were ffioals of cod-fiffi ; but their nets and tackle were fo defective, that they could not catch any. Hereupon he endeavoured to fettle a correfpondence with Powhatan and other Indian princes, that he might pur- chafe fleffi of them for Engliffi goods; and in fome of thefe negotiations he fucceeded, particularly with the king of Patowmack, one of the moft potent of the Indian princes; but notwithftanding he reprefented to Powhatan that he had already promifed to acknowledge the King of England for his fovereign, accepted of a crown and fceptre, and other enfigns of royalty from him, with prefents of great value; this prince would give him no other anfwer, but, that he expefted the Engliffi ffiould depart his country, or confine themfelves withih the limits of James-town ifland, and not range through every part of the country, as they continued to do, only with a view of fub- duing it, as he apprehended ; threatening to iffue his orders to cut them off and deftroy them, if ever they were found without the limits he prefcribed them ; and commanded the meffengers his Lordffiip fent to him, not to fee his face again unlefs they brought
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him a coach and fix horfes ; for in thefe, he had been informed by fome Indians who had been in England, their great Weroances were drawn.
The Lord de la War finding he was to expect no friendfhip from Powhatan, determined he fhould fear him : having taken an Indian prifoner, therefore, he cut off his right hand, and fent him to his mafter Powhatan, letting him know, that he would fend all his fubjefrs in that manner, and burn all the corn in his country (which was ripe at this time) if he did not forbear all a£ts of hoftility for the future; which had fo good an effect, that the colony lived in peace and plenty for fome time, every day making frefh difcoveries, and forming new alliances with fome Indian princes.
And thus the company’s affairs being happily eftablifhed again by the conduct of Lord de la War, Sir Thomas Gates was fent to England, to give an account of the ftate of the colony ; the fhips being freighted home with cedar, black wallnut, and iron ore; which returns appeared fo inconfiderable, that the company were in fuf- pence whether they fhould not fend for the Lord de la War and the colony home. However they firft defired Sir Thomas Gates’s opinion upon it; who told them that thefe were not the only returns they were to expect; that if they would fend over men who underftood how to make pitch and tar, and plant hemp and flax, they might furnifh England with all manner of naval ftores ; and that it would be very eafy alfo to fet up a manufacture of filk, the country abounding in mulberry trees, as well as filk-grafs 7 that the foil was exceeding fruitful, producing corn, grafs, grapes, and other fruits in abundance; that European cattle and corn multiplied prodigioufly j and that there was great plenty of venifon, fifh and fowl, which they would never want when they could be provided with boats, nets, and engines to take them. The company need then to be at very little charge to fupport the colony ; on the contrary, they would in a fhort time meet with returns anfwerable to their expectations. Whereupon the patentees refolved to proceed with alacrity to improve their Virginia plantation, in which refolution they were confirmed by the Lord de la War, who returned to England about this time (1610) for the recovery of his health.
He left behind him the honourable Mr. Piercy, as his deputy; and while he refxded in England, took as much care of this plantation as if it had been his paternal eftate ; and was no lefs folicitous about the welfare of its inhabitants than if they had been his neareft relations: to fay the truth, it was to the wifdom and forefight of this worthy Lord that this nation owes the preferving fo great and fo beneficial an acqui- fition ; as it was to his courage and fleadinefs they were indebted for the plantation itfelf. In fhort, he fpent the whole remainder of his life, which was about eight years, in the fervice of the company and the colony, and aftually died in his voyage back to Virginia in 1618, with a great fupply of people, cloathing and goods, for that fet- tlement, which however, arrived fafe. As I have now given an account of the fettling this country, I have executed all that falls within the compafs of my defign; but, as I apprehend that it may be both entertaining to the reader, and better anfwer the defign of this collection, I fhall juft run over a few of the principal facts relating to the hiftory of this province, and then give a fhort defcription of it as it Hands at pre- fent •, in order to {hew what advantages have accrued to the nation from an efta- blifhment which it coft fo much labour and pains to effect; and the fame method I fhall take in regard to other plantations, as moft earneftly defiring to render this work as agreeable, as ufeful; and as perfect, as it is in my power to make it.
While Lord de la War was in England the colony was governed by his deputies, who applying themfelves to bring about a peaceable correfpondence with the natives,
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advanced it at laft fo far, that feveral intermarriages took place, and amongft thefe the Indian princefs Pachahunta efpoufed Mr. John Rolf, an Englifh gentleman, whofe pofterity enjoy, at this day, the lands defcended to them from this lady. In the year 1616 one Captain Yardly was at the head of affairs j and the reafon I take notice particularly of his adminiftration is, becaufe under it they firft began to cultivate tobacco, which is fmce become the ftaple commodity of the colony. He was fucceeded by Captain Argoll, afterwards Sir Samuel Argoll; who was a man of a tnilitary turn, whom we fhall have occafion to mention frequently hereafter : he repaired the forts that had run to ruin, and put the colony into fuch a date of defence, that there was no great danger of any attempts that could be made againfl them by the Indians.
After the death of Lord de la War, Captain Yardly, who was likewife in England, and who, being knighted by King James, had the title of Sir George Yardly, was fent over with the title of Governor; and a very good governor he proved, for to him the people owed their being made as free as their countrymen in this ifland, fince he augmented the number of the council, and allowed the planters to fend their repre- fentatives to the affembly, the firft of which fat at James-town, in May 1620. In his time negroes were firft brought into Virginia, the lands divided, falt-works created at Cape Charles, and an iron mine wrought with good effeCt. He was fucceeded, in 1621, by Sir Francis Wyat, a young gentleman of a very good difpofition, who endeavoured all he could to promote the welfare of the colony, yet in his time it was that this fettlement ran a very great hazard of being totally deftroyed ; for the Indians who had lived amongft them now for feven or eight years with great freedom and familiarity, formed a defign of extirpating them entirely, on account of one of their war-captains being killed, though he had committed murder and robbery, and died in defending himfelf from falling into the hands of juftice. The method they took to revenge this was, by a general inalfacre, which they fixed for Friday the 22d of March, 1622, and, in all probability, it had effectually anfwered their end if it had not been difcovered by a converted Indian, the very day on which it was to have taken place; fo that the advanced plantations could not receive intelligence time enough, which gave the natives an opportunity of cutting off three hundred and thirty-four per- fons. The Englilh revenged this in a manner very unbecoming them, fince, pretending to be reconciled to the Indians, and thereby gaining their confidence, they maffa- cred likewife in their turn, and purfued their firft blow fo effectually as to drive moft of thefe poor people to feek for new habitations.
But it was not long before the Englifh gave them an opportunity of fatisfying that vice which is deepeft rooted in their nation, I mean revenge ; for dividing amongft themfelves, and falling into factions and parties ; and, at the fame time, running out new fettlements, the Indians fell upon them again, and cut them off in great numbers. As this misfortune was chiefly owing to the imprudent grants made in England, it occafioned loud complaints ; and the fatal confequences of the company’s mal-adminiftration cried fo loud, that King Charles I. coming to the crown of England, expreffed a tender concern for the poor people that had been betrayed thither, and loft; upon which confideration he diffolved the company in the year 1626, reducing the country and government under his own immediate direction, appointing the governor and council himfelf, and ordering all patents and procefs to iffue in his own name, referving to himfelf a quit-rent of two {hillings for every hundred acres of Jand, and fo pro rata. The country being thus taken into the King’s hands, his Ma- jefty was pleafed to re-eftablifh the conftitution by a governor, council, and affembly,
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and to confirm the former methods and jurifdiftions of feveral courts, as they had been appointed in the year 1620, and placed the lad refort in the affembly; he likewife confirmed the rules and orders made by the firft affembly, for apportioning of land, and granting patents to particular adventurers.
This was a conftitution according to their hearts’ defire, and things feemed now to go on in a happy courfe, for encouragement of the colony; people flocked thither apace, every one took up land, by patent, to his liking; and, not minding any thing but to be mafters of great tracts of land, they fettled thenffelves feparately on their feveral plantations. Nor did they fear the Indians, but kept them at a greater diftance than formerly 5 and they, for their parts, feeing the Englilh fo fenfibly increafe in number, were glad to keep their diftance, and be peaceable. This liberty of taking up land, and the ambition each man had of being lord of a vaft, though unimproved territory, together with the advantage of the many rivers, which afforded a commodious road for flapping at every man’s door, has made the country fall into fuch an unhappy fettlement and courfe of trade, that, to this day, they have not any one place of cohabitation among them that may reafonably bear the name of a town. The next governor, after the fettling of this new conftitution, was Sir John Harvey, who proved of a fpirit very improper for fuch an employment, fince he began early to differ with his council; and foon after oppreffed the people to fuch a degree, that they were refolved to be rid of him, at all events; and accordingly in 1639 they feized him, and fent him home prifoner, with a long charge againft him, accompanied by two of the council, appointed to manage the profecution againft him. But as foon as he came to London, the King, who highly refented this outrage on his prerogative, fent Sir John back again, with the fame authority as before ; but the very next year removed that oppreflive governor, and appointed Sir William Berkley to fucceed him.
This gentleman held the government longer than all his predeceffors put together, and deferved it; he was, in all refpefts, an excellent governor; fo careful of the colony, and fo kind to the people, that he preferved loyalty in Virginia long after it was loft at home; nor did he fubmit to the Rump, till he was forced to it 5 and then withdrew to his own plantation, where he lived as a private perfon, and would have no concern in public affairs at all ; but he was ftill refpefted by the inhabitants for the great things he had performed. He had purfued the war with the Indians till he had reduced them fo low as to be no longer troublefome, after having made their Emperor prifoner ; he encouraged the making of pot-alhes, foap, fait; planting of flax, hemp, and cotton; and the manufacture of filk, which he brought to great perfection. After he retired from the government there were three perfons fent from England, who ruled one after another feven years •, the firft of them was Colonel Diggs, who afted under the parliament’s authority; then Mr. Bennet was fent over by Oliver; and afterwards one Mr. Matthews, who died governor ; and, upon this accident, the people of Virginia defired Sir William Berkley to refume the adminiftration of affairs. He had a commiflion from King Charles II. then in exile; but he abfo- lutely refufed to aft, unlefs the people would acknowledge his matter, to which they very readily confented, which will appear the lefs furprizing, when it is confidered, that abundance of gentlemen, who had been ruined in the fupport of the royal caufe, had retired into this colony from England.
In confequence therefore, of this refolution, King Charles II. was proclaimed in Virginia, before he was acknowledged in any of his three kingdoms; but it happened very luckily for Sir William that his mafter was foon after reftored; and as a mark of his affeftion for the province, he wore at his coronation a robe of filk, fent from Virginia,

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ginia. Soon after Sir William went over to compliment the King upon his return, and left Colonel Francis Morrifon, his deputy; who behaved, in his abfence, to the general fatisfa&ion of the plantation. He ordered the laws to be revifed and collefted into a body, to be laid before the affembly, at their next feffion. He took the fame care of the church as he did of the ftate; he regulated the parifhes, fettled the mini- fters’ allowance, got a revenue for the fupport of the government, and other laws for the encouragement of the linnen and woollen manufactures, the breeding of lilk-worms, tanning, and fait-works.
Whilft the deputy-governor was fo bufy for the fervice of the colony, Sir William Berkley was in England, taking his inftru&ions from the King for his future conduct. His Majefty ordered him to promote hulbandry, manufaftures, filk and vineyards, that all Ihips trading to Virginia ihould go to James-town, and be entered at the cuftom- houfe there before they broke bulk; which orders were given, with an intent, that by them the people might be tempted to come thither, and dwell there for the con- veniency of trade; and had they been obeyed it' might have increafed the number of buildings in that city, which is now much lefs than it was fourfcore years ago; every body coveting to live at his plantation, and fettle where he thinks he fhall have the bell crops and conveniency of /hipping. This is the reafon that there are fo few towns in Virginia, and thofe that are there fo very fmall. Sir William, being fully inftructed by the King how to proceed on his return to his government, fet fail from England to Virginia, where he arrived in the year 1662 , and immediately put the people upon improving their plantations, and advancing manufactures. He fum- moned an affembly, and got an aft paffed for building James-town; each county was to build fo many houfes, and fome actually built their quota; which, notwith- ftanding the a£t, were converted into taverns and eating-houfes, and the town was very little the bigger for them. Sir William Berkley, at his return, gave a fanCtion to the new body of laws, and took all the care he could to carry them into execution, which was all that he could do, or that indeed could be expefted from him. And, as we are now come down in the hiftory of this colony as low as this period will permit, we are next to give a fuccinct account of the nature and condition of this plantation, that it may appear how well it deferves the pains that have been taken about it, and how amply it rewards this nation for all the care and expence bellowed in planting of it, which will alfo acquit us of all the promifes made to the reader upon this fubjeCl.
5. The fituation of Virginia is remarkably happy and convenient, having the river Potowmac upon the north-eaft, the Atlantic Ocean on the eaft, the province of Carolina on the fouth, and the Apalachian Mountains on the weft, which feparate it from Florida. It lies from 36 to 39 degrees north latitude, and between 74 and 80 degrees of weftern longitude; it extends about 240 miles in length from north to fouth, and may be in breadth 120 miles from eaft to weft. As to the air of this country it depends very much on the winds. The north and north-weft are either very lharp and piercing, or boifterous and ftormy, the fouth-eaft and fouth being hazy and fultry. ■The winter is dry and clear, which makes it very pleafant; fnow falls in great quantities, but it feldom lies above a day or two, and their frofts though quick and lharp, yet feldom laft long. Their fpring is fomewhat earlier than ours •, in April they have frequent rains; May and June are very pleafant months, the heat being greatly tempered by cooling breezes; July and Auguft are fultry hot, the air growing in a manner ftagnant, which produces dreadful thunderings and lightning ; in September the weather breaks, and there fall prodigious Ihowers of rain, at which feafon it is that the inhabitants

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habitants are mofl fickly. It ought, however, to be obferved, that in this, and indeed in all our colonies, the climate grows daily better, and thefe thunder feafons lefs violent, which the inhabitants very juftly afcribe to the clearing the country, and cutting down the woods, which gives the air a free paffage, and is attended with many other conveniences.
As to the foil it is generally low towards the fea coafts, and for one hundred miles up into the country there is hardly a hill or ftone to be met with, except that here and there fome rocks of iron ore appear above the ground, and fome banks of a kind of petrified oyfter-lhells, that are of a prodigious thicknefs; the whole country before it was planted was either foreft or morafs, which in the Weft Indies they call fwamps. The bay of Chefapeak runs directly up the country, almoft due north, for three hundred miles; at the entrance it is efteemed about twenty-one miles broad, or ibmething more; and it continues navigable as long as it walhes the coaft of Virginia, and much farther. Into the weft-fide of this bay fall four great rivers, which rife in the Apalachian Mountains, all of them running from the north-weft to the fouth-eaft : the molt foutherly of thefe is James-river, the Indian name whereof was Powhatan, being generally about two miles over, and navigable, at leaft, fourfcore miles. York-river, whofe Indian name was Pamaunkee, is a little to the northward of James-river, and in fome places they approach one another fo near, that they are not five miles afunder. To the northward of York-river is the river Raphanack, which in fome places is not ten miles diftant from York-river, and either of them as broad or broader than James-river. North of Raphanack is the great river of Pa- towmack, which in fome places is not above feven miles diftant from Raphanack-river, and in other places upwards of fifty. This river of Patowmack is navigable above two hundred miles, being nine miles broad in fome places, but generally about feven. The mouth of the river Patowmack, and that of James-river, are about one hundred miles afunder; but the heads of all the four rivers rife in the fame hills, pretty near each other. There are great plenty of fprings in all parts of the country, but the water is fomewhat harlher than in England.
As to animals, there were neither horfes, cows, lheep, or fwine, before the coming of the Englilh, but they have now plenty of them all; and their horfes are very fer- viceable, and travel at a great rate. They have likewife elks, but not common ; red- deer in great plenty ; hares, fquirrels of feveral kinds, mulk-rats, rackoons, wild cats, beavers, wolves, foxes, and feveral forts of dogs. As for reptiles, they have lizards, feveral kinds of fnakes, particularly the rattle-fnake, of which an account will be given hereafter. As to birds, they have eagles of three forts: the firft is the grey eagle, about the fize of a kite; the fecond, the bald eagle, fo called becaufe the upper part of the neck and head is covered with a fort of white down ; the third, a black eagle, refembling thofe in England, very ravenous, and which do a great deal of mifr chief; molt forts of hawks, two kind of owls, both very large; and the white owl, very beautiful, all the feathers of her back and breaft being bright as filver, except a black fpot immediately below the throat. They have a large bird of prey, which they call a buftard, but it is rather a kind of kite $ they have wild turkeys very large, fome of them weighing forty pounds ; their partridges are fmaller than ours, but to the full as well tailed; they have a bird called the mocking-bird, of two forts, grey and red, efteemed the fine!); finging bird in the world; it receives its name from imitating the notes of all other kind of birds it hears: the humming-bird with a long bill and very fine feathers. As to water-fowl they have of all forts, fuch as herns, bitterns, curlews, wild fwans, geefe, ducks, teal, wigeons, cormorants, and gulls.
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As for filh, no country in the world has greater plenty: in February, March, April, and May, there are flioals of herrings come up into their very brooks, fome of the fize of ours, but for the mod part much bigger. There are alfo plentyof cod-filh and lling- grafs; which lalt is faid to be peculiar to this country, being fo called from having a fting in its tail; it is efteemed good food. In their rivers there are the old wife, the Iheep’s-head, an excellent filh; trouts, green-filh, fturgeons in great plenty ; plaice, flounders, whitings, carp, pikes, mullets, and perch. And for Ihell-fifh they have oyfters, crabs, cockles, and ffirimps. Of thofe that are not eaten, they have in their feas, whale, dog-filh, lharks, porpoifes, gar-filh, and fword-filh : there is alfo a filh they call the toad-filh, from his fwelling monftroufly when taken out of the water; and the rock-filh, fome fpecies whereof are poifonous, and have been fatal to thofe that have eaten them ; though others, which are not eafy to be dif- tinguilhed from the former, are very wholefome food; the Ikip-jack, fo called from his Ikipping out of the water, is tolerable good food; and fo is the tobacco- pipe-filh, fo called from its being long and flender like a tobacco pipe. They have many infefts, fuch as mufkitoes, bugs, feed-ticks, red-worms, which lie only on old trees and rotten logs; on which if a man fits down in the midll of fummer, he is fure to catch them, but they are eafily got off with warm water. We may add to thefe the worm that eats plank, which has a kind of horn or fcrew in its head, with which it forces a paffage through any wood to which it fticks ; and as we have heard much of thefe worms, and perhaps not a little concerning them that is wide of the truth, it may not be amifs to give an account of them, from a gentleman who refided long in Virginia, and made very exact obfervations. In the month of June, annually, there rife up in the falts vaft beds of feedling worms, which enter the ffiips, Hoops, or boats, wherever they find the coat of pitch, tar, or lime worn off the timber, and by degrees eat the plank into cells, like thofe of an honeycomb. Thefe worms continue thus upon the furface of the water, from their "rife in June, until the firll great rains after the middle of July; but after that do no frefh damage till the next fummer feafon, and never penetrate farther than the plank or timber they firft fix upon.
The damage occafioned by thefe worms may be four feveral ways avoided; ill, By keeping the coat (of pitch, lime, and tallow, or whatever elfe it is) whole upon the bottom of the fhip or vefiel; for thefe worms never fallen or enter but where the timber is naked. 2dly, By anchoring the large veflels in the ftrength of the tide, during the worm feafon, and hauling the fmaller affiore; for in the current of a ftrong tide the worms cannot fallen. 3dly, By burning and cleaning immediately after the worm feafon is over, for then they are but juft lluck into the plank, and have not
buried themfelves in it; fo that the lealt fire in the world dellroys them entirely, and
prevents all damage that would otherwife enfue from them. 4thly, By running up into the frelhes with a Ihip or vefiel, during the five or fix weeks that the worm is thus above water ; for they never enter, or do any damage in frefh water, or where it is not very lalt.
We come now to fpeak of what is produced by their foil. And firft with
refpect to trees ; of which we may affirm, few countries are better Hocked, or
afford greater variety. As to timber, they have oaks, cedars, firs, cyprefs, elm, affi, and wallnut; fome of their oaks meafure two feet fquare, and fixty feet in height. They have alfo beach, poplar, hazel, &c. befides faflafras, farfaparilla, and many other fweet woods, and fuch as are ufed in dying. Their fruits are, grapes of feveral kinds, cherries of various forts, plumbs from the bignefs of a damfon to that of a pear;
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peaches in fuch plenty that in fome places they feed their hogs with them; quinces in abundance, and apples and pears in as great plenty as can be wilhed. Their corn is of two forts, Englifh wheat, barley, oats, rye, which all thrive very well, and yield from fifteen to thirty fold increafe; and maize or Indian corn, which is not unlike our peafe in tafte, but grows in a great ear or head as big as the handle of a large horfe-whip, having from three hundred to feven hundred grains in one ear, and fometimes one grain produces two or three fuch ears or heads ; it is of various colours, red, white, yellow, blue, green and black, and fome fpeckled and ftriped, but the white and yellow are moll common ; the ftalk is as thick as an ordinary walking cane, and grows fix cr eight feet high, in joints, having a fweet juice in it, of which a fyrup is fometimes made, and from every joint there grow long leaves in the lhape of fedge leaves: The manner of planting is in holes or trenches, about five or fix feet diftance from each other ; the earth is opened with a hoe (and of late years, with a plough), four inches deep, and four or five grains thrown into each hole, or trench, about a fpan diftant from each other, and then covered with earth : they keep it weeding from time to time, and as the ftalk grows high they keep the mould about it like the hillocks in a hop-garden : they begin to plant in April, but the chief plantation is in May, and they continue to. plant till the middle of June: what is planted in April is reaped in Auguft ; what is planted in May is reaped in September; and the Iaft in O&ober.
But as the great produce of this country is tobacco, and as that of Virginia is looked upon as the belt in the world, it is but juft that we fhould give a more particular account of it. It is certain that the country produced vaft quantities of it before any Europeans went thither, and that the ufe of it was taught them by the natives; but in what manner they cultivated it, or how they cured it, is now no longer known, fince at prefent they buy what they confume from the Englilh, and therefore it is of their manner of managing this plant that we lhall fpeak. The tobacco feeds are fir ft fown in beds, where having remained a month, the plants are tranfplanted into the little hillocks, like thofe in our hop-gardens, the firft rainy weather ; and being grown a foot high there, within the fpace of another month they top them, and prune off all the bottom leaves, leaving only feven or eight on the ftalk, that they may be the better fed; and thefe leaves, in fix weeks time, will be in their full growth ; the planters prune off the fuckers, and clean them of the horn-worm twice a week, which is called worming and fuckering; and this work lafts three weeks or a month, by which time the leaf from green begins to turn brownilh, and to fpot and thicken ; which is a fign of its ripening; as fall as the plants ripen, they cut them down, heap them up, and let them lie and fweat a night, and the next day they carry them to the tobacco-houfe, where every plant is hung up at a convenient diftance one from another, for about a month or five weeks ; at the end of which time they ftrike or take them down, in moift weather, when the leaf gives, or elfe it will crumble to dull; after which they are laid upon flicks, and covered up clofe in the tobacco-houfe for a week or a fortnight to fweat; and then opening the bulk in a wet day, the fervants ftrip and fort them, the top leaves being the belt, and the bottom the worft tobacco; the laft work is to pack it in hogfheads, or bundle it up, which is alfo done in a wet feafon ; for in curing of tobacco, wet feafons are as neceffary as dry to make the leaf pliant.
Yet tobacco is very far from being the only thing of value which this country produces; on the contrary, they have flax, hemp, and cotton; and filk they might have if they were not fo extremely addicted to their ftaple commodity, as never to
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think of any thing elfe, if tobacco can be brought to a tolerable market. They have likewife filk grafs, of which they make very little advantage, though, no doubt, under proper management, mod profitable manufactures might be railed from it, fince its threads are finer than thofe of flax, and ftronger than hemp. We may add to this, that all kind of naval flores might be produced in Virginia with great eafe, and in vaft plenty : fuch as plank-timber, malls, yards, pitch, tar, rofxn, and turpentine, befides fails, cordage, and iron. It is commonly laid, and there are fome who have lived in Virginia ready enough to affirm it, that there is hardly a Hone to be found in the country ; but however, this is far enough from being true; for at the waterfalls there are Hones enough of different kinds fit for paving, and other ufes; and towards the hills there are quarries of Hate, and a kind of freeflone; there are likewife a fort of Ihining pebbles, not at all inferior to Kerry-llones, and though, generally fpeaking, they are foft, yet I have heard that when long expofed to the air, they become very hard, and if polilhed are extremely beautiful. As to mines, they have feveral of good iron in almolt all parts of the country, more efpecially in the Northern Neck, which belongs to Lord Fairfax. There was once a lead mine dif- covered, but loll in the firll maffacre; there has been likewife a talk of filver and gold mines ; but it is certain that they have a great many coals, antimony, and other things of value in the bowels of that country, which they would not fail to fearch out if tobacco alone did not fupply them plentifully.
Thus far we have defcribed the country itfelf: let us next enquire into its condition as a colony; and in this light we find it divided into twenty-five counties, fome fay twenty-nine; of thefe the firft is James-county, lying on both fides James-river, which contains five parilhes and the only two towns that are in Virginia. The firft is Jamestown, on the north fide of the river, and about forty miles from the mouth of it; it is very far from being confiderable, as it does not contain above fixty or eighty houfes at moll, and of thefe, as we obferved before, the greater part are taverns or public houfes for the entertainment of fea-faring people, the gentlemen of Virginia making it their choice to live on their plantations, in order to fee how their eftates are managed; and in thefe feats of theirs they live fo handfomely and fo hofpitably, that how much foever ftrangers may difapprove their method before they come into the country, they are quickly reconciled to it afterwards. The fecond is Williamfburgh, to which the feat of government is now transferred, and yet it does not confift of above forty houfes. The reft of the counties are denominated as follows : Henrico county, Prince George, Charles county, Surry, Ifle of Wight, Nanfamond, Norfolk, Princefs Anne, York county, Warwick, Elizabeth, New Kent, King William, King and Queen, Gloucefter, Middlefex, Effex, Richmond, Stafford, Weftmorland, and Lancafter, Northumberland, Acomack, and Northampton.
The number of people in thefe counties, taken altogether, men, women, children, and negroes, may amount to about half a million; of thefe one hundred and twenty thoufand are freemen, or their wives and children, and above twenty thou- fand are capable of bearing arms. As for the Indians, there are ftill many nations of them, but fome of them fo fmall, that they do not exceed four or five families; and it is thought that amongft them all, they could fcarce raife feven hundred, fome think not five hundred fighting men. As to the government it refembles that of England; for the legiflative authority is lodged in the governor, or council and aflembly: the governor reprefents the King; gives his affent to laws, and has a negative voice. As Governor, he is at the head of the civil adminiftration, and being by his com- miflion a lieutenant-general and vice-admiral, the military and naval power are like-
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wife in his hands. In other refpe&s, the government is very well regulated, and the church alfo is well taken care of; neither has any plantation belonging to us been under better management, or the people more happy than thofe of Virginia; and this appears very plainly from the face of the country, though there are no great towns in it, and but very few villages ; for the gentlemen’s feats are very thick, all of them good convenient houfes, many of them large and magnificent. The roads are no where better, the country being, for the moll part, level, and fcarce any rugged or deep ways; fo that it is a common thing to travel forty or fifty miles in an afternoon, and fometimes an hundred in a fummer’s day. They have likewife as great conveniencies with refpect to water carriage as any country in the world ; and it is this that has chiefly hindered them from living in great towns, which, though prejudicial to the manufactures, has certainly proved very advantageous to their planr tations, which are larger, more frequent, and better fecured, than in almofl any other colony ; and as it has flourifhed extremely hitherto, fo at this time it is as thriving a colony, and as likely to continue fo, as any that belong to this nation.
The laft thing we propofe is, to give the reader fome idea of the advantages that arife to the nation from this particular plantation, which I muft confefs is a very difficult thing to do; but, however, I fhall labour to give as much fatisfa&ion as I can, and if I fhould be fo fortunate as to meet with any farther informations, care fhall be taken that the public fhall not lofe the benefit of them, fince they will come in properly enough in the litter part of the work. In the firfl place it muff be obferved, that as the value of labour differs in leveral parts of this kingdom, fo the labour of a man in moft of the plantations is not only as advantageous to his native country as if he worked at home, but much more fo : I believe, upon a moderate computation, we may reckon that fuch a perfon contributes to the public flock, by'which I mean, the income and wealth of the Britifh nation, four times as much: fo that we may with reafon reckon, that the white people in Virginia, one with another, produce twelve pounds to this nation ; the reafon of which will appear, when we confider the nature of their commerce more particularly. But befides this, the negroes are of great advantage to this kingdom, though of infinitely lefs than white people would be, if they were employed in the fame work; for every one of thefe poor creatures confume yearly two hilling-hoes, two weeding-hoes, two grubbing-hoes, befides axes, faws, wimbles, nails, and other iron tools and materials. On the whole, there can be no fort of quef- tion, becaufe it appears a plain matter of faft, that thefe people neceffarily take off the fum of one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds, in the commodities of this country. How far it might have been more expedient for the infant-colony to have intermarried with the Indians, and thereby fo increafed their numbers as to have been in a condition to manage their affairs without flaves at all, I will not take upon me to determine ; but this feems fo clear as to admit of no difpute, that fuch a fettlement would have been by far more beneficial to the mother-country, and out of comparifon more commodious and fecure for the planters themfelves. But I mention this only incidentally, and that it may pafs the confideration of perfons better verfed in thefe things than I pretend to be ; and, from juft hinting how things might be, return to the detail of how they really are.
I have before ftated (agreeable to what able authors have afferted upon this fubje£t) fome general principles of computation, fuch as that every head in this plantation may be reckoned worth twelve pounds a year to this nation, which muft feem prodigious, and indeed fo does every thing grounded on calculation, to fuch as have not applied themfelves thereto ; and fo they always will, unlefs clearly explained, which is
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what I fhall next attempt, as defiring to inculcate ufeful truths, capable of influencing men’s practice, and not to write paradoxical difcourfes for my own, and other people’s amufement. In order to untie thefe knots, we mull confider that the people in Virginia live exactly as we do, or rather more freely, in that generous, open, hofpi- table, and confequently expenfive method that prevailed here in the lalt age. But as they are fupplied both with neceflaries and conveniences, with the inflruments of labour, as well as the means of luxury, from England ; it follows of courfe that they mull employ an infinite number of hands to provide thefe. For it is generally known that thefe demands mufl be fupplied from thofe handicrafts and mechanics that have molt hands in their fervice; fuch as weavers, Ihoemakers, hatters, ironmongers, turners, joiners, taylors, cuttlers, fmiths, bakers, brewers, ropemakers, hofiers, and indeed all the mechanics in England; their manufactures being good merchandize in Virginia. The commodities fent thither, befides linnen, filks, India goods, wine, and other foreign manufactures, are cloth, coarfe and fine ferges, fluffs, bays, hats and all forts of haberdafhers’ wareg hoes, bills, axes, nails, adzes, and other iron ware ■, cloaths, ready made; knives, bifket, flour, dockings, fhoes, caps for fervants, and, in Ihort, every thing that is made in England.
But if they employ thefe people they mufl feed them likewife, and pay them their wages; and not only them, but thofe who take the pains to go between the planters and thefe workmen ; by which I mean the agents, merchants, or factors ; who, though fewer in number, yet have their fervants and dependents; who, from the nature of their employments, expeCt to be paid at a better rate. Neither is this all, for when things are made and brought to the factor, they are never the nearer to the planter in Virginia, but mufl be put into the hands of a new fet of people, who are to be paid for the carriage of them; fo that now I think the molt common capacity may underfland how the labour of every head in any plantation mull be worth four times as much to the community of his mother-country, as if he wrought at home; for if he fpends fo much, and pays for what he has, both of which are undeniable, his labour mufl produce fo much. This fhews the benefit of plantations to their mother- country ; and I hope there is no need to fay that this fhews how much regard and refpecl is due from thofe who manage the affairs of the mother-country, to thofe who live and labour for her in the plantations. But becaufe it is not impoflible we may err a little in the meafure of thefe computations, and as I am far from defiring to magnify thefe advantages beyond the truth, I fhall lay it down as a thing certainly to be depended upon, that every white perfon in Virginia, one with another, is worth to this nation ten pounds, which will make the value of the whole plantation equal to an annuity of i,2oo,oool. to Great Britain.
This I think is already, in a great meafure, demonflrated ; but as I am very fenfible that many people will flill think full fatisfaClion is not given upon this head, if they are not fhewn how this, or at leafl the greatefl part of it, is received; that we may not do things by halves, my next care fhall be to remove this difficulty likewife. In order to this, we mufl confider that the trade of this colony, as well as that of Maryland, confifts almofl entirely of tobacco; for though the country would produce feveral excellent commodities fit for trade, yet the planters are fo wholly bent on planting tobacco, that they feem to have laid afide all thoughts of other improvements. This trade is brought to fuch perfection, that the Virginia tobacco, efpecially the fweet- fcented, which grows on York-river, is reckoned the beft in the world, and is what is generally vended in England for a home confumption ; the other forts, called Oronoac, and that of Maryland, are hotter in the mouth, but they turn to as good account,

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being in demand in Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Germany; it is therefore from this commodity that we are to look for the beft part of that vaft fum which we have mentioned ; and if we proceed diligently, and with attention, I dare fay we lhall not fearch in vain.
In time of peace, I am perfuaded, from feveral different calculations, and from the comparifon of the informations I have fought and received from fuch as are, or ought to be, beft acquainted with thefe matters, that there is very little lefs than one hundred thoufand hogfheads of tobacco exported every year from this colony; that between three and four hundred fhips are employed in this trade; and upwards of four thoufand feamen. If we take things upon this foot, then the hundred thoufand hogfheads of tobacco will produce about the fum at which I have fixed the produce of this colony to the nation; but it may be faid, that if we take tobacco for the commodities and manufactures that we fend to Virginia, it differs very widely from an annuity; and that inftead of receiving 1,200,0001. from the perfons inhabiting this plantation, we return them the mod valuable things we have, to 6b,000,000 of pounds of tobacco, which in itfelf is no neceflary of life, and which we might very well do without: thus we are all at fea again, and it is my bufmefs to fet us once more afhore; and if I am able to clear up this laft mift, I hope there will, for ever after, be fair weather for the plantations.
In anfwer therefore to this objeftion, which feems to deftroy all, and to demolifh entirely that llru&ure which I have been erefting, I fay, that ftriftly confidered, it makes more in favour of the colony of Virginia, than all that I have been faying for it; and this I lhall be able to make as plain as any thing can be made, in a very few words. It is, I think, generally agreed, that Sir Walter Raleigh firfl brought tobacco into England, or rather, as I apprehend, had it brought over to him from this colony ; and we find the ufe of it much recommended by the learned and worthy Mr. Harriott, whom he fent over thither. But we muft not infer from thence that Virginia tobacco was always ufed here, fince the contrary is very certain; for, as the reader has been told, it was Sir George Yardly who introduced the planting and cultivating tobacco in that country by the Europeans, in the reign of King James I.
Yet before this time the practice of taking tobacco was become fo common in England, that Kin g James wrote a book againft it. I do not concern myfelf in the controverfy, whether he was right or wrong in his oppofition to this praftice; but I mention it to Ihew that it was become common, and that the falhion of ufing it was growing ftrong. We had moft of our tobacco then from Brazil, and fome from the Spanilh plantations; the price of it was from four to feventeen ihillings a pound, and if we had come to ufe as much of it as we do of the Virginia tobacco, and had paid for it at the rate only of five Ihillings, this fingle article of luxury would have ftood us in upwards of feven millions every year. I very readily allow that this would be a very abfurd and improbable fuppofition, fince it cannot be imagined that, in fuch a cafe, the common fort of people either could or would have fmoaked tobacco ; but then let us confider what a number of people there are to whom the dearnefs of this commodity would have proved no reftraint; and let us fuppofe that we Ihould, in this refpeft, have been no wifer than our neighbours, which I look upon to be a very modeft and rational fuppofition ; we might then, inftead of forty thoufand hogfheads, have con- fumed ten or twelve thoufand, which would have amounted to a million or upwards, and confequently fo much ready money is hindred from going out of the nation by the bringing in of Virginia tobacco, which, viewed in this light, is equivalent to the importing of fo much filver.
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But to proceed, befides the money faved to the nation by the ufe of this tobacco, we export one way or other fixty thoufand hogfheads, which, at five pound per hogfhead, amounts to 300,0001. exclufive of the duty of this tobacco, which is not drawn back. I might have taken another method of reafoning upon this fubjecl, by fhewing that whatever exchange of commodities contributes to the maintenance and employment of a certain number of people, is not only equal to, but is really much better than, an annuity that would maintain the fame number of people in the fame way, had I not been inclined to render this matter as evident as it is poffible. After this I fhall make but two fhort obfervations, and fo quit this part of my fubjed.
The firfl is, that in cafe what we receive from Virginia in tobacco fhould fall fhort of the fum I have computed we derive from thence, this deficiency is certainly made up fome other way; or, in other words, the Virginians fend us other commodities, or pay us with the balance of their trade with other places. The fecond obfervation is, that there is not the leafl danger of feeing this country over-peopled, and thereby finking the value of tobacco, becaufe there are a multitude of things to which the people may turn their hands; feveral of which have been enumerated already, and therefore I fhall only obferve that in the articles of filk and iron the inhabitants of this colony might fave us 300,000!. a year, and bring us in very near the fame fum from other nations. But it is now time to quit this agreeable topic, which however is a very hard talk for one who has any tindure of public fpirit, in order to proceed with the proper bufinefs of this chapter.
6. In what we have delivered concerning Virginia, we have purfued the hiflory only of the firfl company eftablifhed by King James’s patent, called alfo the London, or South Virginia company; but we are next to account for the conduct of the other adventurers, or the weftern or Plymouth company, as they are ftiled by the writers of thofe times, who contented themfelves for fome years with trading with the natives of North Virginia for furs, and fifhing upon that coafl. Two fhips being employed in thisfifhery in the year 1614, commanded by the famous Captain John Smith and Captain Thomas Hunt: Captain Smith went on fhore, and took a particular view of the country of the Maffachufetts, and had fome fkirmifhes with the natives; after which he returned to England, ordering Hunt to fail with the other fhip to Spain, and difpofe of the fifh he had tahen there; but Hunt, propofing to make a market of the natives themfelves, as well as of their fifh, after Captain Smith was gone, enticed twenty-feven men of the Indians on board his fhip, and then fetting fail with them to Malaga, fold them there to the Spaniards for flaves, at the rate of twenty pounds a man, among whom was an Indian called Squanto, afterwards very ferviceable to the Englifh.
This outrage was fo refented by the Indians for the prefent, that all commerce with them became impracticable; nor was this the firfl time the natives had been thus violently carried away by the Englifh; for Captain Harlow, in the year 1611, furprized one Epenow, and two more of his countrymen, and brought them to England; where Epenow learned Englifh enough to impofe upon his mailers; and underflanding that the hopes of acquiring mountains of gold was the principal inducement the Englifh had to vifit his country; the cunning Indian, in order to get thither again, pretended there was a rich gold mine not far from the country where he was born, which he would guide them to if they thought it worth their while to fit out a fhip on fuch an expedition. This overture had the fuccefs Epenow expeCted, and Captain Hobfon was difpatched the next year with provifions, tools, and materials, proper to make a fettlement, and open the mines Epenow had given them intelligence of. This fhip arriving on the coafl of Maffachufetts, feveral Indians came on board,
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promifing to return again the next day with furs and other merchandize ; and they did, indeed, return, but in an hoftile manner, with twenty canoes full of armed men ; and Epenow, beckoning to them to approach nearer the Ihip, jumped into the fea, and made his efcape to them; whereupon the Englilh fired upon the canoes, and were anfwered with a flight of arrows, and feveral were wounded on both fides, among whom was Captain Hobfon himfelf; after which the captain, without attempting any thing farther, thougt fit to return to England.
In the year 1619, Captain Dormer was fent to New England, and with him Squanto, the Indian, as an interpreter, to endeavour to make peace with the natives, and fettle a colony in the Mafiachufetts bay, but to no purpofe; the Indians would not be reconciled, and, in a Ikirmifh with them. Dormer received further wounds, whereupon he proceeded to Virginia, leaving Squanto on fhore in New England. The patentees, having met with fuch difcouragement, were, at laft, fo much dilheartened, that they gave up all thoughts of making a fettlement; however, other adventurers carried on a trade to New England ; eight Ihips were employed in it by the merchants of London and Plymouth, this, and the next year, and the fuccefs was fuch, that the feamen, who were Iharers alfo, had each feventeen pound in fix months time, as much as thirty pounds now, and as good as five pound a month, or mailer’s pay. It is very probable that the commerce might have gone on in this manner for feveral years, without any thoughts of planting, though that was the motive upon which their patent was granted, fo early began the falhion with companies, to make that their leaft care for which they were conftituted. But it fo fell out, that a congregation of Independents or Brownifts, that for the fake of their religion had retired to Holland, and formed themfelves into a church under one Mr. John Robinfon, who was their minifter, found themfelves more uneafy there than they had been in England ; and therefore formed a project of feeking an eftablilhment in the New World, where they imagined they might enjoy peace and quiet; yet before they could carry this defign into execution, it was necefiary to have King James’s licence, not only in regard to the rights of the crown; but to fecure them, when fettled, from being turned out, either by their own countrymen or ftrangers. In order thereto they got Sir Robert Nanton to procure the King’s confent for their tranfporting themfelves to America. Sir Robert alked His Majefty that fuch a people might enjoy liberty of confcience under His gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of His dominions, and promote the Gofpel: the King replied, “ It is a good and honeft propofal,” and yielded to it.
This congregation, by their agents in England, treated firfl: with the council at Plymouth for a large traft of land towards Norembegua and New Scotland; but upon better confideration they abandoned their purpofes, and refolved to feat themfelves more to the fouthward on the bank of Hudfon’s-river, which falls into the fea at New York. To this end, they contracted with fome merchants, who were willing to be adventurers with them, in their intended fettlement, and were proprietors of the country; but the contract bore too hard upon them, and made them the more eafy in the difappointment they met with in fettling on Hudfon’s-river; feveral of Mr. Robinfon’s congregation fold their eftates, and made a common bank for a fund to carry on this undertaking. The agents hired the May-Flower, a Ihip of one hundred and eighty tons, which was freighted with proper goods and merchandize, and ordered to Southampton, where Ihe took aboard the company that came from Holland with Mr. Brewfter. The whole company, about one hundred and twenty perfons, failed from Plymouth, the 6th of September, and fell in with Cape Cod, on the 9th of
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November, an ill time of the year to begin building, planting, or indeed any hard and difficult labour; and nothing could be more difficult and hard than theirs was like to be: here they refrefhed themfelves about half a day, and then tacked about to the fouthward for Hudfon’s River; but Jones, the mailer of the Speedwell, having been bribed by the Hollanders, who intended themfelves to take poffeffion of thofe parts, as they did fome time after, inftead of putting out to fea, entangled them among the dangerous Ihoals and breakers, where, meeting with a llorm, the fhip was driven back again to the Cape, upon which they put into the harbour, and refolved, confidering the feafon of the year, to attempt a fettlement there, and to proceed forward to the bay. But Cape Cod not being within the limits of the land they had a grant for under the patent, they affociated themfelves into a body politic, by a formal inftrument; in which, having declared themfelves fubjects of the crown of England, they folemnly engaged fubmiffion to the laws that Ihould from time to time be made for the good of the colony.
The place they made choice of to build a town on was very commodious, and the country about it not lefs agreeable; fo they refolved not to trouble themfelves or their friends about obtaining any farther licence, but to rifque their fortunes where Providence had call them; in confequence of which refolution they went hard to work in railing their new town of Plymouth, for that was the name they gave it, and which lies in the latitude of 42 degrees north. The planters defigned to day in the country, including women and children, were about an hundred, of whom only one boy died in the pafiage. Their hidorians mention no more than nineteen families that fettled at Plymouth, and give us the names but of forty-one effe&ive men, among whom the chief were John Carver, whom they chofe governor, William Bradford, Edward Window, John Brewder, alfidant to Mr. Robinfon, and ruling elder of his church, Ifaac Alerton, Miles Standilh, John Howland, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins, Edward Tilly, Chridopher Martin, William White, Richard Clack, and Thomas Englilh. But fuch were the fatigues this infant colony underwent the fird winter, that out of an hundred planters fifty died within the fpace of two months; and had the Indians attacked them, they had probably all perilhed, but they met with no difturbance.
After they had fixed themfelves at Plymouth Bay, they faw very few of the natives till the middle of March, when Samofet, one of their fagamores, or captains, came to them in a friendly manner, and gave them to underdand they were welcome into the country, and that his people would be glad to trade with them; and coming again the next day with other Indians, they informed the Englilh that their great Sachem, whom they called Maflafloiet, had his refidence but three days march to the northward, and intended them a vifit. And accordingly Mafifaffoiet arrived the 22d day of March, with a retinue of fixty people; and, being received by Captain Standilh at the head of a file of mulketeers, was conducted to a kind of throne they had prepared in one of their houfes. This monarch was of a large llature, middle-aged, of a grave countenance, and fparing in his fpeech ; his face was painted red, and both head and face fmeared over with oil; he had a mantle of deer-lkin, and his breeches and (lockings, which were of a piece, were all of the fame materials; his knife or tomohawk hung upon his bread on a firing, his tobacco-pouch behind him, and his arms covered with wild cat-lkins, and in the fame garb were his principal attendants. They did not ob- ferve any marks of diftin&ion between this prince and his fubje£ls, unlefs it were a chain of filh-bones, which Mafialfoiet wore about his neck. Soon after the Prince was feated, Mr. Carver, the governor, came in, with a guard of mulketeers, whereupon Malfaffoiet rofe up and killed him, after which they both fet down, and an entertainment was provided by the Indians, of which no part appeared more acceptable than
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the brandy, the Sachem himfelf drinking very plentifully of it. In Maffaffoiet’s retinue was Squanto, who had been carried to Europe by Hunt, and brought to New England again. This Indian, it feems, had a very great alle&ion for the Englifh, among whom he had lived feveral years ; and it was to his favourable reprefentation of the colony, that the Sachem was induced to make them this friendly vifit; and, at this firft greeting, to enter into an alliance, offenfive and defenfive, with the Englifh, and even to acknowledge King James for his fovereign, and to hold his dominions of him ; and, as an evidence ol his fmcerity, Maffaffoiet granted part of 'his country to the planters and their heirs for ever.
This alliance, being founded upon the mutual interefts of the contracting parties* was maintained inviolably many years. The Sachem, who had been informed by Squanto how powerful a people the Englifh were, both by fea and land, promifed himfelf their affiftance againft the Naraganiet Indians, his enemies ; and the Englifh flood in no lefs need of his friendfhip to eftablilh themfelves in that country. The treaty being concluded, Maffaffoiet returned to his capital, leaving Squanto with the colony, who was extremely l'erviceable to them, not only as an interpreter, but by inftru&ing them how to plant and manage their Indian corn, in piloting them along the coaft, and fupplying them with fifh, fowl, and venifon. The Englifh ftill remained fickly, and many of them died ; among whom was Mr. Carver, their governor, in the month of April, 1621. The feamen alfo had their fhare of illnefs, infomuch that they were not in a condition to fail till May, when the fhips returned to England to give their friends an account of the circumftances of the colony.
While thefe fhips were gone to or remained in the Britiili dominions, the colony made choice of Mr. Bradford for their governor, who enjoyed that poll for many years, and faw the plantation thoroughly eftablifhed; notwithflanding that, in his time, there arofe fuch differences about religion as actually occaiioned great feuds and jealoufies, and feemed to threaten worfe confequences. It may be expected, that I fhould give fome competent reafon for the quick progrefs of this colony beyond that of Virginia, which met with no fuch fuccefs ; and this feems to be the rather neceffary, becaufe at firft fight one might be inclined to think that it ought to be attributed to the fuperior diligence and application of the Weftern Company, in comparifon of that of London ; which is, however, fo far from being true, as in reality this company had no fhare at all in the fending over or eftablifhing this flourifhing plantation. Ont the contrary, it was raifed by the fpirit, vigilance, and ardour of the malcontents in the reign of King Charles I. who, before the breaking out of the civil war, and when they had little hopes of getting the government into their own hands, projected the fecuring to themfelves a lafe retreat in New England, which induced them to fend thither fuch regular fupplies, and thofe too under the direftion of men very capable of anfwering the ends for which they were fent thither. We have feen with what wonderful fuccefs their firft attempts were attended, and how foon their new colony was in a condition to defend and fupport itfelf, not only without any affiftance, but almoft without any notice from the crown, which in the beginning they did not defire; but afterwards, forefeeing many inconveniences that were likely to attend this manner of proceeding, they very prudently refolvGd to alter it, and to procure to themfelves fuch farther fecurky as appeared to them requifite towards attaining thofe ends of which they were in purfuit.
This, therefore, being the cafe, and the colony of Plymouth ftill remaining without a patent, or any title to the lands they poffeffed from the North Virginia (or New England) Company, fent over Mr. Window, one of their number, to folicit for both, in the
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year 1624; and this gentleman fucceeded beyond their expectation ; for the charter he procured, enabled the planters to elect a governor, a council, and magiftrates, and to make laws, provided they were not oppofite to ours, or encroached on the prerogatives of the crown. After conducting the hiftory thus low, and fnewing how, where, and when the fir ft regular Engliih fettlement was founded and fixed in this country, now the largeft, belt improved, and moft populous of our plantations upon the continent, I muft excufe myfelf from going farther in this way, becaufe it would extend this fection to an unproportionable length : and becaufe the hiftory of New England has been already written by feveral able men, much better informed thereof than I can poffibly be; and therefore I lhall be very well content with endeavouring, in as fmall a compafs as I can, to do as much towards explaining the ftate of this colony, as I have already done for that of Virginia.
7. In order to this, it will be neccffary to explain what is meant by New England, fince it differs thus far from all our colonies, that, in reality, it is a general name for feveral of them, though there is no particular plantation, or even province, properly To called. We are therefore to obferve, that under this denomination was originally comprehended that part of the continent of North America, which had been formerly filled North Virginia and Norembegua, and the way it acquired this name was thus: When Captain Smith made his voyage thither, which has been before mentioned, he went afhore, with no more than eight perfons; and at that time drew a plan of as much of the country as he had feen. This, as I apprehend, was in the year 1614 ; and upon his return he fhewed the Prince of Wales his account of the country, and the map he had drawn of it. His then Royal Iiighnefs, afterwards King Charles I., read the one, and examined the other, giving feveral Englifh names to places diflinguifhed by Indian appellations in the book; and from Captain Smith’s information of the foil and climate of the country, called it New England, which name it has ever fince borne. This work, thus feen, perufed, and approved by the Prince, Captain Smith publifhed to the world, under the title of “ A Defcription of New England,” in which he gave a very fair and true account of it, as well as of the advantages that might be hoped from a fettlement there ; in attempting of which, however, he had the misfortune to be taken prifoner by the French ; but notwithftanding this, his treatife produced the Intended effeft, and actually brought about that eftablilhment, of which we have already given the hiftory. He likewife wrote and publifhed another book, which he called “ New England’s Trials,” which was very well received, infomuch that we may fafely aver, .that all the advantages derived fince to Great Britain, from the feveral fettlements made in this large and fruitful country, are originally due to the virtue and induftry of this indefatigable man.
The name and bounds of this country being thus fettled, it is necefiary next to take notice of the feveral plantations made in New England in the proper order of time, and then we fhall fhew in what fituation they now Hand. We have already given an account of New Plymouth, which was the firfl of them; and we are next to fpeak of that which, though later in point of time, is now become the moft confiderable in every refpeft, and which had its beginning and progrefs much in the fame manner with it. For in the year 1625 (as the New England hiftorian relates) Mr. White, minifter of Dorchefter, obferving the fuccefs of the Plymouth colony, projected a new fettlement in the Maflachufets Bay in New England, and prevailing with ^dr. Conant, and fome others, to go over, and make choice of a proper fettlement, he and his friends purchafed or procured a grant from the North Virginia, or New England Company, in the year 1622, to Sir Henry Rofwell, Sir John Young, knights;
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Thomas Southcol:, John Humphreys, and Simon Newcomb, efquires, their heirs, afligns, and affociates, of all that part of New England which lies between the great river Merimack and Charles River, at the bottom of the Mafiachufet’s Bay, and all lands, &c. three miles north of Merimack River, and three miles fouth of Charles River, and in length, or in longitude, between thofe rivers, from the Atlantic to the South Sea; and obtained a patent from King Charles I. to hold the fame as of his manor of Eaft Greenwich in common foccage, yielding and paying to His Majefty a fifth part of fuch gold and filver ore as fhould be from time to time found within thefe limits. Thefe gentlemen having taken in Sir Richard Saltonftal, Mr. Ifaac Johnfton, Samuel Addefly, John Van, Matthew Cradock, Thomas Goff, George Harwood, Samuel Moor, and feveral more, the following year 1628, procured a new patent with the names of the laft-mentioned gentlemen inferted, as the proprietors; by which patent they and all others who fhould join with them, were incorporated by the name of “ The Governor and Company of the Maffachufets Bay in New Englandand were empowered to elect a governor, deputy-governor, and magiftrates, and make laws for the good of the plantation, not repugnant to the laws of England; and liberty of confcience was granted to all that fhould fettle there. The adventurers, by virtue of this patent, elected Mr. Cradock their governor, and Mr. Endicot their deputy- governor, and fent over the latter immediately to reinforce Mr. Conant, who was fettled at Neumkeak (now Salem), fituated on the coaft of New England, between the promontories of Marblehead and Cape Anne.
This new colony was fupported with the fame fpirit and vigour as the former, and fuch mighty embarkations made for its fervice, as fhewed plainly enough of how great confequence it appeared to thofe who were its protectors in England; and fo much they were fet upon having fome man of diftinction on the fpot, that in the year 1630 they chofe John Winthorp, efquire, governor, in the room of Mr. Cradock, who declined going over; and he appointed Mr. Thomas Dudley his deputy-governor: both of them embarked the fame year, with Sir Richard Saltonftal Ifaac Johnfon, efquire, and the Lady Arabella his wife, Mr. Eaton, and feveral other patentees, on board a fleet of ten fail of large fhips, with about two hundred planters every way completely furnilhed ; fo that foon after their arrival they erected two new fettlements, the one ftiled Charles Town, on the north-fide of Charles River, and the other Dorchefter, at the bottom of Maflachufet’s Bay; and in a fliort time part of the inhabitants of Charles Town palling over to the oppofite fhore, eredted Bofton, which is now the capital of New England. As new planters arrived every year, the colony quickly became over-ftocked; and divifions breaking out amongft them, one Mr. Roger Williams, who was paftor of a church of Brownifts, went and fettled without this government, and called his new plantation Providence, which afterwards was united to the government of Rhode Ifland; of which we fhall fpeak in its proper place.
In 1635, arrived a larger fleet from England than at any time before, and amongft other perfons of diftindtion, who came over in it, was Henry Vane, efquire, fon to Sir Henry Vane, fecretary of ftate to King Charles I. with whom the people were fo taken that they elected him governor, in the room of Mr. Winthorp; but as he had the misfortune to have a very roving and extravagant genius, he quickly loft his credit with them, and faw his predeceflor reftored: upon which he formed a project of eredting a new plantation to the north-weft of the Maflachufet’s, which, however, he did not carry into execution 5 but returning into England, was knighted, and made an extraordinary figure under the name of Sir Henry Vane the younger, as every body knows that is acquainted at all with our hiftory. But the project fox a plantation on Connecticut

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ticut River was not dropped, though Sir Henry Vane did not proceed in it. This fet- tlement was become the more neceffary, becaufe the Pequet Indians began to grow very troublefome; and as the building a town and fort on that river would make a good frontier on that fide, agents were fent to view the country, who made fuch an advantageous report of the fruitfulnefs of the foil, and largenefs of the river, as made many of the planters of Newton, Dorchefter, Weatherton, and Roxbury entertain thoughts of tranfplanting themfelves thither, being already ftraightened for room where they were.
Mr. Hooker, minifter of Newton, put himfelf at the head of thefe new adventurers, about a hundred in number, who fet out in the month of July, and travelling on foot with their children and baggage, about nine or ten miles a day, came in ten or eleven days to the banks of the river, where they began a town, which they called Hartford; after thefe came another draught from Dorchefter, who built a little town, which they called Windfor; a third detachment, from Waterton, built Weathersfield; and a fourth from Roxbury, built Springfield. The towns the planters built on this river were fifty and fixty miles from its mouth, fo that the Ihip freighted with provifions for thefe planters at the Maffachufets, came fo late in the year that it was frozen up at the mouth of it, fixty miles from the plantation ; upon which many of the new adventurers travelled back in the depth of winter, and others who attempted it were frozen to death. The calamities which attended them are fuch as all new fettlements are liable to j but, however, thofe that had courage to ftay till the fpring, carried on their fettlements with fuch fuccefs, that they were not only in a capacity of fubfifting, but making head againft: their enemies. They had a fort of commiilion from the government of the Maffachufets Bay ; but finding they had extended their plantations beyond the limits of that colony, they entered into a voluntary affociation to obey the laws that Ihould be made by proper perfons for the common good, and chofe Edward Hopkins, efq. their governor ; and in this fituation they remained as to conftitution, till John Win- thorp, junior, efquire, obtained an ample charter for them from King Charles II. authorizing them to eleCt their own governor, council, and magiftrates; and enact fuch laws as they thought moll advantageous to the colony, not oppofite to the laws of England ; the benefit whereof they enjoy to this day.
8. By that time this fettlement was brought into tolerable order, George Fenwick, efq. was fent to New England, in order to make choice of the moll commodious fpot he could find, for the heads of that party which had hitherto fupported all thefe colonies; and it was conceived he would execute his commiilion the more readily, fince the Lord Vifcount Say and Seal, and the Lord Brook, two heads of the party, held lands on Connecticut, by virtue of a grant from the Earl of Warwick, another Puritan, who held a patent for all that part of the country, extending from the river Naraganfet forty leagues, in a ftrait line near the fea-lhore towards Virginia, as all the continent fouth of New England was then called, as far as Florida. The Earl of Warwick affigned his grant to thefe two lords, Brook and Say, Charles Fiennes, efq. brother to the Lord Say, Sir Nathaniel Rich of the Warwick family, Sir Richard Saltonftall, Richard Knightly, efq. John Pym, efq. John Hampden, efq. and Herbet Pelham, efq. Mr. Fenwick feated himfelf at the mouth of the river, and built a town "which he called Saybrook, in which he was affifted by Mr. Winthorp, junior, fon of the governor of the Maffachufets ; but the gentlemen for whom Mr. Fenwick acted, finding matters grew more to a head at home, and forfeeing they Ihould be more ufefui there for their country and their caufe, gave over the thoughts of removing to New England, and authorized Mr. Fenwick to difpofe of their lands to the colony of Connecticut,
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who were the more willing to buy them becaufe they had no title to their plantation without the limits of the Maflachufets patent than what poffeffion gave them. The very next year there came over fuch numbers of people to fettle in New England, that the old colonies were over-ftocked, and there was an ablolute neceffity of looking out for new plantations.
Amongit thofe who put themfelves at the head of fuch as were inclined to remove in the fummer of the year 1637, were Theophilus Eaton, efquire, a noted merchant of London, and the Reverend Mr. Davenport. Thefe gentlemen finding there was not room at the Maflachufets, and being informed of a large bay to the fouth-wefl: of Connecticut River commodious for trade, purchafed of the natives all the land that lies between that river and New York or Hudfon’s River ; thither they removed, feated themfelves in the bay over againll Long Ifland, and built New Haven ; from whence that colony, province, and government were fo denominated, as alfo Guilford, Milford, Stamford, and Brainford ; they alfo went over to Long Ifland, and made there feveral fettlements, erecting churches in all places where they fettled; but being without the limits of the Maflachufets jurifdiClion, they had no charter, and no other title to the lands than what they had from the natives ; the men who fettled in this colony were generally Londoners and merchants, who applied themfelves firfl: to trade, after the example of Governor Eaton, who had been an eafi-country merchant, and travelling into Denmark, was employed by the King as his agent at that court. But the new comers met with fo many Ioffes, either as novices in the American trade, or fome unfortunate accidents, that they were difcohraged in their trade, and were going to tranfport themfelves to Maryland or Ireland, until at lafl: turning to hufbandry, they thrived wonderfully, and thought no more of removing.
While the fouth-weft parts of New England were thus filling with inhabitants, the north-eaft were not neglefted : the Englilh very much frequented the coaft for the benefit of filhing and the fur trade, for which that part of the country lay convenient. This put fome of them on attempting a fettlement. between the rivers Merimack and Sagadahock, and it fucceeded fo well in a few years that there were two counties laid out, New Hampfhire and Main, and feveral towns built, as Dover, Hampton, Wells, Kittery, &c. Thefe planters and traders being fettled without the limits of the Maf- fachufets colony, entered into a voluntary combination, and formed themfelves into a body politic, after the example of Conne&icut colony ; thus they continued, till being wearied out with feuds and divifions, they petitioned the general court of the Maffa- chufets to be brought within their jurifdicfion, which was done : yet, in 1684, they made an abfolute refignation of their charter, and the government has remained in the hands of the crown ever fince. Thus the reader has feen, in few words, the rife and progrefs of the feveral plantations raffed in New England, which had a quicker growth than any that were ever attempted from hence, or perhaps from any other country ; for in the fpace of about twenty years, they had above twice as many good towns, well fettled, and the people in a very happy and thriving condition; and indeed it muff be allowed, the inhabitants were the moll laborious and induftrious that were any where fettled in America j for though they had fcarce any ftaple commodity, yet they made every thing turn to account, and that chiefly, as I have been informed, by purfuing fteadily thefe two maxims : firfl:, to fix themfelves well, and to raife one or more good towns in convenient places, and next to build and freight fhips with fuch commodities as they had, and to lend them any where to find a proper market.
9. The country of New England comprehends, at prefent, four confiderable colonies, or governments, viz. the Maflachufets, which with New Plymouth and the Main are
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now included in one charter; New Hamplhire, which remains a feparate government; Connecticut, which likewife comprehends New Haven ; and Rhode Hland, with Providence Plantation. The whole country extends from 41 to 45 degrees north latitude, and lies betwixt 67 and 73 degrees of weftern longitude; bounded on the north-well by Canada ; on the north-ealt by Nova Scotia; on the eall and fouth by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the weft by New York ; ftretching in length fomewhat more than three hundred miles, and in fome places it is near two hundred in breadth. The air of this country is lharper than ours, though it lies fo much farther to the fouth, and the winters are longer and feverer than they are here ; but then their fummers are warmer, though fhorter than ours; and, at the fame time, the inhabitants have the advantage of a clear iky, which renders the country very wholefome ; fo that none of our plantations agree better with an Englilh conftitution. Their longeft day at Rollon is about fifteen hours, and their fhortell about nine ; the land, next the fea, is generally low, and in fome places marlhy ; but farther up, the land rifes into hills ; along the north-eafl the country is rocky and mountainous.
As it is walhed by the ocean on the eaft and fouth, it has many good harbours, fome of them fo capacious as to be able to receive large fleets. There are few countries better watered ; for, befides feveral fmall lakes and rivulets, there are no lefs than feven navigable rivers. The molt weftern of thefe is Connecticut; which, rifing in the north of New England, runs ahnoft directly fouth, till it falls into the fea, and runs, at leaft, two hundred miles, and navigable to a great height, having at its mouth two large towns, called Saybrook and Lime : to the eaft of this lies the River of Thames, though lefs confiderable than the former ; it likewife runs fouth, and falls into the fea a little below New London. The river Patuxet rifes in the north-weft of the country of Ivlaflachufets, and running fouth-eaft, falls into a noble bay near Swanfey : the river Merimack rifes in the north of New England, and runs directly fouth for near one hundred miles, and then turning eaft, falls into the fea between Salilbury and Newbury. The river Pifcataway runs from weft to eaft, and falls into the fea at Portfmouth, where the opening is fo large that it affords a port capable of receiving the largeft Ihips : the river Saco rifes in the north of New England, and running fouth, falls into the fea between the capes Porpus and Elizabeth: the river Cafco runs parallel thereto, till it falls into a bay of its own name.
It is owing to the conveniency of fo many fine rivers that this country is fo full of large and populous towns; and in the country between the rivers there is fuch plenty of final! brooks and fprings, that there is fcarce any place where water may not be had, by finking a well to the depth of ten foot; and, which is another lingular advantage, the water is almoll every where good and fit for all kinds of ules.
As to quadrupeds or four-footed animals, they are here in great plenty, both tame and wild ; among the former are cows, fheep, goats, hogs, and horfes, all originally brought from England, but now very numerous here; the latter are, generally i'peak- ing, of a much fmaller breed than ours, but they are fomewhat larger than the Wellh : they are, notwithftanding the inferiority of their fize, extremely ferviceable; and, though they have but one pace, and that too not very agreeable, being a kind of a Ihuffle, yet they go at a very great rate ; fome fay, not lefs than twenty miles an hour, which would be a little incredible, if fome New England horfes had not been brought over to Britain, which are faid to have put the matter beyond difpute ; but though there are plenty of thefe horfes, yet they fell at a good rate, twenty pounds being looked upon to be a very low price for a found horfe at the prime of his age. As for beafts of the forefts they have almofl all forts, fuch as deer, elks, rackoons, bears, wolves,
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which feem to be only a kind of wild dogs; which, when they are taken very young, may be made tame; foxes, hares, rabbets, fquirrels, beavers, martins, opoffums, which are fmall beafts about the fize of a fox, and grey as a badger; remarkable for having a falfe belly, in which they hide their young, and from whence they may be taken without any prejudice either to them or to the beaft itfelf. They have alfo a great many cur-dogs, but thefe I fuppofe were originally from Europe. When the Englilh firft fettled here, they made a great profit of furs, but they are fince much fallen in their value. I have been the Ihorter in the accounts of thefe creatures, which are common enough in other countries of America, that I might have the more leifure to defcribe a creature which is peculiar almoft to New England ; and which feems therefore to deferve a more particular defcription.
The moofe is found no where but in North America, and is one of the n obi eft creatures in the foreft: there are two forts, the common grey moofe, by the Indians called wampoofe, (thefe are more like the ordinary deer, and like them herd fometimes thirty in a company) and the large and black moofe, of which we have the following account: He is the head of the deer kind, has many things in common with other deer, in many differs, but in all very fuperior. The moofe is made much like a deer, parts the hoof, chews the cud, has no gall, and his ears large and eredf; the hair of the black moofe is a dark grey, upon the ridge of his back ten or twelve inches long, of which the Indians make belts; he has a very fhort tail. The New England hunters have found a flag moofe of fourteen fpans in height from the withers, reckoning nine inches to the fpan, that is ten feet and an half; a quarter of this venifon weighed more than two hundred pounds. A few years ago a gentleman furprifed one of the black moofe in his grounds, within two miles of Bofton. It proved a doe or hind of the fourth year; after Ihe was dead they meafured her upon the ground, from the nofe to the tail between ten and eleven feet; Ihe wanted an inch of feven feet in height. The horns of the moofe, when full grown, are about four or five feet from the head to the tip, and have fhoots and branches to each horn, and generally fpread about fix feet; when the horns come out of the head they are round, like the horns of an ox, about a foot from the head they begin to grow a palm broad, and further up ftill wider, of which the Indians make good ladles, that will hold a pint. When a moofe goes through a thicket, or under the boughs of trees, he lays his horns back on his neck, not only that he may make his way the eafier, but to cover the body from the browfe or fcratch of the woods. Thefe prodigious horns are fhed every year.
A moofe does not fpring or rife in going as deer, but fhoves along fideways, throwing out the feet like a horfe, in a raking pace. One of thefe large black moofe, in his common walk, has been feen to ftep over a large gate, five feet high : after you unharbour a moofe, he will run a courfe of twenty or thirty miles before he turns about, or comes to a bay ; when they are chafed they generally take to the water. The common deer, for a fhort fpace, are fwifter than a moofe ; but then a moofe foon out-winds a deer, and runs much farther. The meat of a moofe is excellent food ; and though it is not fo delicate as the common venifon, yet it is more fubftantial, and will bear falting ; the moofe is looked upon as a great dainty. The black moofe are rarely found above four or five together ; the young ones keep with the dam a full year. A moofe calves every year, and generally brings two ; they bring forth their young ones Handing, and the young fall from their dam upon their feet. The time of their bringing forth is generally in the month of April.
The moofe being very tall, and having very fhort necks, do not graze as the common deer, other cattle, &c. do, and if at any time they eat grafs, it is the top of that which
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grows very high, or on fteep rifing ground; in the fummer they feed upon plants, herbs, and young fhrubs, that grow upon the land, but moftly, and with the greateft delight, on water plants, efpecially a fort of wild colt’s-foot and lilly that abound in their ponds and near the banks of rivers, and for which the moofe will wade far and deep ; and by the noife they make in the water, the hunters often difcover them. In the winter they live upon browfe, or the tops of bulhes and young trees, and being very tall and ftrong, they will bend down a tree as big as a man’s leg ; and where the browfe fail them they will eat off the bark of fome fort of trees as high as they can reach ; they generally feed in the night, and lie ftill in the day. The Ikin of the moofe, when well dreffed, makes excellent buff; the Indians make their fnow-fhoes of them. Their way of dreffing it, which is very good, is thus: After they have haired and grained the hide, they make a lather of the moofe’s brains in warm water, and after they have foaked the hide for fome time, they ftretch and fupple it.
There is hardly greater variety and plenty of fowl any where, fuch as turkies, geefe, partridges, ducks, herons, ftorks, heath-cocks, fwans, wigeons, dapers, black-birds ; all l'orts of barn-door fowl, crows, ravens, cormorants, &c. Vail flights of pigeons come and go at certain feafons of the year.
The fifh in the fea and rivers here are excellent, and in vaft abundance, as cod, thorn- back, fturgeon, falmon, haddocks, herrings, mackrel, fmelts, eels, lampreys, lharks, feals, porpulfes, grampufles, whales, and other filh, great and fmall. The bell months for filhing are March, April, May, and June. Six or feven ftar-fifh were formerly taken off the fhore near Nantucket, of which Governor Winthorp gave the Royal Society an account, having obferved that this fifh divides itfelf into no lefs than 81,920 fmall parts by branchings, and is one of the moll wonderful works of the creation. Some years fince there ftranded on the coaft of New England a dead whale, of the fort which in filher’s language is called trumpo, having teeth like thofe of a mill, its mouth at a good diftance from and under the nofe, and feveral partitions in the nofe, out of which run a thin oily fubftance they candied ; the remainder, which proved a thick fat fubftance, being fcraped out, was faid to be the fpermaceti. We have fome very curious accounts, not only of this, but of other kinds of whales, by the ingenious Mr. Dudley, which for want of room I omit; and alfo, becaufe, I fhall be obliged to mention this fubjedl again more largely in another place.
We will now proceed from the animal to the vegetable kingdom, which is in full as flourifhing a condition, and yields very little to any country in America. There is plenty of good timber in the w'oods and fwamps of New England j but that plenty is fo much leffened within ten or twelve miles from the fea, that, we are told, there is a neceflity of a law to prevent the wafte of woods, which three or fourfcore years ago the planters would have been glad to have feen wafted. Oak, elm, fir, afh, cyprefs, fine chefnut, walnut, cedar, beech, afpin, faflafras, and fhumack, are common here; their fir is of an extraordinary growth for mails, yards, and planks. The fhumack is of ufe for dyers and tanners ; and as there is no want of hides or fkins, nor bark, there muft be much leather in New England, if thofe advantages are improved ; the oak has fupplied the fhipwrights for building ; the fir produces pitch, tar, rofin, and turpentine. All forts of garden and orchard trees grow in perfe&ion, fo that it is no hard thing for one planter to make a hundred hogfheads of cyder in a feafon, and the export of apples to the fugar iflands is one of the conftant articles in the trade of the province.
It is affirmed, their apples are larger and fweeter than ours in England ; and the fame obfervation extends to their plums, cherries, peaches, pears, &c. All forts of
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roots for the table are in great plenty here, as turnips, parfnips, carrots, radilhes, much larger and richer than in England, though originally their feeds came from hence. There are alfo pompions and onions, good (tore of water-melons ; and fqualhes grow here, perhaps from feeds that were firft brought from Portugal; whither the traders here have long fent, and ftill fend, their fiih in great quantities. Flax and hemp grow as naturally here as in any country on the Baltic, and in as great perfection ; oats, barley, peas, beans, and indeed every thing of this kind, fucceed as well as can be wifiled ; but among!! them all, there is nothing fo much planted as Indian corn, of which Mr. Winthorp having given a large account to the Royal Society, we {hall take as much as is neceffary for ours, or the reader’s purpofe, from thence, and infert it here.
The natives called it Weachin, and in fome fouthern parts of America it is known by the name of maiis or maize ; the ear is a fpan long, compofed of eight rows of grain, or more, according to the goodnefs of the ground, about thirty grains in a row; it is of various colours, as red, white, yellow, blue, olive, greenilh, black, fpeckled, ftriped, and fometimes in the fame field, and in the fame year •, but the white and yellow is the mod common; the ear is defended from the cold and ftorms by ftrong thick hulks, the ftalks grow fix or eight feet high ; that of New England is not quite fo tall as that of Virginia, and at Canada it is Ihorter than at New England ; ’tis jointed like a cane, and full of fweet juice, like the fugar cane, and a fyrup as fweet as fugar may be made of it, as has been often tried ; at every joint there are long flags, and at the top a branch of flowers like rye blolfoms.
It is generally planted from the middle of April to the middle of May. In the northern parts the Mohawk corn is not planted till the middle of June, and yet is ripe in feafon. The ftalks of this fort are fhort, and the ears near the bottom, and are of feveral colours. The manner of planting maize is in rows, at equal diftance every way, about five or fix feet; the earth is opened with a hoe four inches deep, and four or five grains are thrown into it, at a little diftance from one another in the breadth of a hoe, then they are covered with earth ; if they grow the crop will anfwer. The corn is weeded at a hand’s length, and the earth is loofened about it with a hoe. This labour muft be repeated as the weeds come up ; when the ftalk begins to grow high, a little earth fhould be drawn about it, and on putting forth the ear fo much as to make a little hill, like a hop-hill. It is ripe about the middle of September ; it muft be ftripped as foon as gathered, unlefs it is laid thin, to prevent its growing mouldy or fprouting. The common way is to move the ear together, in long traces, by fome part of the hulks left thereon, which is called tracing. Thefe traces they hang upon bearers, without doors, and will keep fo all winter good and fweet. The Indians thralh it as they gather it. They dry it well on matts in the fun, and bury it in holes in the ground, lined with mofs or matts, which are their bams. The Englilh of late plant it with the help of the plough ; they turn up Angle furrows, fix feet diftance; then plough acrofs, at the lame diftance, throw in the corn where thefe meet, and cover it with a hoe, or run another furrow over it with the plough.
The Indians boil it till it becomes tender, and eat it with filh or venifon inftead of bread ; fometimes they bruife it in mortars, and fo boil it. The mod ufual way is to parch it in alhes, ftirring it fo artificially as to be very tender, without burning ; this they lift and beat in mortars into fine meal, which they eat dry, or mixed with water. The Englilh mix it into a ftiff pafte, make bread of it, which they bake all day or all night. The bell fort of food which is made of it is called Camp: to make it, the corn is watered half an hour, beaten in a mortar to the bignefs of rice, fifted, boiled, and eaten with milk, or butter and fugar, like rice ; and this feems to be fo good and whole-
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fome a diet, that ’tis a ftrange fort of folly in fome that defpife it becaufe it is Indian corn ; and the Indians have no other corn to eat. The Engliih have alfo made good beer of it by malting it, or making it of bread; when they malt it, it mull chit both ways, root and blade ; to do which they heap it up at a convenient time, then take away the top of the earth of a garden-field, two or three inches deep ; after which they cover the ground with the com and the corn with the earth ; when the plat is green all over with the corn-fprouts, which it will be in about ten days, it mult be taken up, the earth Ihaken from it and dried, and then walhed and dried again on a kiln ; this makes the malt and that the beer, which will be pleafant, wholefome, and of a brown colour. The beer made of bread is more durable, and altogether as pleafant ; to make this they cut the bread into great lumps as big as a man’s fill, malh and manage it as they do malt; adding or omitting hops, of which they have enough, and as good a fort of their own as is defired. No Indian corn grows wild now; but both that and kidney-beans were found among the natives. The Indians have a tradition that the firfl grain of corn was brought thither by a black-bird, and the firlt bean by a crow.
We are now to proceed from the defcription of the country, and an account of its produce, in which we ought by all means to include iron ore, of which there is in this country great plenty : I fay our method leads us to go on to the political Hate and condition of this colony, that the fituation of the Engliih therein may be rendered more obvious, and be the better apprehended. In order to do this as fuccinctly as poffible, we lhall obferve there are very few countries in which fo many different forms of government have prevailed within fo narrow a fpace of time as in New England. At the firft going over of the people thither they framed a government of their own, and afterwards procured, as themfelves boaft, or fome of their writers have boafted for them, the eftablifhment of a republic, by virtue of a patent from King James I. which, however, they managed fo indifferently, and were guilty of fuch flagrant oppreffions, on account of differences in religion, that their charter was in the reign of King Charles II. declared forfeited; and though it was renewed under the reign of King William, yet it was under various reftrictions, and with feveral material alterations; fo that we may fafely affirm that there are at prefent three kinds of governments eftablilhed by lawin thofe four colonies; which,as we before obferved, are eftablifhed within the limits of NewEngland. The firfl; kind of government I fhall mention is that old form of charter government which allows the people to chufe annually their own governors, deputy- governors, council, and affembly, with all their officers, civil and military, and to make fuch laws as to them fhall feem expedient, provided they are not repugnant to the laws of Great Britain. This kind of government, which, I believe, is more independent than that of any colony belonging to any other nation in the world, is enjoyed in its full extent by the people who inhabit the plantations of Connedicut and Rhode Ifland ; but they make a very different ufe of it ; for thofe of the firrt-mentioned colony are very Arid in point of religion, whereas thofe in Rhode Ifland are the freeft in that refpect of any in the world ; for there are among them people of all religions, or rather of all thofe feds into which Proteftants are divided, but without the leaf! prejudice to their temporal concerns, every man being alike capable of magiftracy ; and with refpect to an eftablilhed church there is none, but each body of Chriftians live according to their °wn fyftem, and chufe and pay their minifters as they think fit. The great colony of Maftachufets is likewife a charter-government, but the appointment of the governor, lieutenant-governor, fecretary, and all the officers of the admiralty, is veiled in the crown. The people have not only the choice of the affembly but of the council;
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upon which, however, the governor in his turn has a negative ; and, by virtue of his commiflion as captain-general, has the power of the militia ; fo that here the fupreme authority refts neither in the governor nor the people, but in them both, whenever they can agree to exert it. The government of New Hampfhire is entirely in the hands of the crown, in the fame manner as that of Virginia and other colonies.
The capital of this country is Bofton, in the county of Suffolk, and within the province of Maffachufet Proper : it is fituated in the latitude of 42 degrees 20 minutes north, and in 7.1 degrees of longitude weft from London ; it Hands on a peninfula about four miles in circumference, at the bottom of a fine bay of the fea, at the entrance whereof are feveral rocks which appear above water, and above a dozen fmall illands, fome of which are inhabited. There is but one fafe channel to approach the harbour, and that fo narrow that two fhips can fcarce fail through abreaft ; but within the harbour there is room enough for five hundred fail to lie at anchor. The entrance is defended by the caftle of Fort William, on which are one hundred guns mounted, twenty of which lie in a platform, level with the water, fo that it is fcarce poffible for an enemy to pafs the caftle ; and, to prevent furprize, they have a guard placed on one of the rocks about two leagues diftant, on which alfo there ftands a little houfe, from whence they make fignals to the caftle when any fhips come near it: there is alfo a battery of great guns at each end of the town, which commands the harbour, to the fire whereof any enemy would be expofed if he fhould be fo fortunate as to pafs the ; caftle.
At the bottom of the bay there is a pier near two thoufand feet in length, with ware- houfes for the merchants on the north fide of it; and fhips of the great-eft burden may come up clofe to the pier and unload, without the help of boats. The greateft part of the town of Bofton lies in the form of a crefcent about the harbour, the country beyond rifing gradually, and affording a moft delightful profpedt from the fea. There are in it feveral ftreets, not much inferior to the beft in London, the chief of which runs from the pier up to their town-houfe or guild-hall, a handfome building, where are- walks for the merchants, as on the exchange ; and there alfo are the council-chamber, the houfe of reprefentatives, and their courts of juftice, the exchange being furrounded with bookfellers-fhops, who have trade enough to employ five printing-preffes. There are ten churches of all denominations, of which fix are Independents, the moft prevailing party in New England ; and the number of fouls in the town of that perfuafion may be about fourteen or fifteen thoufand. The epifcopal church is handfomely built and adorned, and the congregation faid to be about a thoufand in number. Their church furniture and fome pieces of plate were given them by King William and. Queen Mary, and their organ by Thomas Brattley, efquire. There is alfo in this church a magnificent feat for the governor, who comes thither when he happens to be of the church of England. Bofton is the moft flouriftiing town for trade in Englifh America, and there are feveral hundred fail of fhips, brigantines, and other veffels,. annually loaded here with timber, beef, pork, fifh, and other commodities, for Europe or the American iflands : their merchants and tradefmen are a polite fort of people, many of them having travelled into Europe, or converfed with foreigners of feveral nations at home : their houfes are elegantly furnifhed, and their tables as well ferved as thofe of the merchants and tradefmen of London; all manner of provifions being as plentiful as in any town in Old England.
A late writer tells us in relation to the fortrefs before-mentioned, that, it is a beautiful caftle, by far the fineft piece of military architecture in Britifh America; being a quarry furrounded by a covered way, and joined with two lines of communication to the main
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battery, as alfo a line of communication from the main gate to a redoubt, to prevent any enemies landing; and the battery is fituated fo near to the channel, as to hinder lhips coming up to the town, which muft all come within piftol-lhot of it. In time of peace there is but one company on duty in the caftle; but in time of war, there are five hundred able bodied men, exempted from all other military duty, to attend the fervice of the caftle at an hour’s warning, when the fignal is given from the night- houfe of the approach of an enemy. The caftle thereupon makes a fignal to the town; and if five lhips or more appear in time of war, the neighbouring country is alarmed, by firing a beacon. In this city commonly the governor refides; here the general court and affembly meet, and almoft all the public bufinefs of the province is here tranfacled. The number of houfes is computed at four thoufand four hundred; the number of people at about twenty-four thoufand; and the Ihipping of this port is computed at between fix and feven hundred. There are, befides .this, feveral great towns and good ports and a multitude of fmall ones, in New England} but I have not room to enter into more particular accounts.
As to the number of people, writers differ extremely, and it is not eafy to know which is in the right; but the following about twenty years ago was faid to be the belt authority ; viz. that in the Maffachufets colony there were eighty thoufand fouls; in that of Connecticut, thirty thoufand ; and in Rhode Ifland, ten thoufand; in the whole, one hundred and twenty thoufand: but I am perfuaded that, at prefent, they amount to one hundred and fixty thoufand at leaft.
The commerce of thefe colonies is very confiderable, and extends itfelf over all America, and into fome parts of Europe; they furnilh our fugar-colonies with filh, cattle, boards, hoops, pipe-ftaves, bark, Ikins, butter, cheefe, oil, tallow, corn, apples, turpentine, &c. and this in fuch vaft abundance, that it is computed the ifland of Bar- badoes alone takes off to the value of two hundred thoufand pounds every year; they deal befides with the other fugar-colonies, fometiines with the French, largely with the Spaniards, and they fhip off prodigious quantities of fifli to Italy, Spain, and Portugal. They take from us all kinds of mercery goods, linen, ftockings, fhoes, fail-cloth, cordage, haberdafhery ware, and a vaft many other things; in return they build a prodigious number of lhips, and export a vaft quantity of rnafts, plank, and yards, for the royal navy ; pitch, tar, turpentine, fkins, furs, oil, whale-fins, logwood, and other- commodities.
The obfervations made by the famous Sir Jofiah Child, in reference to this colony, are very well worthy our notice, as they will lead us to form the trueft judgment poflible, as to that important point, what the profit is which refults to this kingdom, from our plantations in New England ; upon which he reafons in the following manner : “ ift. All our American plantations, except the New England, produce commodities of different natures, as fugar, tobacco, cocoa, wool, ginger, fundry forts of dyeing woods, &c.: whereas New England produces generally the fame we have here ; viz. corn and cattle ; fome quantity of fifh they do likewife kill, but that is taken and cured altogether by their own inhabitants, which prejudices our Newfoundland trade; where, as has been faid, very few are, or ought, according to prudence, to be employed in thefe fifheries but the inhabitants of Old England. The other commodities we have from them are fome few great mails, furs, and train oil, of which the yearly value amounts to very little; the much greater value of returns from thence being made in fugar, cotton, wool, tobacco, and fuch like commodities, which they firit receive from fome other of His Majefty’s plantations, in barter for dry cod-filh, fait, mackarel, beef, pork, bread, beans, flour, peafe, &c. which they fupply Barbadoes,
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Jamaica, &c. with, to the diminution of the vent of thofe commodities from this kingdom ; the great experience of which, in our own Weft India plantations, would foon be found in the advantage of the value of our lands in England, were it not for the vaft and almoft incredible fupplies thofe colonies have from New England.
te 2dly. The people of New England, by virtue of their primitive charters, being not fo ftrittiy tied to the obfervation of the laws of this kingdom, do fometimes affume the liberty of trading, contrary to the aft of navigation; by reafon of which many of our American commodities, efpecially tobacco and fugar, are tranfported in New Englilh Ihipping, directly into Spain, and other foreign countries, without being landed in England, or paying any duty to His Majefty; which is not only a lofs to the King, and prejudice to the navigation of Old England, but alfo a total exclufton of the Old Englilh merchant from the vent of thofe commodities in thofe ports where the New Englilh velfels trade; becaufe there being no cuftom on thofe commodities in New England, and a great cuftom paid on them in Old England; it muft necetfarily follow that the New Englilh merchant will be able to afford his commodity much cheaper than the Old Englilh merchant; and thofe that can fell cheapeft, will infallibly engrofs the whole trade fooner or later.
“ 3 C %- Of all the American plantations, His Majefty has none fo apt for the building of Ihipping as New England, nor none comparably fo qualified for the breeding of fearnen, not only by reafon of the natural induftry of that people, but principally by reafon of their cod and mackarel filheries; and, in my poor opinion, there is nothing more prejudicial, and in profpedt more dangerous, to any mother-kingdom, than the increafe of Ihipping in her colonies, plantations, and provinces.
“ 4thly. The people that evacuate from us to Barbadoes and the other Weft India plantations, as was before hinted, do commonly work one Englilh to ten or eight blacks; and if we kept the trade of our faid plantations entirely to England, England would have no lefs inhabitants, but rather an increafe of people, by fuch evacuation, becaufe that one Englilhman, with ten blacks that work with him, accounting what they eat, ufe, and wear, would make employment for four men in England, as was faid before; whereas, peradventure, of ten men that iffue from us to New England or Ireland, what we fend to or receive from them does not employ one man in England.”
But with great fubmiffion to fo knowing a man and fo able a judge as he was in thefe matters, what he has delivered upon this fubject, though hitherto received with general approbation, is liable to many objections, which, being duly confidered, will give the ftate and utility of this colony another afpedt. For with refpedt to his firft head of objections, it is not the fault of New England that they have not a ftaple commodity, as well as the fugar and tobacco plantations, but it is our own; fince we might be furnilhed from thence with as great plenty, and in as great perfection, as from any part of the Baltic, with all the naval ftores, which are fo neceffary, and for which we actually pay yearly a vaft fum of ready money. It is therefore very unjuft to call New England a ufelefs province, becaufe we will not make ufe of her commodities, which we might command for our own manufactures, at our own time and on our own terms, but rather pay our money for them to foreigners, who, whenever an opportunity offers, never fail to force their own terms upon us. As to the proviftons furnilhed to our fugar colonies by the people of New England, it is fo far from being a difadvantage to the nation, that it is a very great convenience; for without it they could not poffibly fubfift. This, at firft fight, may feem a very bold affertion, but I am very confident that it is true; for in time of peace, if the fugar colonies were to
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draw all their provifions from hence, it would make their commodity much dearer, and confequently enable foreigners to beat us out of that trade entirely, and in time of war the people in thofe colonies would be in danger of ftarving, as the inhabitants of the French fugar iflands generally are; to avoid which inconveniency, they are now labouring to render Louvifiana as ufeful to their fugar colonies, as New England is to ours : and after all, what the New England people get by this trade comes hither. To this we may add, that if we had not fettled New England the French certainly would j the confequences of which may be more eafily conceived than defcribed.
The fecond objection admits of the fame anfwer. We have the benefit of all the trade the people in this colony carry on in Europe, as well as America; and while we have this certain advantage, there feems to be no juft caufe for our difturbing our- felves with the thoughts of the advantages that might be gained if this trade ran in another channel; fince thefe are uncertainties, as to which, however, our government has already taken all the precautions that are poflible, or at leaft that are practicable, without running into greater inconveniences than thofe they are calculated to guard againft. The breeding of feamen and the building of Ihips are not found by experience to be attended with the inconveniences that were feared from them; but, on the contrary, have had many advantageous confequences, both in time of war and of peace. The fourth objection, which feems to have the greateft weight of any, we know now by experience has in reality no weight at all; for without having colonies compofed entirely of white people, it would be impoffible for us to defend our other colonies againft our enemies in America; and, as we fliall Ihew hereafter in fpeaking of Georgia, inftead of repining at the want of negroes in New England, we ought rather to wifh that there were fewer negroes elfewhere. The reader will eafily perceive that I do not affecl to contradict this great author, I only exprefs the reafons why his arguments do not convince me, and, from the lights of experience Ihew that it is not impoffible even for the greateft men to be miftaken.
Sir Jofiah Child faw this himfelf, as appears by the manner in which he finifhes his remarks, which I look upon to be one of the fineft paflages in his whole work. “ To conclude,” fays he, “ and to do right to that moil induftrious Englilh colony, I mull confefs, that though we lofe by their unlimited trade with our foreign plantations, yet We are very great gainers by their direct trade to and from Old England. Our yearly exportations of Englifh manufactures, malt, and other goods, from hence thither, amounting, in my opinion, to ten times the value of what is imported from thence ; which calculation I do not make at random, but upon mature confideration, and peradventure, upon as much experience of this very trade, as any other perfon will pretend to do ; and, therefore, whenever a reformation of our correfpondency in trade with that people {hull be thought on, it will, in my poor judgment, require great tendernefs and very ferious circumfpeclion.”
I ftall not dwell much longer upon this fubject, or pretend to give the reader any calculation of the value of thofe advantages which from this colony are derived to Great Britain, becaufe I am fenfible that though the thing may be practicable in itfelf, yet Efficient informations are not hitherto fallen into my power ; I defire therefore to leave only thefe three remarks with the ingenious and impartial reader: the firft is, that we have it in our power to bring from this colony all the naval (lores that we now bring from the Baltic ; which, whenever it is thoroughly confidered by our parliament, will produce fome law, which cannot fail of rendering this colony twice as beneficial to the nation as it has hitherto been, or could be till enabled by fuch a law. In the fecond place I mult obferve, that as we derive a great part of our fugars from the affiftance

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given to the colonies which produce them by New England, fo this part of their produce ought to be placed to the New England account. I am to remark laftly, that the complaints which have been made of the inhabitants of this colony dealing in goods, and employing themfelves in manufactures which interfere with thofe of Great Britain, is a complaint which, though well founded, is ill applied ; for though it be true that this may be an injury to us, yet the fault lies in ourfelves, and not in the people of New England, who only raife and manufacture^ for themfelves what they cannot pur- Cnafe from us ; fo that not content with having their ail, (for, as we have fhewn, the whole balance of their trade comes hither) we feem to be angry that they endeavour to fupply themfelves with what we could fell, and they want wherewithal to purchafe; which want, however, might be removed by taking their naval ftores. But it is now fit that we fhould give a fhort view of the plantation of our next colony, which though we cannot call it one of the moll profitable, yet it mult be allowed one of the moft pleafant of our plantations.
10. The Iflands of Bermudas were difcovered by one John Bermudas, a Spaniard ; after which they were frequently touched at by his countrymen in their paflage to the Weft Indies, but were quite unknown to us till the year 1593, when one Henry May was fhipwrecked upon them in a French veflel, whofe report made them very famous ; but they became more fo by the like misfortune of Sir George Summers, and Sir Thomas Gates, in their paflage to Virginia in 1609, of which we have before given a particular account, as well as of his being fent thither a fecond time to fetch hogs, it was with great difficulty he found thefe iflands, and not long after he breathed his laft in them, being upwards of threefcore, and much fatigued for many months before. It was from him their name was changed to Summers’s Iflands, which our mariners call the Summer Iflands ; a name they very well deferve for their pleafantnefs and fertility. Sir George directed his men to return to Virginia with black hogs for the relief of that colony, but they refolved otherwife after his death ; and ftoring their cedar fhip with fuch .provifions as they had, they fet fail for England, where they arrived at Whitchurch in Dorfetffiire, having Sir George Summers’s corpfe on board, only the heart and bowels they left at Bermudas, where Captain Butler, twelve years afterwards, built a handfome monument over them.
Thefe men, at their return, gave fuch an account of the country to the Virginia Company, that'they thought it worth their while to eftabliffi a correfpondence between England and Bermudas ; accordingly they fold thefe iflands to one hundred and twenty perfons of the fame fociety, who obtained a charter from King James, and became the proprietors of them. When Sir George Summers was firft here, two of his men ftaid behind, having committed fome crime for which they would have been put to death. They were Hill there when Sir George returned, and had ever fince his departure, fupported themfelves on the productions of the place, and built them a hut, and took pofleffion of St. George’s Ifland. Thefe two men, whofe names were Chriftopher Carter and Edward Waters, ftaid alfo behind Sir George’s fecond company, of whom they perfuaded one Edward Chard to remain with them : and now Carter, Waters, and Chard, were foie lords of the country, but foon fell out among themfelves ; Chard and Waters were coming to a pitched battle ; but Carter, though he hated them both, yet not liking to be left alone, prevented it, by threatening to declare againft the man who ftruck firft. At laft neceffity made them good friends, and they joined together in making difcoveries, in one of which expeditions they found the largeft piece of ambergreafe among the rocks that ever was feen, weighing eighty pounds, befkles other fmaller pieces. This treafure made them almoft mad; they
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grew giddy with the thoughts of it; and, that they might have an opportunity to make ufe of it, refolved on the molt defperate attempt that men could run upon, which was to build a boat after the bell manner they could, to Jail to Virginia or Newfoundland, according as wind and weather fhould prefent.
But before they could put their project in execution, a Ihip arrived from England; for Captain Mathew Summers, Sir George’s brother, had promifed to come to them, or fend a veffel to their relief. The Ihip they difcovered Handing in with the Hi ore was the Plough, which had fixty perfons aboard, fent by the new Bermudas Company to make a fettlement, of which Mr. Richard Moor was governor, who was an honeft induftrious perfon. He pitched upon a plain in St. George’s Ifland to fettle on, and there firlt built himfelf a houfe, or rather a cabin, for the building was only of pal- meto leaves ; yet he made it large enough for him, his wife, and family; and the reft of the adventurers following his example, it became a fort of a town, which in time grew to a confiderable bignefs, and is now St. George’s Town, one of the ftrongeft and bell built in our American colonies; for all the houfes are of cedar, and all the forts of hewn Hone. This man proved an excellent governor in every refpedt; and in the year 1614 diiappointed the Spaniards in a defign they had formed of landing upon and conquering thefe iflands.
He was fucceeded by Captain Daniel Tucker, who was a perfon of better education and more experience in the world, who took upon him to eftablilh a regular form of government; to diftinguilh and trace out plantations; to oblige every man to build uniformly in the town, and to plant regularly in the country; by which method the iflands were very much improved, and the exportations for England increafed; he likewife eftablilhed a tolerable militia, and put the iflands in fuch a pofture of defence as, together with their fituation, put it out of the power of any of their enemies to difembark fuch a force as might hurt them. But the feverity of his government was fo grievous to fome licentious perfons, that five of them executed as defperate a defign to efcape him, as Waters and his companions had projected to get away from the ifland. They knew the governor would not give them leave to go off, and therefore invented this contrivance to effect it: —Hearing Captain Tucker had a great defire to go a fifhing out at fea, but was afraid to do it, becaufe feveral fiiher-boats had been driven off by the weather and the men perifhed, they propofed to him to build a boat of two or three tons, with a deck, and fo fitted that fhe Ihould live in all weathers. The governor confenting to it, they fell to building in a private place, pretending it was convenient for getting timber and launching the boat. They finiflbed it fooner than was expedited ; and the governor fent hands to fetch it, intending to go in it aboard a fhip which he was then difpatching for England. When his men came to the place, neither the boat nor the builders were to be found ; all that they could hear of them was that the boat being finilhed the night before, thofe that built it went off to fea in it, to try how it would Tail. At laft they found, by fome letters they left behind them, that they were gone for England j and the (lory of their adventure is told us in this manner. *
They borrowed a CQmpafs-dial of a neighbour, on fome pretence or other, and went on board the Ihip bound for England, where they trucked with the Teamen fuch things as they had for provifions. One of them, at parting, told the mariners, that though they were forbidden to go with them, yet they hoped to be in England before them. At which the mafter of the Ihip laughed, and away thefe fearlefs adventurers failed, with a fair wind and weather for one and twenty days; they then met with a ftorm,
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which reduced them to extremity for eight and forty hours, and obliging them to bear up afore it drove them a little out of ther courfe to the weftward; but the wind coming fair again, and continuing fo ten days, they went on cheerfully. In that time they met with a French privateer, where they went aboard to beg fome relief; but inltead of helping they plundered them of the little they had, took away even their inftrument of navigation, and turned them adrift. In this miferable condition they failed on, growing every day weaker and weaker; their provifions were almoft fpent, their firewood quite gone, not a drop of frefh water left, nor food for above a day, when at laft, in the very hour they expe&ed to perifh, they made land to their unfpeakable joy. This land was Ireland, where they went afhore in the county of Cork, and were nobly entertained by the Earl of Thomond, to whom they related their voyage, which had then lafted forty-two days.
There were but five perfons concerned, of whom there was one Mr. James Barker, a gentleman, Richard Saunders who contrived the defign, William Goodwin, a fhip- carpenter, who built the boat, and Henry Puet, a common failor, who undertook to navigate this veflel. Both thefe ftories may feem a little befide our prefent purpofe, but I have inferted them as belonging more immediately to a Collection of Voyages, and becaufe I look upon both thefe incidents to be very well worth preferving. Captain Tucker refigned, in the year 1619, to Captain Butler, who arrived at that time with four good fhips, in which he brought five hundred paffengers, and there being as many Englilh on the ifland, the colony began to make a confiderable figure. This governor railed a noble monument over the remains of Sir George Summers that were left in the ifland, depofiting them in the church in St. George’s Town. He divided the iflands into diftrifts; and now the government by governor, council, and aflembly, was efta- blilhed, which before had been only the governor and council. The laws of the country were alfo fettled, as near-as the. circumftances and conveniences of the. place would admit, to the laws of England; as is done in all the colonies in America. After bringing down the hiftory of thefe iflands to their becoming a regular and fettled colony, I am next to give an account of the iflands themfelves, in order to fliew the value of them.
11. There are fome who would perfuade us, that thefe iflands have received their name from the vaft quantity of black hogs found upon them Bermudas, in the old, Spanilh tongue, fignifying a black hog; but though this derivation be plaufible, yet the fatt upon which it is founded is moll certainly falfe; for when the Spaniards firft difcovered them there was not a Angle hog upon thefe or perhaps upon any other ifland whatever; neither is it well known upon what part the Spaniards landed. Thefe iflands lie very contiguous to each other ; but authors differ fo much as to the number of them, that it is very difficult to fpeak of them with certainty; for fome fay there are but three hundred, others affirm there are more than five hundred. They lie in the latitude of 32 degrees 30 minutes north, and in 35 degrees of weftern longitude, at a vafl diftance from the continent, fince the nearefl land, which is Cape Hatteras in Carolina, lies at leafl two hundred and^fifty leagues to the weft of them, and they are above fixteen hundred leagues from England. The air here has always been thought extremely wholefome, and the country wonderfully pleafant, infomuch that people were wont to remove hither from the other colonies, in order to recover their broken conftitution. The heat in fummer is very fupportable, and with refpeH to winter, they have really none; nay, fome go fo far as to affirm, that there is but one feafon in the ifland of Bermudas, and this is a perpetual fpring; which, however, may be in fome
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tneafure afcribed to the foil, which though it be thin is very rich and very fruitful, though remarkably ftony. The earth is of feveral colours, brown, white, and red ; the firft is the beft, and the laft the word. Two or three feet under the mould they find a white hard body, which the inhabitants call the rock, but which feems more to refemble chalk, or a pumice-ftone, through which the roots of their trees force a paffage; and a kind of clay is generally found under it.
Maize, or Indian corn, which is the main fupport of the people here, is twice reaped ; for what they fow in March they cut in July, in a fortnight after they fow again, and reap in December. They have all the plants peculiar to the Weft Indies, and all kinds of herbs, roots, flowers, and trees, brought from Europe, thrive to perfection. They have fome tobacco, but it is of an indifferent fort, and therefore does not yield them any great profit; but certainly, with a little care, they might be able to produce any kind of tobacco, or other vegetables that turns to account almoft in any climate. They have palmetos, a kind of wild palm, that is extremely ufeful, the leaves being eight or ten feet long, and near as broad, with which they cover or thatch their houfes; it produces a very lufcious fruit, which in Ihape, fize, and colour refembles a damfon. Laurel, olive, mulberry, and date trees, are very common; and their forefts abound with variety of odoriferous woods, fome black, fome of a yellow, and fome of a red colour: the berries of thefe trees have the ftiptic quality of a floe, and are much ufed by the Englilh to cure the flux, which they frequently get by eating the lufcious palm- berries too greedily. But amongft a multitude of Ihrubs and trees peculiar to thefe iflands, and equally valuable for their timber and fruit, there are two which, though found in other parts of the world, have a peculiar excellence here; the firft is their orange, which in point of fize, fcent and flavour, far exceeds any either in the Weft or Eaft Indies: the fecond is their cedar, which, from the nature of the foil wherein it grows, is firmer and more durable than any of its kind that we are acquainted with; anfwers in every refpect to, oak-timber, and is found of extraordinary ufe in Ihip- building, fo that the beft floops, brigantines, and other fmall veffels, both for fervice and failing, which are in ufe throughout the Weft Indies, are built at Bermudas.
They have likewife two very Angular plants, one ufeful the other noxious, but both fo remarkable as to deferve particular notice; the firft is called the Summer Ifland redwood, the berry of which is as red as the prickle-pear, giving alfo fuch a tinfture; out of which berry come firft worms, which afterwards turn into flies, fometimes bigger than the cochineel fly, and a medicinal virtue much exceeding it. The poifon-weed is the other ftrange plant, which grows much in the fame manner as our ivy, and, if we may depend upon a gentleman who lived long in thefe iflands, and fent an account of what was remarkable in them to the Royal Society, there is not a more furprifing produftion than this in nature: he fays he had feen a man fo infedted by it as to have all the Ikin of his face peel off, though he pafied by without touching it, and yet he affirms that he had chewed it in his mouth without feeling any inconvenience, whence he infers that it is not hurtful alike to all conftitutions. In this all who have been upon thefe iflands agree, that this weed is very prejudicial, but then they agree likewife that there is nothing venomous befides in any of thefe iflands.
As for animals, there were none in Bermudas but hogs, infefts, and birds, when Sir George Summers was fhip-wrecked there: he found out that there were fome hogs the ifland, by fending out two or three of his own to feed, and when they rambled home, a huge wild boar followed them, and being killed was found to be excellent meat : the hogs they killed afterwards were found to be all black, and from thence

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it is concluded thdt the Spaniards had left them there to breed, becaufe they were of the fame kind with them they carried to the continent of America: they now fat them at Bermudas with palm and cedar berries ; but their number is very much de- creafed.
Thefe iflands abound in more and greater variety of fowl than any in America, There are hawks of all forts, herns, bitterns, offspreys, cormorants, baldcoots, moorhens, fwans, teal, fnipe, duck, and wigeons ; bats and owls are alfo very common here, with multitudes of fmall birds; as wood-peckers, fparrows, &c. The Englifh, at their firft coming found a fort of fowl here they called cowkoes, which bred in the holes of the rocks, and in burrows like rabbits, and were fo numerous and gentle, that they were taken by hand. They are now almoft deftroyed, being very eafy to be caught. This bird is of the bignefs of a fea-mew. There are alfo the tropic-bird, and the peinlico, feldom feen by day, and when it is, held to be the unwelcome foreteller of a llorm.
Fifh there is as plenty as fowl, of which there are fo many forts that authors have not yet found out names for them. They have of the fcaiy and the fhelly kind; the whale and fword-filh, and the threfher ; but particularly the tortoife abounds to a wonder, and is as good and great, of the fort, as any in the world. Whale-fifhing has been attempted, but without fuccefs. The whales about Bermudas are found only in the months of February, March, and April; the female whales have abundance of milk, which the young ones fuck out of the teats that grow by her navel; they have no teeth, but feed on grafs growing on the rocks at the bottom during thefe three months, and at no other feafon of the year; when this is confumed and gone, the whales go. There have been fpermaceti whales driven upon the fhore, which fperma, as they call it, lies all over the bodies of thefe whales : thefe have divers teeth, which may be about as big as a man’s wrift. Ambergreafe and fpermaceti have been found here in great quantities, and pearl: all which are almoft as rare here now as elfe- where; which is a little wonderful.
The infedls in thefe iflands are, generally fpeaking, the fame as before mentioned in other plantations, except it be the fpider, which is thought to be larger here than in any other country in the world, and fo adorned with beautiful colours, that it takes off very much, if it does not entirely remove, that diftafte which otherwife the fight of creatures of this kind, and of fo enormous a fize, would naturally occafion. One of thefe fpiders, with its legs extended, would take up a fpace equal to the breadth of a man’s hand. Their bodies are compofed of two parts, one flat and the other round, not unlike, either in fhape or fize, to a pigeon’s egg. On their backs they have an orifice, which ferves, as well as in fome kinds of hogs, for a navel; their mouths are covered with a kind of grey hairs, intermixed fometimes with bright red, and on each fide of their mouths they have a kind of crooked tooth, of a fine polilhed fubftance, extremely hard, and of a bright fhining black, and therefore they are often fet in filver or gold for tooth-picks. When thefe creatures grow old, they are covered ail over with a kind of dark brown or black down, fmooth, foft, and fhining. like velvet; on the flat part they have their ten legs, five on each fide, each of which has four joints and two fmall claws at the ends. They call their fkins every year, together with thofe hard teeth-like fubftances before-mentioned; they live upon flies and gnats, in catching of which they fhew great cunning and no lefs agility. Their webs, which are very large, they fpirt into the air, by which means they are lodged upon trees at fome diftance, and then run along the threads, and weave them fo ftrong, that birds of the fize of a thrufh are fometimes caught in them.
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There is fcarce an eighth part of thefe iflands inhabited, and all but St. George’s, St. David’s, and Cooper’s Ifles, have only a few houfes fcattered up and down ; they all together make the figure of a fheep-hook, and are within the circuit of fix or feven leagues at molt. There are none of them of any confiderable bignefs, yet fome much bigger than others ; as time and the fea continually walhing upon them, have worn them away in different proportions. The main or great ifland of all is called St. George’s, and is about fixteen miles in length, from eaft-north-eaft to weft-fouth-weft ; it is not a league over in the broadefl: place, but is fortified by nature all round, the rocks every way extending themfelves a great way into the fea. To natural ftrength, efpecially towards the eaftward, where it is molt expofed, the inhabitants have added that of forts, batteries, parapets, and lines ; the cannon of the forts and batteries being fo well difpofed as to command the feveral channels and inlets into the fea. There are no more than two places where {hipping may fafely come in, and it is not eafy for a man to find thofe places out; the rocks lie fo thick in fuch a manner, and fome fo undif- covered, that without a good pilot from the ihore, a veffel of ten tons could not find the way into thofe harbours, which being once known the biggefl: {hips in the world may enter. Thefe two havens are fo fortified, that if an enemy Ihould attempt either, he might eafily be kept out. The rocks, at molt places, appear at low water ; it ebbs and flows there not above five feet; the very fhore itfelf is, for the moft part, a rock, and it is impoflible to find out any iflands better guarded by rocks than thefe ; indeed they are all of them fo environed with them, that they feem to threaten all {hips who venture on that coafl: with prefent deftru&ion, and fo many have been fliipwrecked upon them, that the Spaniards gave them the name of Los Diabolos, the Devil’s Iflands ; this place having been fatal to them and all nations.
The town of St. George ftands at the bottom of the haven of the fame name, covered by no Iefs than fix or feven forts and batteries, as King’s Caflle, Charles Fort, Pembrook Fort, Cavendifh Fort, Davie’s Fort, Warwick Fort, and Sandy’s Fort, mounted with above feventy pieces of cannon ; and they are fo difpofed that they can be all brought to bear upon any {hip before {he can make her entrance. In this town there is a fair church with a fine library, for which the inhabitants are indebted to Dr. Thomas Bray. There are near a thoufand houfes in it handfomely built, and a ftate-houfe for the meeting of the governor, council, -and aflembly. Befides the town and divifion of St. George, there are eight tribes, Hamilton’s tribe, Smith’s tribe, Devonlhire’s tribe, Pembrook’s tribe, Paget’s tribe, Warwick’s tribe, Southampton’s tribe, and Sandy’s tribe, of which Devonshire in the north, and Southampton in the fouth, are parilhes, have each a church and a particular library. In the whole ifland there are plantations of oranges, mulberries, and other productions of the country, which render it a very delightful profpect. There is a haven in Southampton tribe or diftrift which is alfo called Southampton, and other harbours, as the Great Sound, Harrington’s inlet in Hamilton’s tribe, Paget’s port in Paget’s tribe, and others. There are no parifh churches in any of the lefler iflands, and all the inhabitants are ranged under one or the other of the eight tribes. The number of people in the whole who inhabit thefe iflands has been computed to be nine thoufand, and it is thought they do not much increafe, many of the younger fort removing, for the fake of making their fortunes, into other colonies.
The government is like that of Virginia ; the crown appointing both a governor and council, but the people, by their reprefentatives, compofe the aflembly; they have fewer bye-laws than any of our other fettlements, which we impute to the fmallnefs of
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their trade ; for this colony produces no confiderable commodity by which the inhabitants may be enriched; and their commerce confifts chiefly in timber and provifions, which they fend to the other parts of America that ftand in need of therm and forne tobacco imported to England ; feveral families retired thither formerly., on account of their religion or health, from England, and carried confiderable effeCts with them. The building of fhips and floops is the moft advantageous branch of their trade ; and the people of Bermudas feem to content themfelves with the pleafure and plenty of their country, with a fafe and quiet retreat from the troubles and cares of the other part of the world, without any ambition to enrich themfelves ; and if they had any fuch defire, it is to be queftioned whether they have any opportunity of gratifying it: be that as it will, the inhabitants have conftantly maintained a molt excellent reputation ; infomuch that I knew a very ingenious gentleman, as well acquainted with this and our other plantations as thirty years trading to them all could render him, who was wont to fay that Bermudas was the fineft country, and inhabited by the bell people he ever knew.
It was this report of the place and people that induced the Reverend Dean Berkley, who is fince become, very worthily, a bi/hop of our church, to think of erecting an academy there for promoting ufeful learning and true religion in the Weft Indies; and the fociety for propagation of the gofpel had fo good an opinion of the propofal made them by the biftiop of erecling a college or feminary at Bermudas, that they aflifted him in procuring a patent for it from King George I., and contributed to the expence of the undertaking. And the Doctor, with three fellows of Trinity College, in Dublin, viz. the Reverend Mr. William Thompfon, Jonathan Rogers, and James King, mafters of art, with feveral of the Doctor’s relations, who were people of fortune, embarked for Bermudas, in order to lay the foundation of the intended college ; but they were unfortunately driven by a {form to Long Ifland, in the province of New York; from whence the DoCtor, with his companions, vifited Bofton and feveral other great towns in New England, where they preached, and performed other parts of their function. But the defign of erecting a college was laid afide, the expence appearing larger than it had been firft calculated, and many of thofe who had promifed fubfcriptions failing in their performance; fo that Dr. Berkley found himfelf obliged to return home, and was not long after promoted to the fee of Cloyne, in the kingdom of Ireland, which he ftill enjoys. *
There remains 'nothing farther to be faid of this plantation, which, though it has flourifhed exceedingly, and is ftill in a very good condition, yet has no great trade with Great Britain, at'-leaft that we can obtain any account of, though undoubtedly we receive very confiderable advantages from thence annually, as the people make ufe of a confiderable quantity of our goods, are cloathed with our manufactures, and employ tools fent from thence in all kinds of work. There might perhaps, if due encouragement was given, be a poflibility of raifing feveral rich commodities in this country, but more particularly two, for which it feems fitter than any of our plantations, viz. cochineal and filk; and with this view, as I have been informed, a very worthy merchant.of this city has collected, digefted, and printed the belt accounts that are to be met with on thefe heads, and alfo with refpeCt to indigo, and has fent them to be diftributed at his own expence in Carolina and the Bermudas Iflands, which is an inftance of public fpirit that deferves to be mentioned with honour, and it is hoped may be likewife thought worthy of imitation. A very few attempts of this kind, fupported with'.fubfcriptions inferior to thofe made for fome diverfions, might produce immenfe
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public advantages to this nation, and prove the means of making multitudes of people happy.
12. All the mifcarriages that had happened in attempting difcoveries to the north- caff and north-weft for a new paffage to the Indies, could not fo far difcourage the merchants of England as to oblige them to lay afide their defigns of that fort; and therefore when any opportunity offered they never failed to lay hold of it, in hopes that fome time or other they might accomplifh one or both of thefe great proje&s. It was with this view that they fitted out Captain Henry Hudfon in 1607, who undertook to fail directly north, which he did to the height of 81 degrees 30 minutes, on the coaft of Greenland, where he was on the 16th of July, the weather being pretty warm. His fcheme, it feems, was to have paffed round that great traft of country which ! the Hanes call Greenland, and falling into Davis’s Streights, have returned that way home; After being difappointed in this, he undertook two voyages for the difcovery of a north- eaft paffage, in which his conduct was very good, though his fuccefs no better than that of thofe who went before him; upon which he refolved to make an attempt towards the north-weft. He failed on this voyage April the 17th, 1610; and thus Mr. Pricket defcribes the principal events in that undertaking :—
We continued fleering north-weft; on the 8th of July we raifed land to the fouth-weft, covered with fnow, which our mafter named Defire Provokes; lying in the latitude of 60 degrees. Here we heard the noife of a great overfall of a tide that came out of the land, and were now fenfible that we had been embayed before ; and we were now fo well acquainted with the ice, that in foggy or foul weather we fought out the broadeft ifland of ice, and there anchoring, we went out and fported upon the ice, and filled water that ftood in ponds upon the ice very fweet and good, being now in the tides-way, the ice opened, by being firft carried one way and then another, whereas m bays it is immoveable ; and in that bay where we had been fo troubled with ice, we faw many of thofe mountains of ice a-ground in fixty or feventy fathom water. We ftill plied to wed ward as the ice would give us leave, and fearing a ftorm we found an- harbour at the weft end of an ifland, whereunto we went at a full fea, over a rock which had then two fathom and a half of water upon it, and the next morning was two fathoms above water. Our mafter named it The Ifland of God’s Mercies. The Water flows here better than four fathoms, and the floods come from the north, flowing eight the change day, latitude 62° 9'. Then plying to fouth-weft we were on the 16th in the latitude of 58° 50', but found ourfelves embayed and much peftered with ice ; Whereupon we ftood to the fouth-weft until we faw the land, which our mafter named Hold with Hope; and being gotten again into a clear fea, our mafter ftood to the weft along the fouth fhore, and raifed three capes or head-lands, lying one beyond another, which he named Cape Henry, Cape James, and Queen Anne’s Foreland ; we alfo- raifed a high hill, which he named Mount Charles. We paffed on in fight of thefouth: ihore until we raifed affair head-land, (which our mafter took to be part of the main north land, but is an ifland,) and.named it Deep’s Cape, and the land on the fouth fide now falling away to the fouth makes another cape or head-land, which our mafter called Worfenham’s Cape.
The mafter fent me, the carpenter, and fome others, alhore near Deep’s Cape; We there faw fome deer, twelve or fixteen in a herd, but could not come within fhot of . them ; ,we found plenty of forrel and fcurvy-grafs, and faw fome round hills of ftones hke to grafs-cocks ; and when we came to them I turned off the uppermoft ftone, and - round them hollow within, and full of fowls hanged by their necks; we turned back.

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and told the mailer what we had feen, and what refrefhment might be had ; intreating' him to flay a day or two in this place, but he was not pleafed with the motion, nor could be perfuaded to flay. Then handing fouthward we loft fight of the main land that we had all this while followed, and came into (hallow water, broken ground, and rocks, and pafled down fo far fouthward till we had land on both fides, and the water fhoaling a-pace we came to an anchor. From hence we flood back again towards the north ; and one day a debate arifing concerning our coming into this bay, and how we fhould get out again, the mafter took occafion to revive old matters, and to difplace Robert Ivet his mate, and boatfwain, for words fpoken on the firft great bay of ice, and made Robert Bilet his mate, and William Wilfon our boatfwain.
C{ We plied to and fro from the north to the fouth, and thence to the north again, till we came to the fhoal-water, where we anchored in feven fathom, and there lay eight days; in all which time we could not get one hour to weigh our anchor; but the eighth day the wind beginning to ceafe, our mafter would have the anchors up again againft the minds of all that knew what belonged therg.unto; fo to it we went, and when we had brought it a-peak, a fea took her, and call us all off from the capftern, and hurt many of us ; here we loft our anchor, and if the carpenter had not been nimble we had loft our cable too ; but he fearing fuch a matter, was ready with his ax, and fo cut it from thence. We flood to the fouth and divers courfes, until we came to a bay on the north fhore, where we anchored. While we lay here we faw a ledge of rocks to the fouthward, about a league long, which were covered at full fea ; for a ftrong tide fet in here. At midnight we weighed, and flood to go out as we came in, and had not gone long before the carpenter told the mafter that if he kept that courfe we fhould be upon the rocks; the mafter conceived that he was paft them, when prefently we ran on them, and there ftuck faft twelve hours, but by the mercy of God we got off unhurt. We flood to the eaft and anchored in a bay ; here the mafter fent me and the carpenter in a boat to feek a place to winter in, and it was time, the days being long and cold, and the earth being covered with fnow, having fpent three months, to no purpofe, and it being now the laft day of Oftober.
“ On the firft of November we found a place whereunto we brought our fhip, and haled her aground ; on the 10th we were frozen in, and now it concerned us to take care of what we had, and fo to fpend, that we might have wherewith to keep us alive, until we fhould come at the capes where the fowl breed 5 for there were all the hopes we had of finding fubfiftence to bring us home. Our mafter therefore appointed a reward to them that killed boat-fifh or fowl. We were victualled for fix months, in good proportion, and of that which was good ; and if our mafter would have had more he might have been fupplied at home and in other places; and it.is ftrange he did not prevent the hunger we endured, which occafioned the overthrow of himfelf and many other honeft men.”
It appears very clearly from this relation, which is indeed the only one we have of this famous voyage ; concerning which it is not eafy to determine if it was mofl for the advantage of this nation or ruinous to the brave man who undertook it; that he was refolved to ftrike out foinething new, and not to wafte his time in retraceing other people's footfteps ; and therefore when he came to the mouth of Davis’s Streights, he continued fleering directly weft, and then as the coaft directed him through thofe ftreights that fince bear his name, till he doubled Cape Worfenham, and then he failed down the weft coaft of New Britain to the very bottom of the bay, where he made choice of a place to winter in, that was very near as far fouth as any part of the ifland
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■of Great Britain, and at the very back of the French fettlements in Canada. Captain Hudfon was a very good judge of the importance and confequences of his difcovery, which induced him to winter there, in hopes of performing fomething very confiderabie the next feafon, which very probably he would have done if his men had not mutinied, and configned him over to the favages to be murdered.
The relation we have of his voyage from Pricket, is chiefly calculated to give an account of this mutiny ; but as it is more to our purpofe to come at as good an account as we can of the voyage itfelf, we fliall endeavour to pick out of it what relates to that matter, and then give a fhort relation of that accident which deftroyed Captain Hudfon and all his hopes. “ It would be tedious (fays he) to relate the hardfhips we endured whilft we wintered in this place; the cold was fo extreme that it lamed moft of our company ; but I muff not forget God’s great mercy to us in fending fuch ftore of white partridges during the firlt three months, that we killed above one hundred dozen, befides other fowl of fundry forts.
“ The fpring approaching the partridges left us, and were fucceeded by other fowl j as fwans, geefe, ducks, and teal, but hard to come by; they came from the fouth and flew to the north ; but if they be taken fhort by a northerly wind, then they fall, and flay till the wind ferves them, and then fly to the northward. As the fummer came on the fowls were gone, and few or none to be feen. Then we fearched the woods, hills, and vallies, for any thing that might ferve for food, though ever fo vile; the frogs (in the time of their engendering, as loathfome as toads) were not fpared, nor the mofs that grew on the ground ; but amongft divers forts of vegetables, Thomas Woodhoufe brought home a bud of a tree full of a turpentine fubftance ; of this our furgeon made a decoction to drink, and applied the buds hot to fuch as were troubled with aches in any part of their bodies ; and I mult confefs 1 received thereby prefent eafe of my pain. As foon as the ice began to break out of the bays, a favage came to our fhip, being the firft we had feen in all this time; our mafter entertained him well, promifing to himfelf great matters by his means, and therefore would have to his own ufe all the knives and hatchets that every man had, but received none except from John King the carpenter, and myfelf. To this favage our mafter gave a knife, a looking-glafs, and buttons ; who received them thankfully, and made figns that after he had flept he would come again, as he did. "When he came again he drew after him a fledge, and upon it two deer-fkins and two beaver-fkins ; he laid the knife upon one of the beaver-fkins, and his glafs and buttons upon the other, and fo gave them to the mafter, who received them j and the favage took thofe things the mafter had given him, and put them into his fcrip; then the mafter {hewed him an hatchet, for which he would have given the mafter one of his deer-fkins ; but the mafter would have them both, and fo he had, but not willingly.
“ After many figns of people to the fouth and to the north, and that after fo many fleeps he would come again, he went his way; but never came more. The found being now clear of ice, fo that our boat could go from one place to another, Wilfon, Green, and five more, were ordered to go a filhing with our net. They caught the firft day five hundred fifties as big as large herrings, which put us all in good hopes to have our wants fupplied ; but thofe were the moft that ever they caught in one day, and tnany days they got not a quarter fo many. In this time of their fiftiing, Green, TVilfon, and fome others plotted to take the net, and the {hallop which the carpenter had newly fet up, and fo to fhift for themfelves; but the fhallop being ready, our mafter would go in it himfelf to the fouth and fouth-weft, to fee if he could meet with people ;
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for that way we could fee the woods burning : fo taking with him as much provifion as would ferve for eight or nine days* he went towards the fouth, and fet no time for his return ; becaufe he was perfuaded if he could meet with people he fhould have flelh of them, and that good (lore; but he returned worfe than he went forth ; for although he was fo near them as to fee them fet the woods on fire, yet could he not by any means- come to the fpeech of them.
“ Being come on board, he fitted all things for his return; and firft delivered all the bread out of the bread-room, which came to a pound a piece for every man’s (hare; and delivered alfo a bill of return, willing them to have that to fhew, if it fhould pleafe God they fhould come home, and wept when he gave it to them : but to help us to fome relief in this poor eftate, our boat went to work on Friday morning, and ftaid till Sunday noon, and brought fourfcore fmall fifhes; a poor relief for fo many hungry bellies. Then we weighed, and flood out of our wintering-place, and anchored without at the mouth of the bay : where, our bread being gone, what ftore of cheefe we had was to flop a gap, whereof there were five, at which time the company grudged, becaufe by their reckoning there fhould have been nine, but thofe that were left were equally divided by the mafter, although he was advifed to the contrary, becaufe there were fome who could not govern themfelves.”
It was this refolution of the mailer’s, to make all fare alike for the fakeofprofecuting the voyage with effect, than which no man was more like to do it than himfelf, that drew upon him his deftru&ion ; for his old mate, one Green, and fome other people in the fhip, refolving to leffen the number of hands, and fo get all the provifions that were left to themfelves, mod barbaroufly contrived to turn Captain Hudfon, the carpenter, and all the fick men, out of the fhip ; after which they determined to make the beft of their way for England. This they performed the 19th of June, 1611, by forcing Captain Hudfon and eight more into the fhallop without provifions, though moil of them were taken fick out of bed, who after that time were never heard of, but were either drowned, flarved, or murdered by the favages : neither did the leaders of this mutiny efcape much better; for being obliged to land frequently on the defart coafl, in order to obtain fome fubfiftence, they fell there into a fray with the favages, in which Green and fome others were killed ; fo that very few, and thofe too in a miferable condition, returned to England, where Pricket wrote that account of the voyage for his own juftification, from which we have made thefe extracts.
At firft there fell great imputations upon this man, becaufe he adminiftered the oath to the confpirators; but upon an enquiry it appeared very clearly, that this oath contained nothing in it contrary to the duty of the feamen ; and that the true reafon why they preferved him was, becaufe that being fervant to Sir Dudley Diggs, who was a man of great power and reputation, they were in hopes he would interpofe and fave their lives, which they ought to have forfeited as pirates. Upon this imperfect account of Hudfon’s Bay, feveral perfons who had been engaged already in expeditions for the difcovery of a north-weft paffage, began to hope that now they had a fairer profpect than ever of bringing this project to bear, in cafe they could find any able mariner who would undertake to profecute the difcoveries made by Hudfon.
His Royal Highnefs Henry Prince of Wales was the great patron of learning and virtue at that time; and being applied to by the perfons concerned in this projeft, he refolved to fend one Captain Button, his own fervant, a man of great abilities, courage, and experience, and having the countenance of fo great a perfon, was moil likely to maintain difcipline amongft his feamen. Accordingly, in the year 1611, he failed on

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this expedition, in which he paffed Hudfon’s Streights, and leaving Hudfon’s Bay to the fouth failed above two hundred leagues to the north-weft, through a fea above eighty fathoms deep, and difcovered a great continent called by him New Wales ; where, after much mifery and ficknefs, wintering at Port Nelfon, he carefully fearched all the bay, from him called Button’s Bay, back again, almoft to Digg’s Ifland. He difcovered the great ifland called Cary’s Swans-neft. He loft many of his men during his ftay in the river called Port Nelfon, in fifty-feven degrees ten minutes north latitude, though he kept three fires in his lhip all winter, and had great ftore of white partridges and other fowl, befides deer, bears, and foxes. Upon his return from this voyage he received the honour of knighthood, and great expectations were raifed from his discoveries, which had certainly been profecuted with effect, if Prince Henry had not died foon after.
It was a great pity that Sir Thomas Button, who was certainly a very underftanding man, formed private views of his own from the knowledge he obtained in his voyage ; which were of fuch a nature, that he affirmed he bad convinced his mailer, King James, that there was a paffage this way into the South Seas. The reafons upon which this opinion was founded, as well as notes of his voyage, he promifed to give to Mr. Briggs, the famous mathematician, who had turned his thoughts much upon this fubjecl, but never did ; which was the reafon that all the expeditions undertaken on that fide afterwards failed ; but, however, we have fufficient grounds to affirm, from the knowledge derived to us from another quarter, that the dilcoveries of Sir Thomas Button, if profecuted, might have proved highly advantageous to this nation, notwith- ftanding the feeming rigour of the climate, and barrennefs of the country.
The French were in poffeffion of Fort Bourbon, which we call New York Fort, upon St. Therefa, the eaftern branch of Nelfon River, from the year 1697 to 1714. Monfieur Jeremie, who was lieutenant there from 1697 to I 7 °^» a nd afterwards governor till he gave it up in 1714 to us, gives a very particular account of that river and the adjoining countries, great part of which he affirms to be of his own knowledge, having travelled a great way fouth-weft into the country, among the rivers and lakes. The Danifh, or Churchill’s River, upon which the Hudfon’s Bay Company have lately built a ftrong ftone fort, he fays, is fituated in fifty-nine degrees north latitude, and is about five hundred paces wide at the entrance for about a quarter of a league, and very deep; but within it is much broader, and navigable into the country a hundred and .fifty leagues ; there is but little wood upon the river near the bay, except in the iflands. At a hundred and fifty leagues diftance is a chain of high mountains, with great cataracts and falls of water ; but beyond thefe it is again navigable, and has a communication with a river, called the River of Stags. Fifteen leagues northward of this river is the river of Loup Marine, or River of Seals. Betwixt thefe rivers is found a kind of ox, called the mulk ox, which fmells at fome time of the year fo ftrong of muik that it cannot be eat: they have very fine wool, which is longer than that of the Barbary fheep : they are fmaller than French oxen, with very crooked horns, which turn round like ram’s-horns, and are fo long that they weigh fometimes fixty pounds ; they have fliort legs, and their wool trails upon the ground : they are not numerous.
This river comes from a nation he calls Platfcotez de Chiens, who makes war againft the Savanna Indians, who traded with the French. In that country they have a large copper mine fo fine, that without fmelting it they make copper of it, by beating it betwixt two ftones: he faw a great deal of it, which their Indians got when they went to war againft that nation. This nation has a fweet humane afpeft, but their country is
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not good. They have no beaver, but live by fifhing, and a kind of deer they call cariboux (rein-deer); the hares grow white in winter, and recover their colour in. fpring ; they have very large ears, and are always black ; their {kins in winter are very pretty, of fine long hair, which does not fall, fo that they make very fine muffs. He fays' he can fay nothing pofitively in going farther northward, but only that their favages reported that in the bottom of the northern bay there is a ftreight, where they can eafily difcover land on the other fide: they had never gone to the end of that ftreight; they fay there is ice there all the year, which is drove by the wind, fometimes one way, fometimes another. According to all appearance this arm of the fea has a communication with the Weftern Ocean ; and what makes it more probable is, that when the winds come from the northern quarter, the fea is difcharged by that ftreight in fuch abundance, into Hudfon’s Bay, as to raife the water ten feet above the ordinary tides ; infomuch that when they find the waters rife, fhips take fhelter againft thefe northerly winds. The favages fay, that after travelling fome months to weft-fouth- weft, they came to the fea, upon which they faw great veffels with men, who had beards and caps, who gather gold on the fliore that is at the mouths of rivers. In paffmg to the fouthward from the Daniffi River, at fixty leagues diftance, is the River Bourbon or Nelfon, in latitude fifty-feven degrees.
There is nothing remarkable in the country betwixt thofe two rivers, but a great number of the deer, called cariboux, which being drove from the woods by a great number of mufchetoes or midges, come to the fhore to refrefh themfelves ; they are in herds of 10,000 together, and fpread through a country forty or fifty leagues in extent. They might have as many of their {kins as they pleafed, and fome have been dreffed, which have been very fine. They have there all forts of wild-fowl, as fwans, buftards, geefe, cranes, ducks, and thofe of the fmaller kind in fuch great numbers that when they rife they darken the Iky, and make fo loud a noife that they can fcarce hear each other fpeak. He fays, that this may appear fabulous, but affirms he fays nothing but what he faw himfelf, for he would not truft to the report of others, but went himfelf to almoft every place he mentions. The River St. Therefa, upon which they built Fort Bourbon, is a branch of Nelfon River, by which the natives come down to trade. This river is of fo great extent that it paffes through many great lakes ; the firft is 150 leagues from the entrance of the river, and is 100 leagues in circuit; the natives call it the Lake of Forts (or rather Forefts). On the north fide a river difcharges itfelf, called the Rapid River; this takes its rife from a lake 300 leagues from the firft, which they call Michinipi, or the Great Waters ; becaufe, in effect, it is the greateft and deepeft lake, being 600 leagues in circumference, and receives into it many rivers, fome of which have a communication with the Danift River, and others with the Plafcotez de Chiens; about this lake and along thefe rivers are many Indians, who call themfelves the Nation of the Great Waters, or of Affinibowls; it is to be remarked, that thefe are as humane and affable, as the Efkimaux are fierce and barbarous, as are alfo all other nations along Hudfon’s Bay. At the extremity of the Lake of Forefts the River Bourbon continues its courfe, and conies from another lake, called the Junftion of the two Seas, becaufe the land almoft meets in the middle of the lake ; the eaft fide of this lake is a country full of thick forefts, in which are great numbers of beavers and elks. Here begins the country of the Chriftinaux.
This is in a much more temperate climate. The weft: fide is full of fine meadows, filled with wild oxen. The Affinibowls live here : the lake is 400 leagues in circumference, and 200 from the other lake: 100 leagues farther weft-fouth-weft along this
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river is another lake- which they call Ounipigouchih, or the Little Sea; it is almoft the fame country and climate with the other, inhabited by the fame Indians, the Aflini- bowls, the Chriftinaux, and Souteurs 5 it is 300 leagues in circumference; at the further end is a river, which comes from Tacamiouen, which is not fo great as the other ; it is into this lake that the River of Stags is difcharged, which is of fuch a length that the natives have not yet difcovered its fource; from this river they can go to another, which runs weftward, but all the reft run either into the bay or river of Canada. He endeavoured to fend the natives to difcover if it went to the weftward fea, but their enemies lying in the way prevented them ; however, they brought fome of them prifoners, who faid they alfo were at war with another nation farther weft ; thefe faid they had neighbours with beards, who lived in ftone-houfes and forts, that they were not clothed like them; that they had white kettles ; and lhewing them a filver cup, they faid it was of that metal; they faid they tilled their land with tools of that metal. According to their description it was maize they cultivated.
The intendant of Canada was very defirous to difcover thefe countries from thence ; but it is much eafier from Fort Bourbon, as it is Ihorter; and though a fine country full of beafts and wild fowl, befides fruit, which grow wild, as plums, apples, and grapes, and great variety of fmaller fruit. On the fouth-weft fide of this lake, Tacamiouen, is a river which comes from another, called the Lake of Dogs, which is not far from the fuperior lake. The River St. Therefa is but half a league wide where the fort is built; two leagues higher is Fort Philipeaux, built for a retreat; there the river begins to be interfperfed with iflands ; twenty leagues above the fort the river divides into two branches, one which comes from the north-weft fide communicates with Nelfon or Bourbon River, by which the natives come down to trade by the means of a land carriage from the Lake of Forefts to this river. Twenty leagues above the firft fork there is another that comes from the fouth-eaft, which the natives call Guicomatouang, or the Great Fork. This has a communication with the River St. Huiles ; the weftern branch, though ftill called St. Therefa, is but of a fmall extent, coming from its fource by feveral fmall brooks, in each of which are great numbers of lynx, beavers, martins, and others of fmaller furs. Betwixt the two forts is a fmall river, called Egaree, from whence they get their wood for firing, it being fcarce at the fort. Near the mouth of the river is another fmall one they call Gargouffe; there comes in at high water a great number of porpoifes. The river being narrow here, there might be a good fifiling, where they might make above fix hundred barrels of oil annually.
From this river of St. Huiles, or New Severn, is 100 leagues fouth-eaft. It is fituated in latitude 56 degrees ; the entrance is but lhallow, only capable of veffels of fixty tons ; here might be made good houfes, for wood is very plenty here ; and there are great numbers of beavers higher up the river. As to the climate of Fort Bourbon, it being in latitude 57 degrees, is very cold in winter, which begins about Michaelmas and ends in May. The fun fets about three, and rifes about nine in the winter. When the days grow a little longer, and the cold is more temperate, the fportfmen kill as many partridges and hares as they pleafe. One year, when they had eighty men in. garrifon, they had the curiofity to reckon the number, which amounted to ninety thoufand partridges, and twenty-five thoufand hares. At the end of April, the geefe, buftards, and ducks, return in fuch numbers, that they kill as many as they pleafe ; they alfo take great numbers of cariboux, or rein-deer j in March and April they come from the north to the fouth, and extend then along the river fixty leagues: they go again northward in July and Auguft j the roads they make in the fnow are as well-
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padded, and crofs each other as often as the ftreets at Paris. The natives make hedges with the branches of trees, and leave openings, in which they fix fnares, and thus take numbers of them : when they fwim the rivers, in returning northwards, the natives kill them in canoes with lances, as many as they pleafe. In fummer they have the pleafure of filhing, and with nets take pike, trout, and carp, and a white filh fomething like a herring, by much the belt filh in the world : they preferve thofe for their winter provifion, by putting them in fnow, or freezing them, as alfo the flelh they would preferve. They keep thus alfo geefe, ducks, and buftards, which they roaft with the hares and partridges they kill in winter. So that, though it be a cold climate, there is good living there, by getting bread and wine from Europe.
Though the fummer be fhort they had a garden, and good coleworts, with falads and fmall herbs, which they put in their foups in winter. • He had one hundred and twenty thoufand livres profit out of eight thoufand fent him in goods in one feafon ; they have alfo bears, elks, and all forts of beafts, whofe fkins and furs are valued in France ; and, according to him it is one of the molt profitable polls in North America, confidering the expence. Thus far this French writer, from whom we have borrowed a very clear and copious account of the advantages that might have accrued to us, if our original difcovery of Hudfon’s Bay had been properly confidered.
But there were, and will be always, a race of people decrying thofe projects they want courage to attempt; and who, by ridiculing the pains taken to vifit the frozen climates and barren countries, hinder thofe improvements which might otherwife follow from fuch kind of expeditions. But they ought to confider before they run down fuch attempts, that we have numbers of poor people here who want employment, and for whom employments ought to be found that if this be not done, they will either ftarve to our fhame, or ftrike out ways of living at our expence; whereas, if they were thus employed, they would both maintain themfelves and benefit the public : befides there is this advantage that attends northern expeditions and dif- coveries, that they breed a race of hardy and ufeful feamen, who are nearer at hand, and confequently more capable of ferving their country upon any emergency than fuch as are employed in other branches of navigation. As to the fuppofed difficulties that are to be in this way encountered, it is a lhame to hear them mentioned amonglt people who pretend to maritime power.
If men are afraid of ice, cold, and rocks, they mull relinquilh all thoughts of being great at fea, and leave it to thofe who can not only endure but even defpife fuch hard- Jhips: the Dutch, the Danes, and the Hamburghers, fail every year on the whale filhery, near 20 degrees farther north than the bottom of Hudfon’s Bay; and the French from Canada travel through and live in thefe very countries of which we are fpeaking, with as much eafe as the favages themfelves; and, indeed, why Ihould they not, or why Ihould we imagine that one man, or one race of men, can do more than another ? Our anceftors were of this opinion, or at leall they thought that if fuch a race of men there were, they might be found in this ifland: and here, if properly encouraged and due regard Ihewn to their virtue, they will be always found, for it is not the people but their governors that alter, and therefore we have a right to blame thofe who took fo little notice of what Sir Thomas Button performed, and fo little attended to what might be made of thefe countries, as we certainly ought to commend fuch as contrived or promoted the law lately paffed for encouraging private perfons to attempt once more the difcovery of a north-well pafiage, by fecuring to them a reward from the public, which, without doubt, they will jultly deferve.
4 13. The
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13. The next thing that occurs in order of time, is the afferting our right to that part of the continent of America which lies north from New England, and which is now called Nova Scotia, but was then looked upon as part of North Virginia, and as fuch within the charter of the Weftern Company, who gave ftricfc orders to thofe in their fervice to prevent foreign nations fettling in their limits ; by which means this country of Acadia, or Nova Scotia, which is of fo great confequence in itfelf, and for the fecurity of our other plantations on the main, was preferved. The bounds of this province are the ocean to the north, Cape Breton Ifland, and the Bay of St. Laurence to the eaft, Canada to the weft, and New England to the fouth; it lies from 43 to 51 degrees north latitude, and from the river St. Croix, the neareft to New Hamp- fhire, to the great river of St. Laurence, has almoft fix hundred miles of coaft, but moft of it uninhabited and defart, the Indians themfelves making little or no ufe of it.
Sir Samuel Argali, then governor of Virginia, made a fort of cruizing voyage round the coaft northwards, as far as Cape Cod in New England, in the year 1618, five or fix years before the Englilh, who intended to fettle, arrived in that country. The Indians informed him that fome white men, like himfelf, were come to inhabit to the northward of them. Sir Samuel Argali, who took all that country, as far as it had been difcovered by Cabot, to belong to the Virginia Company his employers, failed thither, found a fettlement and a fhip riding before it, which belonged to fome Frenchmen : Argali drew fo clofe to it, that, with his fmall arms, he beat all the men from the deck, fo that they could not ufe their guns, their fhip having but one deck; among others there were two Jefuits aboard, one of which endeavoured to fire off one of their cannon, and was fhot. Argali having taken the fliip, landed his men, marched to and fummoned the fort to furrender: the French afked time to confider of it, which was denied, upon which they got privately away and fled into the woods. The Englilh entered it, and lodged there that night, and the next day the French came and yielded to Sir Samuel, cancelling the patents that had been granted them for their fettlement by the French King. Sir Samuel permitted fuch of the French as were fo difpofed to take paffage for Europe in the filhing Ihips, and took the reft with him to Virginia, according to their choice.
The French had another fettlement at a place they called Port Royal, on a bay on the fouth-weft coaft of Acadia, which the two Jefuits had left out of pique to their governor M. Biencourt; and with thefe Frenchmen feparated from the others. Father Biard, the furviving Jefuit, out of malice to Biencourt, informed Sir Samuel of the fettlement at Port Royal, and the eafe with which he might reduce it, which he found to be true 5 and, on the furrender of the French, he did no damage to their houfes, their barns, and mills, but obliged them to quit the country they had fowed and reaped ; and thofe of them that did not care to return home, removed to the river of St. Lawrence, where now is the capital of Canada or New France.
When Sir Ferdinand Gorges was prefident of the New England Company, he pro- pofed to Sir William Alexander to procure a particular grant for the land to the northward of their patent, which was eafily obtained of King James I. and a year after, 1622, Sir William, and fome others whom he had got to be concerned with him, fent a fliip with paffengers to plant and fettle there. Newfoundland was then very well known on account of the fifhery, and the fhip being late in her voyage the mafter put ln and wintered there. The next year they fet fail, and made the promontory’at the north fiiore of Cape Breton Ifland : they coafted it along till they came to Cape Sable m Acadia, where they found three good harbours, and went alhore at one of them,
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which they called Luke’s Bay; in which was a large river that had eight fathoms water at ebb. This lhip failed up one of thefe, and according to the accounts that were publilhed by thofe that were to be lharers in the patent, this country is defcribed as a kind of paradife; with a view, no doubt, to have engaged people to go over thither to fettle, to which end Sir William Alexander, the original proprietor, afterwards created Earl of Sterling, wrote and publilhed a book, and his fovereign King James ere&ed a new order, called the Knights of Nova Scotia, to facilitate this plantation.
But, notwithftanding all the care that was taken of it, this project proved abortive, and, which is very extraordinary, modern authors have taught us to condemn and cen- fure fuch as forefaw the confequence and importance of this country to the Britilh nation, when unfettled and unimproved, and to treat as weak and pufillanimous the conduct of thofe times, when in full peace the French were, by force of arms, compelled to quit a country, which, though fettled by them, was difcovered by us; and from thefe fugitives it was that the more northen fettlement of the French took birth. The expedition of Sir Samuel Argali was certainly both a vigorous and a right mea- fure *, and the grant to Sir William Alexander was a very fenfible thing, though the defign of it is now not well underftood, or rather forgot; and therefore, though it may take up fome room, I lhall endeavour to revive and explain it. It was fuggefted to King James that the trad of country on the continent of North America, belonging to his crown, being very large, and not likely to be planted in any reafonable fpace of time by the Engliih, it would be a very wife and prudent meafure to grant under the great feal of Scotland a part of it to his fubjeds of that kingdom, upon a fuppofition that it would be more beneficial for them and more for the intereft of the united kingdoms if they went over and fettled there, than if, as to that time they had frequently done, they tranfported themfelves to Poland, Sweden, and Ruflia, in which countries there were at that time many thoufand Scotch families.
Such was the original fcheme of fettling and planting Nova Scotia; and if the courtiers of thofe times made a job of this, and thereby defeated the fcheme; however this may reflect on their memories, it ought to draw no fort of odium on the projedt itfelf, which was very well and wifely laid, if it had been as honeftly and wifely executed. There was afterwards another grant made of the northern part of this country, to Sir David Kirk, from whom the French King bought it, or at leaffc con- traded to give him five thoufand pounds for it; a very plain proof that even the French acknowledged the right by which he held it; and a French nobleman likewife bought, many years after that, Sir William Alexander's property. It may be enquired why the crown of England did not interpofe and prevent thefe fales, as might no doubt have been done; and the plain anfwer to this is, that the French proteftants being principally concerned in thefe fettlements, the crown had a tendernefs for them.
But Oliver Cromwell fent Major Sedgwick to diflodge the French from Port Royal, which he did ; and though the Protedor afterwards confented that a French proprietor fhould enjoy the country, yet it was upon condition that he Ihould make out this right by purchafe from the Earl of Sterling; which he afterwards did, and then fold it to Sir Thomas Temple, who was both proprietor and governor at the Refto ration; after which the French fettled there again, and remained there in quiet pofleflion till the year 1690, when they were dipoffelfed by Sir William Phips, then governor of New England; but it was afterwards given up again to the French by King William’s treaty of Ryfwick. It is not, however, to be underftood that either King Charles II. or King William III., by their refpedive treaties with France, gave up the claim of this 1 nation

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nation to that country, nor did the French fo underftand it, but only permitted that poffeffion, becaufe, as the circumftances of things then flood, they were unwilling to conteft it. In all thefe changes, however, the ifland of Cape Breton followed the fate of Nova Scotia, and both continued in the hands of the French till the year 1710, when Governor Nicholfon made himfelf mafter of Port Royal, which was become a place of very great importance in many refpects, more efpecially in this, that it gave the French an opportunity of difturbing and diflreffing our trade to fuch a degree, that it was very properly ftyled the Dunkirk of America.
We need not wonder, therefore, that the taking this place was looked upon as a very remarkable fervice, or that the Queen fhould bellow her name upon it to /hew that fhe never meant to part with it. Upon the fame principle, Colonel Nicholfon, upon his return to England, had a commiffion granted him to be governor of Nova Scotia and of Annapolis Royal, and commander of all Her Majefty’s forces there and in Newfoundland. While things were in this fltuation, a negociation for peace was fet on foot, which afterwards produced one that has fince made a great deal of noife, more efpecially with regard to the ftipulations therein, in reference to this' province; and therefore it is requifite for us to fee what relates to Nova Scotia in the Utrecht treaty, the words of which, in the twelfth article, are, “ All Nova Scotia, or Acadia, with all ancient boundaries, as alfo the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis, and all other things in thefe parts which depend on lands and iflands, together with the dominion, property, poffeffion of the faid iflands, lands, and all rights whatfoever, by treaties or by any other way obtained,” &c. To which the French King added the excluflon of the fubje&s of France from hiking on the coaft of Nova Scotia, and within thirty leagues, beginning from Cape Sable and ftretching along to the fouth-weft; there is no doubt but this article, as it is worded, contains the reftitution of Cape Breton, which ought to have gone along with Nova Scotia, as it had hitherto done; neither is this a bare conjecture, or my particular notion, but the general fentiment of fuch as were belt acquainted with this affair, and with the negociation that concerned it ; which induced the Queen, in her inflruftions to the late Duke of Shrewfbury, when he went ambaffador to France, to declare that fhe looked upon Cape Breton to belong to her, and reckoned that ifland a part of the ancient territory of Nova Scotia. But notwith- ftanding this article in the Queen’s inftruclions, the French were fuffered to keep Cape Breton, but, mod undoubtedly, this gave them no right to it.
I am very far from thinking that in this cafe, I mean in the cafe of plantations, pof- feflion is the only or even the bell right, becaufe fuch a doClrine might confer right upon pirates. The bell claim of civilized nations, with refpeCl to new countries, was always allowed to be the firft difcovery. This right is that on which is founded our title, and very juftly; for we have certainly difcovered all the countries that border on Davis’s Straits, Hudfon’s Bay, and fo forwards to the limits of Georgia ; and this right being in the crown of England, and inherited with the crown of England, could never be granted away, yielded to a foreign power, or otherwife transferred, without the confent of parliament; though the temporary poffeffion might. For, in thofe treaties by -which Acadia was left to France, the crown only ftipulated not to deprive the French of their poffeffion, during the continuance of the peace, but the right ftill remained in us, and mull always remain in us.
Ve have before fliewn that the French acknowledged this, as appears by the King of France’s purchafing under our title; nor was it ever difputed till the treaty of Utrecht, that the ifland of Cape Breton belonged to Nova Scotia, nor could it be diff
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puted, becaufe the very charter which eftabli/hed Nova Scotia as a diftin& province, included the ifland of Cape Breton in exprefs words. We may add to this, that our title to Labrador or New Britain is unqueftionable, of which country Nova Scotia was a part, till feparated by the charter; and our claim to Newfoundland has been always maintained, as we /hewed in the former feftion : fo that on the whole it may be juftly affirmed, that our right to the ifland of Cape Breton is as clear and as unqueftionable as that of any European nation to any of its Engli/h fettlements in America, or elfe- where. But if it /hould be demanded of what ufe this reafoning is, I anfwer, that having now recovered the poflefllon of that ifland to which we had always a right, and out of which we were cheated at the treaty of Utrecht, the French have no colour to demand the reftitution of it; nor is the cafe the fame now that it was when King Charles II. concluded his treaty in 1666, when King William concluded the treaty of Ryfwick, in 1697, or when the treaty of Utrecht was made by Queen Anne, in 1712.
14. We gave a large account, in the former fe&ion, of the attempt made by that great man and good patriot Sir Walter Raleigh, to eftabli/h an Engli/h plantation in Guiana ; and of his fending, after his return to England, a /hip to profecute that dif- covery; of which fecond voyage we have likewife a long account, publi/hed by Captain Keymi/h: but this defign met with continual interruptions; or otherwise, Sir Walter himfelf tells us in his Apology, there had been, before the death of Queen Elizabeth, a fufficient number of Engli/h fettled in that part of the world to have fecured the poffeffion of it for ever to this crown and nation. The very next year after Sir Walter’s return, he was employed in the expedition to Cadiz: the two following years, his time was taken up in that which was called the Ifland Voyage. Then the great rebellion broke out in Ireland, which rendered Queen Elizabeth unwilling to encourage any private expeditions that required a confiderable force; and this rebellion Iafted till the Queen's death. Immediately after this, Sir Walter himfelf was im- prifoned, and fo continued for many years. Which very fairly accounts for this noble defign remaining fo long unpurfued.
But things delayed are not always loft: the defire of fettling Guiana revived in a few years after peace was reftored; and, as I do not know it has ever yet been done, 1 /hall give a fuccinft account of the feveral attempts made to carry this defign into execution, to the time they were wholly given over, and the fmall intereft we had in that part of the world furrendered up to the Dutch. In the year 1604, Captain Charles Leigh undertook a voyage to Guiana, at his own and his brother Sir Olive Leigh’s charge: he had a bark of about fifty tons, called the Olive-Plant; and his company, about forty-fix men and boys. They failed from Woolwich the aift -of March, with a defign to make a more complete difcovery of the country of Guiana than had been yet done, and to fix an Engli/h colony there. On the 22d of May they came into the river of Wyapoco, in the latitude of 8 degrees 30 minutes to the north of the line, and the town of Wyapoco, which lies on the coaft of Guiana, was the place in which they intended to take up their abode. Here the captain came to an agreement with the inhabitants, who received him very kindly, that- they lhould allow him a good fpace of ground, and fome houfes for the prefent; in consideration of which he was to affift them againft their inveterate enemies the Caribbees, who greatly diftre/Ted them.
This agreement was made by means of two of the natives of Guiana who had been in England and could fpeak fome Engli/h ; and for the better fecurity of performance on the part of the favages, they confented to give five of their body, among whom
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were two perfons of note, as pledges to be fent to England. Their firft fettlement was on part of the mountain that lies on the weft fide of the entrance of the river, to which they gave the name of Mount Howard. The captain might have lived here a very quiet life, and been very ufeful to his country too, had he not had a mutinous and difcontented company. The next year after, he fent his fhip to England, in the month of June, for frefh fupplies of fuch things as he wanted, retaining thirty-five of his men and boys with him, to fettle his fmall village, and thereby fet this colony upon a better footing than it had till then been. They had fome trade with the natives, as well round about their fettlement, as farther up the river ; and the chief merchandizes they obtained were wax, fine white feathers, tobacco, parrots, monkeys, green and black, cotton-yarn, and wool, fweet gums, red pepper, fpleen and inafate ftones; with feveral forts of wood, roots, and berries, partly for medicine, and partly for dyeing ; but the flux, and other diftempers, carried off a good number of the company; and the captain being feized with it himfelf juft as he was going on board for England, to fetch a complete loading of fuch things as were needful for his colony, died of it. It was by this unhappy ftroke the whole undertaking was qualhed, and every one lhifted for himfelf; fome returned to England in their own veffel, others in a French fhip, and others in two Dutch Ihips, very much to the regret of the Indians, and to the no fmall lofs of Sir Olive Leigh, and detriment of the Englilh nation.
Sir Olive Leigh refolving to fupport his brother in the eftablilhment of his colony at Guiana, before he had any account of his fuccefs, fitted out another fhip called the Olive-Bloffom, under Captain Catalin and Captain St. John, to carry him a frefh fupply of men and neceffaries. The fhip fet out from Woolwich for Wyapoco, the 14th of April, 1605; but, between contrary winds and currents, by the unlkilfulnefs of the mafter, Mr. Richard Chambers, they were put fo far to the leeward, that they defpaired of ever recovering their intended port in any due time; and therefore they put in firft at Barbadoes, and afterwards at the ifland of St. Lucia, defigning from thence to return to England: however, examining their (lores of provifions, and finding not near enough to ferve fo large a company as they were for fo long a voyage, Captain St. John himfelf, with feveral of the paffengers, to the number of fixty-feven, refolved rather to day, and take their lot upon that ifland, than to run the hazard of their being ftarved at fea.
They foon made an acquaintance with the Indians, who furnifhed them, in exchange for trifles, with roots, fruits, and fome fowls ; and they every night had an opportunity, with very little trouble, of taking delicate tortoifes upon the fands; fo that they were m no want of food. They lived five or fix weeks in little huts, or houfes which they had built, without making any excurfions into the country; but the captain feeing one day certain plates of metal upon the arms of fome of the Indians, and being informed by one Brown, a refiner in their company, that they were at lead three parts gold; and enquiring of the Indians from whence they had it, they pointed to a very high mountain, in the north-weft part of the ifland. Upon this, the captain himfelf, with feveral of the chief of his men, went in queft of this golden mountain, the reft being appointed to keep guard at home, and affured they would return in a week’s time. ^Vhen this part of the company was gone, the other expected the Indians would have brought them provifion as they ufed to do ; but they heard nothing of them for three days together. They had, it feemed, obferved when the captain went, followed him, and moft barbaroufly cut him off with his whole company.
They were now intent upon making the fame difpatch of their companions, and to this end had got one Augramart, a defperate favage, and captain of the ifland of
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St. Vincent, to head them in this enterprize. To cover their defign, however, they carried it fair to them* and vifited them frequently; till one day Augramart, having dined with them, would have the Englilh go with him to his quarters; where he pro- mifed to furniih them with whatever provifions they wanted. Mr. St.John, with feven- teen others, accepted of the invitation; but inftead of carrying them to their quarters, they led them into an atnbulh of five hundred favages ; where, being furrounded, and attacked on every fide with vollies of arrows, after doing all that men could do in their own defence, they were overpowered, and all llain but one John Nichols, who made his efcape from this bloody flaughter, and was forced to hide himfelf in a wood, then lwimming a lake, and fo with great difficulty returned home, juft time enough to give his companions the alarm; for it was not long before they appeared before their houfes; yet letting fly their fmall pieces of ordnance they quickly marched off again. In two or three days time they returned, to the number of thirteen or fourteen hundred men ; who, after having attacked their little fort and houfes for feven days together, with little fuccefs, thought of throwing in fire with their arrows, which in a fhort time reduced the habitations of the Englilh, and all they had, to a heap of afhes. They continued, however, to defend themfelves in fo brave a manner, that the Indians, feeing they could not accomplilh their defign againft this handful of men, refolved at laft to abandon the enterprize.
After their departure, fonie of the neighbouring favages were prevailed upon, for a reward of hatchets, knives, and beads, to furniih them with an old pitiful boat; this they fitted up as well as they could, and nineteen of them, the miferable remains of fixty-eight, of which twelve were wounded, ventured out to fea in her, without chart or compafs, and having only four or five gallons of water, with a few plantains and potatoes, about twenty bifcuits, and a little rice; and what was worfe than all the reft, not one mariner among them. In this little boat they were fo overladen that her gunnel lay almoft even with the water: they lived at fea ten days, four of them being obliged by turns to keep fcooping of the water. The tenth day, when all hopes began to fail them, they difcovered land; but when they came upon it the land proved to be an uninhabited ifland, which afforded no manner of fuftenance. In this miferable ftate they had no remedy, but to repair their boat again as well as they could, and to fend five of their men to the continent to feek relief. After many difficulties thefe men came to an Indian town on the continent, called Tocoyo; from whence, after fifteen days abfence, they carried fuccour to their miferable companions. They were now reduced to thirteen, who got together to a Spanifh town, called Coro, where they were treated with great humanity ; two more of them died ; three of them went from thence to Carthagena, and were followed thither by two more; where they procured a paflage to Spain ; but what became of the reft does not any where appear.
One would have imagined, that fuch a feries of misfortunes as had attended the attempts made for eftablifhing this fettlement, would have worn out all defire of running further hazards; but fuch was the credit of Sir Walter Raleigh, l'ueh the fettled opinion of the vaft riches to be found in this part of America, and fuch the remains of that fpirit which prevailed through the whole nation in the time of Queen Elizabeth, that in the year 1609, a new attempt was made, at a much greater expence than th$ former, with the participation, at leaft, if not under the influence of Sir Walter Raleigh. This voyage was performed under the direction and command of Robert Harcourt, of Stanton-Harcourt, in the county of Oxford, efquire ; and the veffels employed in ft u'ere, the Rofe, a fhip of eighty tons; the Patience, a fliip of fix-and-thirty tons ; and the Lilly fhallop, of nine tons. They fet fail from Dartmouth the 29th of March, and
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arrived the 17th of May in the Bay of Wyapoco. It was not- long before feveral canoes of Indians came to fee what they were ; and finding they were Engliffi, came on board them without any fear or ceremony : fuch an advantageous idea had Sir Walter Raleigh by his courteous behaviour imprinted in them of the English nation.
Thefe people, who were very forward and ready to traffic with the Engliffi, were of the town called Caripo, on the eaft fide of the hill, at the-mouth of Wyapoco River. Their king, or chief, who had been many years in England, was then with Mr. Har- court, and another of his countrymen came paffenger with him, though he had not difcovered his quality, till the joy of his fubjects at the fight of him made him known. Among the Indians who came firft on board was one who fpoke the Engliffi tongue perfectly well, and was known to fome of the {hip's companies, having ferved Sir John Gilbert in England many years; and the Indian who accompanied the king or chief, having been fourteen years in England; thefe two were of Angular fervice to the adventurers.
The firft ceremonies being paft, Mr. Harcourt acquainted them that the occafion of his coming among them was to fettle a colony there, and to take poffeflion of the country for the King of England, by virtue of their grant of it to Captain I.eigh, and by fome of their countrymen before to Sir Walter Raleigh ; alluring them at the fame time, that His Majefty intended no unjuft ufurpation over them, nor to treat them in any way like flaves and vaffals; but only to be their friend and protector, and to deliver them from the infolencies and oppreffions of the Caribbees. After fome debate the Indians gave their confent that they might live among them, and promifed to furnifh them with houfes, and all other neceffaries, as far as they were able ; but could not forbear expreffing fome diffidence in their performing their promifes, fince Sir Walter' Raleigh had been fo dilatory in accomplilhing thofe he made them.
This being done they all went affiore, where they met the bell reception the Indians could give them ; and were difperfed up and down the town, on the fide of a hill, while their {hips rode at anchor at the foot of it. The great rains, which confined them near a month, being over, the captain fet himfelf to difcover the Golden Mountains, which had been the fpurs to this undertaking; but their, guide, who had promifed fuch great things, failed in the performance of them, and either had wilfully deceived them, or had been deceived himfelf; for when he came to the fpot he had built his hopes upon, nothing was to be found: and yet they were convinced the country afforded gold, as well by the affurances given them by the natives, who fhewed them certain images, which upon an effay appeared to contain at leaft one-third gold, as by ocular demonftration of great quantities of the white fpar in which the gold is contained, and which they found to hold both gold and filver; but they had reafon to believe thefe mines were too far up in the higher parts of Guiana, and perhaps too ftrongly guarded for them to hope they ffiould be able to reach them. And, befides, they had then neither time nor power to fearch in the manner requifite for finding thefe mines.
This difappointment had like to have excited a mutiny among thofe who came out with no other view than to tumble at once into riches; but the captain, with great prudence and with no Ids conduct, prevented its running fuch a length ; and to keep them employed, not only went himfelf up the river of Wyapoco upon difcovery, but fent his brother with fome others on the fame errand to the river Arrawary, and the country bordering upon it, which a’djoins to the river of Amazons. He went alfo and took poffeffion of the mountain Gomoribo, which is the utmoft point of land to th© 1 northward in the Wyapoco.- This he did, according to cuftom, by the ceremony of- Twig

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and Turf, in the prefence both of his own people and the Indians. After poffeffion taken, the mountain was delivered over to an Indian, to hold and poffefs the fame for himfelf and his heirs, of His Majefty James King of England, paying the yearly duty of a tenth part of the tobacco, cotton, wood, annotto, and all other commodities growing within the limits of the fame. The attempt of the captain’s brother, and Captain Harvey, in difcovery of the River Arrawary, was attended with great difficulties and hazards j for the length they run by fea to this river was near one hundred leagues, through terrible breaks of flats and Ihoals. They went likewife fifty leagues up the river, and all this only with flat-bottomed canoes, fomething longer than the common Thames wherries, but not fo broad.
The Indians they met with in this river plainly difcovered they had never feen any Europeans before. It was long before they could be brought to any fort of trade or converfation with them, though they had other Indians in their company : but at laft the fight of their toys wrought upon them, and induced them to exchange for pro- vifions; a want of which however at laft obliged them to return to Wyapoco. They took poffeffion neverthelefs of the country in form, as Mr. Harcourt had done of Gomoribo. Not long after this, Mr. Harcourt was obliged to return for England, purely for fear of wanting calks to contain fufficient beer and water for the voyage, the mailer having negle&ed to have his calks iron-bound before their departure, which occafioned many of them to burft their hoops in that hot country.
Mr. Harcourt left his brother to command in chief in his abfence, to whom Captain •Harvey was joined as alliftant, and Mr. Gilford as his lieutenant, and with them he left fifty or fixty of his men. He departed the 18th of Auguft; and Mr. Harcourt, in his way homewards, made feveral difcoveries upon the coaft, and in fome of the rivers ; returned to Ireland the 29th of November; and came from thence to England. Being come to London, by the favour of Prince Henry, he obtained a large patent for all that coaft, called Guiana, together with the famous River of Amazons, to him and his heirs: but he was involved in fo many troubles, that he was not able to fupply his colony, and only fent over fome few people, with eighteen Dutchmen, but to little purpofe. Captain Harcourt, however, kept poffeffion of that part of the country in which he was fettled for full three years, in all which time he loft but fix of his people.
The reader will obferve, that we have now brought down the hiftory of our expeditions to Guiana from 1595 to 1612, which is within five years of Sir Walter Raleigh’s laft embarkation. It is however certain, that fome other voyages had been made to this country; for Sir Walter Raleigh, in his apology, fays, that the Spaniards at St. Thomas’s had, fome years before his laft attempt, murdered many Englifh, under pretence of trading with them, and fome of thofe who were thus murdered he mentions by name. He had fuffered a very long imprifonment in the Tower of London, when, by the help of many friends, and perhaps by the laying out of a great deal of money, he procured his liberty, and therewith a commiffion to execute his laft expedition to Guiana. In order to this, he turned into money the beft part of his own fortune, which he employed in fitting out ffiips for this fervice. He engaged many of his beft friends to do the fame; and embarked feveral of them, and his own eldeft fon, on board the fleet; and all this from a perfuafion that the country he was going to was very rich in gold, and if they could gain poffeffion of it, would make all their fortunes.
The famous Count Gondomar, who was then the Spanilh Ambaffador here, and, as all the world knows, had a great influence over King James, did all that lay in his
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power to hinder this expedition ; and as he did not fucceed therein, it very plainly proves that King James did not credit what he fuggefted to the prejudice of Sir Walter Raleigh. And indeed, what he gave out upon this fubject, of Sir Walter’s having no intention to make either difcovery or fettlement, but merely to engage in a piratical attempt upon the Spanilh colonies in America, was abfurd and ridiculous, fince no man had ever a meaner opinion of fuch exploits, or had fo fully expofed the folly of hoping for great riches from the plunder of Spanilh towns than Sir Walter had done. Butin all probability the Spanilh minifter had not fo much in view the making thefe fug- geftions of his pafs for truth, as obtaining, by this means, under colour of refuting this charge, a diftinft account of Sir Walter’s true defign,and of the force with which he was to undertake it; in which he had but too great fuccefs ; for Sir Walter giving the King a Ihort but true fcheme of what he intended, that very paper was delivered to the Spanilh ambalfador, and found its way to Guiana long before Sir Walter' Raleigh.
The commiffion granted to this excellent man was very full, and free from limitations, which has been generally underftood to be defigned to his prejudice. But I mull confefs I fee no reafon for that opinion. On the contrary, I am perfuaded that Sir Walter himfelf was well fatisfied with his commiffion ; and that in refpeft to the- law of the land, and the law of nations, it fully juftified the defign he went upon, and all that followed in the execution of it. Certain it is that the contents of his commiffion were no fecrets, fince by publilhing them, he brought numbers at home and abroad to fubfcribe large fums towards the fupport of his undertaking; which he could never have done if the form or words of that commiffion had been liable to exception. It was feven months after his commiffion Was granted before his fleet was in condition to put to fea.
As to the ftrength of this fleet, it is clear from a furvey taken by the order of the Earl of Nottingham, then lord high-admiral, that it confided of feven fail, of feveral fizes. It appears that the firft of them, or admiral, a fine {hip, built by Raleigh himfelf, was named the Deftiny, of four hundred and forty tons, and thirty-fix pieces or more of ordnance, Sir Walter Raleigh general, and his fon Walter captain, befides two hundred men, whereof fourfcore were gentlemen volunteers and adventurers, moft of them Sir Walter’s relations ; which number was afterwards encreafed. Second, the Jafon of London, two hundred and forty tons, and twenty-five pieces of ordnance, Captain John Pennington vice-admiral, eighty men, one gentleman, and no more.- Third, the Encounter, one hundred and fixty tons, feventeen pieces of ordnance, - Edward Haftings captain (no men more except the mailer mentioned) ; but he dying in the Indies, was fucceeded in the command by Captain Whitney. Fourth, the 1 hunder, one hundred and fifty tons, twenty pieces of ordnance, SirWarham Sentlegor captain, fix gentlemen, fixty foldiers, ten landmen. Fifth, the Flying-Joan, one hundred and twenty tons, fourteen pieces of ordnance, John Chidley captain, twenty- five men. Sixth, the Southampton, eighty tons, and fix pieces of ordnance, John Bayley captain, twenty-five mariners, two gentlemen. Seventh, the Page, a pinnace,, twenty-five tons, three: rabnets of brafs, James Barker captain, and eight failors. But before Raleigh left the coaft of England, he was joined by as many ihips more 5 fo that this whole fleet confifted of thirteen fail, befides his own lhip.
But for this remaining part of his fleet he waited long, and it had been better if he had left them, behind, for they proved a burthen to him, and fome of them deferted the expedition. It was the beginning of July before he left the coalt of England, and
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meeting with a ftorm, was obliged to put into Cork, from whence he failed on the ■19th of Auguft following. He proceeded from thence to the Canaries, where, though infulted by the Spaniards, he committed no hoftilities ; but, on the contrary, behaved fo well that he obtained a certificate thereof from the governor. After this his {hips grew very fickly; and before he arrived at Trinidada, he had loft many of his men, and was himfelf dangeroufly ill. In this weak and low condition they arrived at the north cape of Wyapoco on the nth of November.
The firft thing he did after his arrival was, to endeavour to find out Leonard the Indian, who had been in England three or four years with him, but was removed fo far gp into the country there was no procuring him; therefore he flood away for Caliana, on the coaft of Guiana, at the firft difcovery called Port-Howard, where the cazique was alfo his fervant:, and had lived with him in the Tower of London two .years. There he arrived in a day or two, having paffed the ifland noted for its multitude .■.of birds and filk-bearing trees ; and from thence fent for his fervant, Harry the Indian, who with other caziques came and brought him great ftore of caffavi-bread, and roafted mullets, with plantains, pines, and piftachios. But Raleigh ventured not to eat of the pines, which tempted him exceedingly, till after a day or two’s airing on the fhore, in a tent which was there pitched for him. Then he alfo eat forne armadillo and a little pork, and begun to gather ftrength. Here he alfo landed his fick men, and recovered many ; and here he buried Captain Edward Haftings, (the Lord Huntingdon's brother) who died ten days, or more, before; and with him his ferjeant-major Hart, and Captain Henry Snedale, the charge of whofe fhip Raleigh gave to his fervant Captain Robert Smith of Cornwall.' Here he alfo fet up his barges and fhallops, which they brought from England in quarters, cleanfed his fhip, trimmed up his cafks and fupplied them with water, fixed up a forge, and made fuch iron works as they wanted. Thus on that Ihore and this river they employed and refrefhed themfelves for about three weeks, during which time Raleigh was very much careffed by the Indians, of his old acquaintance aforefaid, and other natives of this place, who furnifhed him daily with the beft provifions that the country yielded, and offered him all kind of obedience, even to the making him their Sovereign Prince and Ruler, if he would abide and fettle among them; Xo frefh continued his memory, and fuch impreflions of homage and refpect had his former behaviour ftill left upon them; which offer, he mentions with the greateft .modefty and indifference, in the difpatch he fent foon after this to England.
flxi the 4th of .December they left this river, and on the 5th came to the Triangle Iflands, where Raleigh’s fhip ran on fhore, and was with difficulty got off. Here they held a council to confider what they fhould do next, and as Sir Walter was extremely ill, and it was found irppoffible to carry the larger fhips any higher, it was refolved that the five fmaller veffels, with as many companies of foot, of fifty men each, fhould enter the river. A.ccording to .this determination the fleet was divided; that is to fay, Captain Whitney, in the Encounter; Woolafton, in the Confidence; King, in the Supply; Smith, in a prick; and Hall, in a caravel. The companies had for their leaders Captain Charles Parker and Captain North (brothers to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North), young Raleigh, .Captain Thornhurft of Kent, Captain Pennington’s Lieutenant, who feems to be another Hall, and Captain Chidley’s lieutenant, Prideaux. Sir Warham St. Legar, Raleigh’s lieutenant, who had the charge of thefe Companies, fell fick at Caliana, .fo it .was conferred on George Raleigh, Sir Walter’s jpephew, who .had ferved with great commendation in the Low Countries; and Captain .K.’eymifh had the chief charge for their landing within the river : but Keymilh having
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laid down the plan of his intended attempt upon the mine, and undertaking to difcover it with fix or eight perfons in Sir John Feme’s fhallop; Raleigh, upon confideration, difliked that method of procedure, determined to alter it, and therefore gave him his inftructions to go to the mine, bring him a fample, and avoid fighting the Spaniards if poffible.
With thefe inftructions thofe five fhips fet forward, parting from Raleigh and the reft of the fleet at theiflands aforefaid, with a month’s provifion, on the 10th of December. But when they found a new Spanifh town, called St. Thomas, confifting of about one hundred and forty houfes, though flightly built, with a chapel, a convent of Fran- cifcans, and a garrifon, ere£ted on the main channel of Oronoco, about twenty miles diftant from the place; where Antonio Berreo, the governor, taken by Raleigh in his firft difcovery and conqueft here, endeavoured to plant; Keymifh and the reft, thought themfelves obliged, through fear of leaving the enemy between them and the boats, to deviate from their inftructions, which enjoined them firft to take a finall party to make trial of the mine, under a Ihelter of their own camp, and then to deal with the town as it fhould give caufe; fo they concluded to land in one body and encamp between the mine and the town, whereby they themfelves were nothing ftronger, their boats were as much expofed, and the mine left untried, contrary to Raleigh’s order.
For about three weeks after their departure, landing by night nearer the town, it feems, than they fufpected, and meaning to reft themfelves by the rivpr-fide till the morning, they were, in the night time, fet upon by the Spanilh troops, apprized of their coming. This charge was fo unexpected, and (truck the common foldiers with fuch amazement, that had not the captains and fome other valiant gentlemen made a head, and animated the reft, they had all been cut to pieces: But the reft, by their example, foon rallying, made fuch a vigorous defence againft the Spaniards, that they drove them to a retreat; till, in the warmth of their purfuit, the Englifh found themfelves at the Spanifti town before they knew where they were. Here the battle was renewed, being aflaulted by the governor himfelf, Don Diego Palameca, and four or five captains at the head of their companies; againft whom Captain Walter Raleigh, a brave and fprightly young man, now twenty-three years of age, not waiting for the mufketeers, rufhed foremoft at the head of a company of pikes, and, having killed one of the Spanifh captains, was mortally wounded by another ; but preffing ftill on with his fword upon Erinetta, probably the captain who had fhot him, this Spaniard, with the butt end of his mufket, felled him down to the ground; and after thefe words, “ Lord have mercy upon me, andprofper your enterprize,” young Raleigh fpoke no more: Hereupon John Pleffington, his ferjeant, thruft the Spanifh captain through with his halbert. Two commanders more of the Spaniards were flain, one by John of Morocco, another of young Raleigh’s company; and laftly the governor himfelf alfo loft his life in the engagement, which happened, as Cambden informs us, upon the 2d of January.
The leaders being all thus difpatched, and many of their foldiers, the reft difperfed; fome took Ihelter about the marketplace, from whence they killed and wounded the Englifh at pleafure, fo as they faw no w r ay left to be fafe but by burning the town down about their ears, and driving them into the woods and mountains, whence they ftill kept the Englifh waking in perpetual alarms; others were more careful to defend their paffages to their mines, of which they had three or four not far diftant, than they had been to defend the town. Captain Keymifh found the paffages, leading to the mine he had in his eye, very difficult, and the rivers fo low, that he could not approach the banks, in moft places near the mine, by a mile; and where he found an afcent, a volley
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of mufkets came from the woods, and at one time flew two of the rowers, hurt fix others, and wounded Captain Thornhurft in the head. Keymilh feeing fo much hazard in attempting to find the mine, the paflage to it being full of thick and unpayable woods; and thinking the Englilh, who were left at St. Thomas’s, would not be able to defend it, efpecially if the enemy Ihould be recruited, the country being all in alarm, he gave over the enterprize and returned. Befides the difficulty of finding the mine, he pretended, that if he had found it, he had not a man to work it j and, being a great way up in the land, men would have been got thither with great danger and difficulty ; but this ffiould have been thought of before, and it was ill advifed to take fo much pains, and run fo much hazard, to get and poflefs that, which when they had it they could not make ufe of; fo that which Keymilh pleaded, when he returned, for an excufe, reflected upon him as a great mifcarriage.
Sir Walter very much blamed him for it, and, among other things, told him if he had but brought one hundred weight of the ore, though with the lofs of one hundred men, it would have given the king fatisfaclion, and preferved his reputation; and befides, would have given the nation encouragement to have returned the next year with a greater force, and have held the country for his majefty, to whom it belonged. As foon as they returned to St. Thomas’s, the Englilh pillaged the town, carried away the belt and molt portable things, and the enemy not daring to appear for the redemption of it, they fet it on fire, leaving behind them an infinite mafs of treafure, which, either for want of knowledge or power, they could not attain. Sir Walter, upon the news of his fon’s death, and Keymilh’s return, finding himfelf difappointed thereby of his hopes, was perplexed to the very foul, and threatened Keymilh with the king’s indignation, telling him he had undone him, and wounded his credit with his majefty pall recovery. This had fuch an effect upon him, that it threw him into defpair, and a few days after he made away with himfelf. Some fay he retired immediately into his cabin and Ihot himfelf, with a piftol, into the body; but that being too flow for h.'s fury, defperately thrull a large knife into the fame wound up to the haft.
Thefe accounts may be faid both to be true, for, after Sir Walter’s firft reproof, he went away difcontented, and continued fo feveral days. He came then a fecond time with his excufes, and Ihewed him a letter which he had written to the Earl of Arundel, in his own juftification, praying Sir Walter to allow of his reafons, which he refilling, and telling him he would not favour or colour his folly; upon that he retired into his cabin, and immediately committed the fact. The defign being thus defeated, the Ihips leaky, victuals failing, and, above all, having miffed thofe golden Ihowers they gaped after, fame of the men began to mutiny againlt their genera], while others were for him; fome would have him go home, others Itay ; the major part forced him not to go home, but with their confent, and yet his Ihips flipped away one after another, till from ten they were reduced to four, and thofe on board would do juft what they lift ; fome would go to Italy, fome for France, and fome few for England. When they arrived at Kinfale in Ireland, Sir Walter, it is pretended, would have perfuaded them to go with him to France ; but inftead of Aliening to this propofal they carried him, againft his will, to Plymouth, where he was arrelted by Sir Lewis Stukely his kinfman, by the king’s order, and conveyed to the tower of London.
All the world knows what followed afterwards, when, under colour of his former judgment, Sir Walter was put to death on the 29th of October 1618 ; an action fo black and bafe, fo mean, fo unworthy of a government, and fo utterly inexcufable, that one really wants words to exprefs the foulnefs of the action; but with regard to the caufe of his death, or rather with refpect to the manner of if, I differ fomewhat in my
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judgment from moft of thofe who have written about it; and therefore I fliall take the liberty of explaining myfelf upon it, in as few words as I can. It is very certain that King James was very well fatisfied that the firft judgment againft Sir Walter Raleigh, at Winchefter, was very ill founded ; and of this Raleigh himfelf was fo fenfible that he neglefted obtaining a pardon before he left England, which he might have obtained for 700 1 . When he came back it was refolved to facrifice him to the Spanifh match, to the fears of King James, and the jealoufies of his miniiters; and in order to this, without doubt, it was intended a new profecution lhould commence; and in that cafe there is the greateft reafon in the world to believe no jury would have found him guilty ; but Sir Walter Raleigh, from an eagernefs to defend himfelf, wrote an apology, in which he moft clearly proved that Guiana belonged to the crown of England; that his going thither was no breach of treaty; that the Spaniards in America always behaved towards the Englilh as enemies, and confequently iought not to be confidered as allies ; that his whole defign was betrayed to them from the beginning, which occafioned their fending forces into thofe parts, and all the' blood-fhed that afterwards happened; that even in refpedl to this the Spaniards were aggreffors; and that, throughout the whole expedition, he had done nothing but what he was warranted to do by his commiffion. This' it was that drove the miniftry from their firft purpofe, and forced them upon that mea- fure, which they afterwards took, of calling him down to his former judgment, contrary to law, reafon, juftice, and the king’s own fenfe of the thing, as he afterwards teftified under his hand.
But, however, though by this barbarous meafure our great difcoverer loft his head, yet the title of the crown of England to his difcovery remained abfolutely unimpeached, as appears clearly by King James’s granting a new commiffion to Captain Roger North for fettling in Guiana a year after Raleigh’s death; which, however, he afterwards recalled by a proclamation, and fent the Lord North, who was at the expence of that expedition, to the fleet, for making too much difpatch in it. Such a fluctuation of councils there rnuft always be, where a foreign intereft is regarded, as the cafe was then, when the politics of Britain were dictated by Spain. Yet even this did not put an end to all thoughts of maintaining the rights of the crown of England to this valuable country, where the people ftill remembered and enquired after Sir Walter when he had been many years in his grave.
The accounts we have, however, of thefe expeditions, are fo imperfeft, that we can fay very little with certainty till after the Reftoration ; when the Lord Willoughby, who was governor of Barbadoes, obtained a grant from King Charles II. of this country, and actually made a confiderable fettlement on the river of Surinam, where they might have continued much longer than they did if it had not been for their own indiscretion : for when the firft Dutch war broke out, in which the French took part with the Republic againft us, both thefe nations would have confented to a neutrality in thofe parts ; but our people were bent upon a war which turned to their ruin : for the coaft of Guiana, from Cape Orange to near the river Oronoco, was, about the year 1666, pofleffed by three European nations : the Dutch were about the river Aproague; the French had the ifland of Cayenne, and the rivers of Ovia, Corrou, and Sinamary; this laft is about twenty-five leagues north-weft from Cayenne, and fifty-three eaft from Surinam ; and the Engliffi had a final! colony and redoubt on the river Maronny ; their chief fettiement being then at Surinam river, which is fo good and deep that lliips of three hundred tons run twenty leagues up it. The Zealanders were poffelfed of the Ever Berbiche, and had repulfed the Engliffi, who attacked them there, with confiderable lofs.
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The fame year, 1666, the States of Zealand being provoked at the Englifh having invaded and taken from them all the lands they had been pofleffed of in America except the river Berbiche, fent thither Commodore Creiflen, with four men of war and three hundred men to attack Surinam. He failed from Zealand at the latter end of January ; arrived at Cayenne in March; went thence for Surinam; failed up the river under Englifh colours, and came to the fort of Paramorbo, three leagues up the river, without being taken for an enemy ; but being difcovered there for want of fignals, the fort began to fire on his fhips, which he anfwered with broadlides from all the veflels, and immediately landed his forces. The Englifh, who had lived long in profound fecurity, found themfelves too weak, and the fort in no pofture of defence on the land-fide, and their habitations being difperfed along the river for thirty leagues up, the fort could not be fuccoured but by water, where the Zealanders were mafters: upon which confider- ation they furrendered it, capitulating for the inhabitants of the river of Surinam and thofe of Kamomioque ; flipulating that all thofe who fhould take the oath of fidelity to the States of Zealand fhould enjoy their eftates peaceably; the habitations of i'uch as abfented themfelves, and thofe belonging to the Lord Willoughby, fhould be forfeited to the faid States; all foreigners who had no eftates there fhould remain prifoners of war ; and all the Englifh to be obliged to deliver up their arms. When the capitulation was executed, Creiffen put aboard a fly-boat he had taken in the river, the moll valuable part of the booty he found in the places that were confifcated, and the prifoners aboard a man of war; and after caufing the fort to be repaired and put into a pofture of defence, and leaving it in the hands of Sieur de Rome with one hundred and fifty men, he failed for the iflands.
Afterwards, when the peace was made at Breda, it was agreed that the Dutch fhould keep Surinam, and that in return we fhould keep New York, which was then called the New Netherlands. Thus we have traced this point fairly, from beginning to ending; from the firft fettlement, nay from the very flrft thoughts of a fettlement, to. the giving up of all the fettlements we then had, and which might be ftyled the legacy of Raleigh to this nation, into the hands of the Dutch. It may not be amifs, however, before I quit the fubjecl, to obferve that the Dutch have fucceeded very happily in a plantation that was not very beneficial to us; and that if ever we fhould be inclined to try our fortunes again upon this coaft, for without queftion our ceffion of Surinam does not preclude us from vifiting the reft of Guiana ; if this, ^ fay, fhould ever be attempted, it muft be either by the South Sea Company or under their licence, fince all this great country, as well as many other valuable places, lie within their charter, which covers them from all the reft of this nation, and leaves them open only to all the world befides.
15. We are now to pafs to the mother-colony of that which we mentioned laft, the famous ifland of Barbadoes, which may be juftly efteemed the faireft, beft peopled, and beft cultivated fpot of ground, not in America only, but in the whole known world: when or by whom it was firft difcovered is a point not eafily fettled, and, in my judgment cannot be determined at all farther than by conjecture. The Portuguefe were certainly the firft difcoverers of Brazil, and it is not very probable that they fhould make many voyages thither, or at leaft fhould eftablifh a regular commerce with that country without falling in with this ifland, which lies fo much in the way. It is the more probable that they were the firft difcoverers, from the name by which this country has been always known; Barbadoes having apparently'a Portuguefe termination, but what it fignifies is very doubtful. Some fay the ifland was fo called from its barbarous inhabitants; to prove which they fhould have fhewn us that it was inhabited at all,
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which in thofe times undoubtedly it was not; but, however, it is not impofiible that the thing might be fo, fince the Caribbees certainly vifited that illand from St. Vincent, which is within fight, and the Portuguefe might poffibly land when they were upon it, and fright them off this illand, whence they might from thefe people give it the name of Barbadoes, which it has full retained, and is fo called, without any variation, at leaft that I know of, in all the languages of Europe.
The firft Englifhmen that landed here, it is faid, were fome of Sir William Curteen’s feamen, that were cruizing in thefe feas in the latter end of the reign of King James I. who reporting, at their return to England, that the foil was fruitful, fome adventurers went thither with intent to plant it; but finding the illand covered with wood, and fcarce any other animals upon it than hogs, it did not anfwer their expectations a great while. The property,of this illand was afterwards granted by King Charles I. to James Earl of Carlille, in the firft year of his reign ; of whom feveral adventurers purchafing fhares, tranfported themfelves thither, and firft fell to planting tobacco; which not thriving here as they expected, they proceeded to try cotton and indigo, which yielded them a confiderable profit; but they made little fugar till 1647, when Colonel Modi- ford, Colonel Drax, Colonel Walrond, and feveral other cavaliers, finding there was no living with any fatisfaftion in England under the Ufurper, converted their eftates into money, and tranfported themfelves to Barbadoes with fuch machines and implements as were proper to carry on fugar-works there. Colonel Drax, it is faid, in a few years acquired an eftate of feven or eight thoufand pounds per annum, and married the Earl of Carlifle’s daughter, then proprietor of the illand ; and the adventurers fixing their principal fettlement on the great bay in the fouth-weft part of the illand, gave it the name of Carlille bay, in honour of their proprietor, which it ftill retains.
The illand was afterwards divided into four circuits and eleven parilhes, each parilh being allowed to fend two reprefentatives to the General Affembly, and every parilh had its church and an incumbent, with a handfome maintenance alligned him. In the year 1650 the white inhabitants of the illand are faid to have increafed to between thirty and forty thoufand, befides negroes, who were much more numerous, and frequently plotted the dellruftion of their mailers; but their plots were conftantly difcovered, and the moll terrible punilhments inflicted on the ring-leaders; which did but increafe the difaffeftion of the reft, and laid the foundation of frefli confpiracies. But notwith- ftanding the repeated plots of their Haves, never any plantation of fo fmall an extent, arrived to that riches and grandeur as Barbadoes did, in the fpace of twenty or thirty years. The Rump apprehended this illand of fuch confequence during their ufurpation that they fent a ftrong fquadron of men of war thither, anno 1651, under the command of Sir George Afcue, who compelled the Lord Willoughby, (appointed governor by King Charles II.) to furrender the illand upon condition the royalifts Ihoulcl remain in the poffeflion of their eftates and liberties, and Mr. Searl was appointed governor by them.
The Dutch war fucceeding foon after, the colony was prohibited trading with the Hollanders, with whom they had principally trafficked hitherto; for the Dutch it feems conftantly furnilhed the illand with negroes till this time, and taught the Barbadians to plant, and manage their fugars to the bell advantage, taking molt of it off of their hands, with which they fuppiied themfelves and the reft of Europe; but after the Ufurpers’s quarrel with the Dutch, the Barbadians were compelled, by an ordinance of parliament, to bring all their fugars direftly to England, which was imitated by the Miniftry after the reftoration of King Charles II. and was the foundation of the aft of navigation, which requires all the Britifh colonies to bring their fugars and tobacco
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directly to England, and forbids their trading with foreigners in thefe, and fome other, {filed enumerated articles.
16. In the year 1661 King Charles II. purchafed the property of this ifland of the Lord Kinowl, heir to the Earl of Carlifle, and appointed the Lord Willoughby of Parham governor ; ever fince which, Barbadoes has been a regular government; and the colony granted a duty of four and a half per cent, for the fupport of the civil government of that ifland, and maintaining the forces and fortifications thereof; which duty (according to my information) amounts to ten thoufand pounds a year ; but inffsad of being applied to the purpofes for which it was given, it is difpofed of in penfions to courtiers, to the irreparable damage of that colony ; no other ifland having laid fo high a duty on their fugars. In the year 1664 De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, with a great fleet of men of war, treacheroufly attempted to furprife the ifland v of Barbadoes, though England was then in full peace with Holland ; but he was bravely beat off by the Barbadians, and obliged to abandon that enterprize.
In the year 1674 Sir Jonathan Atkins, being made governor, had orders to feize all the drips trading in Africa for negroes, that trade being granted to the Royal African Company about that time, exclusive of all others. And feveral {hips belonging to the merchants of Barbadoes, bringing over negroes afterward, were condemned and forfeited, being denominated interlopers; which that colony complained of as a great grievance, the African Company fetting what price they pleafed upon their negroes; but this vms not redreifed till after the revolution, when that trade was laid open to all the fubjeds of England, paying ten per cent, towards the charge of their forts. The Barbadians alfo fuffered great Ioffes by a terrible hurricane which happened there on the 10th of Auguft 1674, when three hundred houfes were blown down, two hundred perfons killed, moft of their fugar-works and plantations fpoiled; and all their windmills for grinding of canes were blown down, except thofe that were built of ftone; eight fhips alfo fuffered Ihipwreck in the harbour ; infomuch that the Barbadians were difabled from making much fugar the two fucceeding years. Another calamity, with which the Barbadians were afflicted, was an epidemical diftemper that feveral years raged in the ifland, differing very little from the plague. This began about the year 1691, and occafioned a great decreafe amongft the white inhabitants, which they have not recovered from that day to this. It feems the Miniftry of England, fending a fqua- dron of men of war to Barbadoes, with a body of land forces on board, to protedt the trade of the Caribbee iflands, which had fuffered very much by the depredations of the French privateers; the Barbadians, on their arrival, concerted an enterprize with the commanders againft the French iflands of Guadaloupe, Martinico, St. Chriftopher’s, &c. and joining the king’s forces with fome of their own, formed a body of four or five thoufand men, with which they made a defcent on Guadaloupe and St. Chriflopher’s, and ruined many French fettlements, but did not make a conqueft of them, as was expected ; and what was ftill more unfortunate, the difiemper above-mentioned broke out in the army, which the foldiers brought back to Barbadoes, and almofl depopulated that ifland of white men. The king’s {hips alfo loft fo many of their men that there were not hands enough to carry them home.
If we Ihould purfue this hiftory lower, it would not contribute very much to the information, entertainment, or fatisfadion of the reader, becaufe it would involve us in long and perplexed relations of the difputes between the inhabitants of this colony and their governors, appeals from both parties to the government at home, and other fuch-like tedious and difagreeable fubjeds. We will therefore content ourfelves with obferving, that till fome very different method is taken from that which has been hitherto

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in ufe for appointing governors in this and other colonies, fo that men are now fent over with a view to repair their own fortunes, inftead of enquiring into, and redreffing, thofe grievances that affect the properties of the perfons they are fent to govern, we can never hope to fee the plantations flourifh, or this country reap thofe advantages from them which otherwife fhe might. What is the nature of thofe advantages, and what their degree in refpedt to this noble ifland, juftly efteemed the mod valuable plantation for its fize, that ever this nation poffeffed, fhall be our next bufmefs to explain, by entering into a particular defcription of this ifland and its product.
17. The Ifland of Barbadoes is fituated in the Atlantic Ocean, in 13 degrees north latitude, and 59 degrees of weftern longitude, being of a triangular form ; about twenty-five miles in length from fouth to north, and fifteen in breadth from eaft to weft, where broadeft ; it is a plain level country for the moft part, with fome fmall hills of an eafy afcent, and fcarce any wood upon it at prefent; it was covered with woods, indeed, when the Englifh firft fent colonies there, but they are all cut down to make room for plantations of fugar canes which take up almoft the whole ifland at prefent, nothing elfe being cultivated in any great quantities. Their very corn, fiefh, and fifh, being imported for the moft part from the northern colonies: there is fcarce an harbour in the ifland, the beft is that of Bridge Town in Carlifle-bay, on the fouth- weft part of the ifland, and this lies open to the weftward ; however it is fecure from the north-eaft, which is the conftant trade wind here, and blows from morning to evening, except their tornades and hurricanes, which happen ufually about Midfummer, and in July and Auguft, and blow from every quarter. The fhips in the bay, at fuch times, are in the utmoft danger of being wrecked on fhore, if they cannot get out to fea, and therefore feldom attempt to ride out thofe ftorms.
The coaft is defended on the eaft by rocks and fhoals, from the invafion of an enemy ; and on the weft, where it is moft expofed to a defcent, breaft-works and redoubts are erected for its fecurity, but the repair of them is too much neglected. There is fcarce a ftream in the ifland that deferves the name of a river ; however, we find two on the eaft-fide, to which they have given the names of Scotland river, and Jofeph’s river; they have good water in their wells almoft all over the ifland, and do not dig very deep for it; they have alfo large ponds and refervoirs, where they preferve rainwater. They have generally fine ferene weather ; their rains fall as in other parts of the torrid zone, chiefly when the fun is vertical; and after the rains are the proper feafons for planting ; their heats are not fo exceffive as in the fame latitude on the continent, being conftantly refrefhed by the fea breezes in the day-time, which in- creafes as the fun advances, and abates as the fun declines. And they have this further fatisfaftion, that their days feldom exceed twelve hours; but there being no mountains on the ifland, there are no land-winds in the night as in Jamaica.
The only town of any confequence in the ifland, is that of Bridge Town or St. Michael’s, fituate in Carlifle-bay : it was formerly encompaffed with a morafs which rendered it unhealthy, but this has been drained in a great meafure; however, the low fituation makes the town ftill fubject to inundations : it is faid to contain a thoufand or twelve hundred houfes tolerably well built of brick or ftone. They have commodious ■wharfs and keys for loading and unloading of goods, and three forts or caftles of defence, which, if kept in repair, would render them no eafy conqueft. The chief produce and manufacture of the ifland, as has been intimated already, is fugar ; of the molaffes or drofs whereof they make great quantities of rum. They have alfo fome cotton, indigo, ginger, and pimento, and formerly tobacco was planted here in good quantities, but very little at prefent j foreft trees they have fcarce any left: their fruits
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are oranges, limes, citrons, pomegranates, pine-apples, guavas, plaintains, cocoa-nuts, indian-figs, prickle-pears, melons, and almoft all manner of roots and garden Huff, but very few flowers.
Their horfes they Import from New England, See. and have a flight breed of their own : they have alfo feme afles, cows, and fheep, but the laft do not thrive here. They have a good number of hogs, the flelh whereof is the belt meat that is eaten in thofe hot climates." Here are alfo good fea filh and poultry, but no frefh-water filh; and, in general, all manner of provifion is very dear. There is no dining at an ordinary under a crown a-head ; frefh meat is a rarity, and chiefly the food of people of condition ; the reft are glad of falt-beef, pork, and fifli, imported from the northern colonies; from whence alfo comes their wheat, flower, indian-corn, peafe, beans, &c. They make bread alfo of the caflavi root, and the negroes feed on yams, potatoes, and other roots and fruits. The liquor drank by the gentry here, is chiefly Madeira wine, or wine and water, and great quantities of punch are drank by the vulgar. They have alfo ftrong beer imported from Old and New England, and liquors made of their maize and fruits as in Jamaica. The government here alfo refembles that or Jamaica, and the reft of our American iflands, having the governor and council appointed bv the crown, which, with the houfe of reprefentatives, are veiled with a legiflative power, and make laws for the government of the ifland.
The number of white people are faid to have been once forty thoufand and upwards, and are computed to be near thirty thoufand at prefent. The negroes, mulattoes, and meftive Haves, about an hundred thoufand. Their militia confifts of fifteen hundred horfe, and three thoufand foot, or thereabouts.
After this general reprefentation of the prefent ftate of the ifland, it is requifite that we fhould proceed to a more clofe enquiry into the ftaple commodity of this ifland. We are to obferve, that before the year 1626, the Portugueze fupplied all Europe with fugar from their colonies in Brazil, to their immenfe profit; but the firft fettlers finding the foil to be fertile, and the producing of fugar advantageous, they encouraged more people to come over and plant the fame commodity. This inducing the merchants at home to fend over fhips with provifions and other neceflaries for thofe new planters, which their agents and factors exchanged with them for the produce of the country, and from thence a reciprocal trade and correfpondence was eftablilhed between Great Britain and this ifland.
The growing fuccefs of this new fugar colony promoted the fettlement of the others; and as the fugar plantations encreafed, more hands were required to carry on the works, than could, at that time, be fpared from home. This gave birth to the Guinea trade, for fupplying thofe colonies with negro Haves; and as the planters flourilhed and encreafed, fo did their demands for all forts of Britilh manufactures, and fuch neceflaries of life as they could not produce in thofe climates, which opened another feene of trade to the Britilh merchants, to furnilh thefe new colonies with wine from Madeira. Thefe branches of trade were of the utmoft advantage to Great Britain, forafmuch as they took no money out of the kingdom, but yearly brought in large fums for Britilh manufactures carried out. The trade to this ifland was commonly open and free; for we find, that before the civil war in England, the Dutch flrips came hither to purchafe fugars, as well as the Englilh. This freedom in trade made the country flourilh, and made money plenty among the inhabitants. But fince the reftoration, feveral a£ts of parliament have been made to confine the trade of the fugar colonies to Great Britain, and Britilh fhips only; which reftraints foon made London the chiefeft mart in Europe for fugar; and as there was yearly more imported than was neceflary for
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home confumption, the merchants exported the furplus to foreign markets, and by tinderfelling the Portugueze, they in time beat them almoft out of all their fugar trade to the northward of Cape Finifterre.
This trade of re-exporting fugars was carried on for many years with great fuccefs. Mr. Jolhua Gee fays that by this trade only fuch an inereafe of treafure and wealth was brought into this kingdom, as yearly added three or four hundred thoufand pounds to the ftock of the nation, which in thirty years time amounted to upwards of ten millions fterling. And a late author computes the clear profits, accruing to Great Britain from the fugar trade, and thofe other branches which chiefly depend upon thofe iflands, to amount to more than one million a year. Fie tells us farther, that it appears by the cuftom-houfe in London, that the value of the exports from Great Britain to the fugar colonies were a few years ago upwards of five hundred thoufand pounds fterling every year; and their importations from thofe iflands more than twelve hundred thoufand pounds per annum. In thefe computations the author has taken no notice of the vaft quantities of Britifh manufactures yearly exported to Guinea and Madeira ; but if they were to be added to the exportations of the fugar colonies, where the greateft part of their produce is taken off with an advantage to the Britifh merchant, it would greatly augment the fum, and confequently enlarge the profits which our mother country receives from the fugar colonies, and the feveral branches of trade depending on them. I fhall not take upon me to determine whether this gentleman’s calculations are exad or not; but it is evident beyond difpute, that while the fugar trade flourifhed, both planters and merchants grew immenfely rich, and the trade and navigation of Great Britain was carried on to a much greater height than it ever was before. And this great fource of wealth and treafure to their mother country, grofe from fo fmall a beginning as a few families feeking fhelter in a defolate ifland.
This fhews what may be done by induftry and trade rightly applied. Now if the trade and navigation of Great Britain have received fuch an addition from the fugar colonies, as added greatly to the riches and ftrength of the kingdom ; and if Barbadoes has the honour to ftand foremoll in the fugar trade (as the firll founder of it) how Well has fhe deferved of her mother country. When the fugar trade was at the height which we defcribed above, the flourifhing flate of Great Britain alarmed her neighbours, and put them upon ways to circumvent her in trade, as the only means to put a Hop to the growing ftrength of the kingdom, which they feared might become too formidable, from the great inereafe of feamen and lhipping employed in the Weft India and Guinea trades, both flourilhing at the fame time. Upon a parliamentary enquiry into the ftate of trade to Africa, in the year 1728, it appeared to the Houfe, that in three years time only, the number of negroes imported at Barbadoes, Jamaica, and Antigua, amounted to forty-two thoufand, befides what were carried to St. Chriftopher’s, Nevis, and Montferrat.
But we are now to enquire into the caufes of the general declenfion of this trade. And here I beg leave further to obferve, that the French fpared no coft or labour to rival Great Britain, they well knowing, if that funk, her Guinea and Madeira trade pmft fall with it; for which purpofe they embraced every opportunity to enlarge and Jmprove their fugar plantations ; and, if I am not mifinformed, where the planter was n °t able to complete his works himfelf, proper utenfils were fent over from France at public charge, and the crown trufted them for feveral years without intereft ; what fuch an afliftance will enable men to do, we may gather from the flourilhing ftate of the linen manufacture in Ireland, fince the public allowed them a fund to fupport it. Having by thefe means eftablilhed their fugar colonies, the next thing they had in view
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was to beat the Britifh merchants out of the foreign markets for fugar ; and therefor^ deftroy their trade for exportation; and this they have effected, by giving liberty for their (flips to carry their fugars direttly to the foreign markets, while ours were obliged to import all into Great Britain, which enables them to fell fo much cheaper than our merchants can carry it from London, as has almoft put an entire (lop to that valuable branch of trade to their mother country ; and the utter ruin of the Britifh fugar colonies muff neceffarily follow, unlefs they are relieved fome way or other.
The very firft declenfion of their exportation trade was attended with ill ron- fequences to the fugar colonies. It lowered the price of fugar fo much at home, as difcouraged the merchants from fending to purchafe fugars here. This obliged the fugar planters to turn merchant adventurers in a declining trade, and to (hip their fugars upon their own account and rifque ; this put a (lop to the currency of cafh, which was before brought over yearly to purchafe fugars, and laid the whole burden of freight, duty, and commiffion, upon the plantation, that were formerly paid by the Britifh merchants. And fuppofe but fifteen thoufand hogfheads of fugar to be (hipped in a year from this ifland, on gentlemens own accounts, thefe three articles will amount to upwards of fixty thoufand pounds fterling. Another great evil that has likewife followed from the fame caufe is, combinations among the buyers, by which the price of fugars is funk fo low as greatly to prejudice the planters, and yet turning to the benefit only of a few private perfons, who are the firft buyers, and not at all to that of the confumers in general, by which that ifland is hurt, and this receives no benefit, or very little.
Thefe are the particulars which we have collected from books ; but we will now add fome few remarks, from the informations we have received, which will ferve to give light to the prefent ftate and importance of this ifland; and thefe will come chiefly under the three following heads. In the firft place, we (hall fhew that this colony throve the fafteft, became the belt peopled, and by far the moft wealthy in America. We (hall next fhew the advantages formerly derived from thence to the Britifh nation, clearly, and in a very few words. And laftly, we lhall take notice of the prefent condition of this ifland, and of the infinite confequence thereof to this government of Great Britain. In the firft place then, it is to be confidered that the ifland of Barbadoes is generally efteemed to be a very little bigger than the Ifle of Wight, and to contain, according to a round computation, one hundred thoufand acres. It has been fhewn, that about the year 1626 this country was not only unfettled, but actually uninhabitable, as affording nothing for the fupport of life, and over-run with a brufliy kind of fhrub wood, which gave a great deal of trouble to the firft planters; yet in the fpace of fifty years, this plantation came to its greateft height, and by a calculation that was made with much exachiefs, there were in it fifty thoufand white people of all forts, of whom twenty thoufand were able to bear arms, and eighty thoufand negroes : nay, we are told that in twenty years after the colony was fettled they muftered eleven thoufand horfe and foot; which would be altogether incredible if we had not fuch proofs of thefe facts as put them beyond all doubt or queftion.
This fufficiently proves, that never any colony of ours, or any other nation, was fo populous as this ifland. But to make this ftill clearer to an Englifh reader, we (hall obferve that Barbadoes is rather lefs than- the county of Rutland, the fmalleft county in England; and that, according to the higheft computation, the number of people in that county in 1676, did not exceed twenty thoufand: but this may be made (fill clearer, by comparing that whole ifland with this, in point of extent; for if England and Wales, taken together, oonfift of near forty millions of acres, then if they were as
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populous as Barbadoes they ought to contain fifty millions of people; whereas Sir William Petty, who was a very able man in computations, and is thought not to have undervalued this country, but rather the contrary, never reckoned the people higher than eight millions; which {hews what a vaft difproportion there is between the peopling of the two countries.
But to proceed farther {till; the fame great man aflerts, that in Holland and Zealand, which are looked upon to be the beft peopled countries in Europe, there are a million of fouls inhabiting about as many acres ; and confequently it appears from hence, that even this country w r as not fo well peopled as Barbadoes. In point of wealth, the comparifon holds full as ftrong ; for in the year 1661 king Charles II. created on the fame day thirteen baronets in Barbadoes, none of them having lefs than one thoufand, and fome of them ten thoufand pounds'a year. At this time their trade actually maintained four hundred fail of {hips ; and it was computed, that the running cafh of the ifland might be about two hundred thoufand pounds; and their annual exportation to Great Britain, in fugar, indigo, ginger, and other commodities, at leaffc three hundred and fifty thoufand pounds. Thefe are facts that may be depended upon, that deferve in every refpect the greateft confideration, and that plainly demonftrate at once the great value of this ifland, and the prodigious confequence of our plantations in general.
By the gradual increafe of the colony upon this ifland, it has, fince we firft pofiefied it, contributed beyond conception and belief to the riches of its mother country ; and, as I know not any fubject that either can or ought to give an Englilh reader more pleafure than the confideration of what has been obtained by the bleffing of God, upon the virtue and induftry of his countrymen; fo, I think, an endeavour to {hew what has accrued in the whole to Britain, by eftablifhing a colony here, will be allowed to be equally inflructive and pleafant, ufeful and entertaining.
What has been faid before, gives us a fufficient general notion of the importance and value of the ifland ; what we now aim at is, to come at a more particular account of what it has yielded in the whole. When this colony was in its moft flourifhing condition, which we fix to the year 1676, there were four hundred {hips of one hundred and fifty tons, one with another, employed annually in this trade; and I believe it will be thought a very moderate computation, if we reckon that the feamen, {hip-builders, and other trades that live by thefe veffels, amounted in the whole to ten thoufand fouls. The fugars that came from Barbadoes, were either fpent at home or fent abroad; and I reckon, that in the manufacturing the fugars, and vending them at home and abroad, there might be twenty thoufand people more employed. To thefe we mull add, fuch as got their bread by the goods and manufactures yearly exported from hence to Barbadoes; for almoft all that the people eat, drink, and wear there, are the product of England; fo that the computation cannot be thought to rife too high, if we allow, that in this way twenty thoufand more got their bread ; which will make about fifty thoufand in the whole : all fupported here by the labour and induftrv of the whites and negroes in that country. We are next to compute the money brought into this nation by the export of the commodities imported from thence, which ■was that year allowed to be above two hundred thoufand pounds, and it was alfo agreed, that as much or more had been gained every year, between that time and the reftoration.
I lhall fay nothing of the money arifing to the exchequer from the duties, though this might be computed at thirty-five thoufand pounds per annum; but upon thefe principles {hall proceed in my computation thus : I will fuppofe, that from the year
QQ 2 1636

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163610 1656, which is twenty years, this colony produced but half fo much, and though it may be true, that before the year x 640 it did not produce a quarter fo much, yet, in the remaining part of that period, it certainly brought in a great deal more; and therefore we cannot be far from the truth, in computing that this nation acquired two millions in money, by Barbadoes, in that twenty years. In the next twenty, that is, from 1656 to 1676, when it is allowed this ifland was in its moft flourifliing condition, there muff have been gained four millions of money; and allowing for the gradual falling off of this trade, by a multitude of unlucky accidents, but more particularly by the fettling the French fugar iflands, we fliall compute the laft feventy years, from 1676 to 1736, at'the fame rate we did the firft twenty years, and the gain will then amount to fix millions ; fo that in the fpace of one hundred years, the inhabitants of Great Britain have received twelve millions in filver, by the means of this plantation ; and had fifty thoufand of her inhabitants maintained by the people in that colony all the time. It is highly poflible, that in fome of thefe articles we may be wrong one way, and it is more than probable, that in other articles we may err the other way; which is fo far from making againft the credit of our computation in general, that it really makes for it, fince we may very well fuppofe thefe errors balance each other, and that the fum total is very near right.
We are now come to the laft head, which is, afligning the comparative excellence of this colony with regard to our own and other plantations in America; and this, at firft fight, may appear a thing very difficult, if not impoffible to be done; however we may come fufficiently near it for our purpofe. It is thought that Barbadoes contains one hundred and forty fquare miles, and if fo it is in proportion, as 1 to 34,771 in refpect to the Spanifli plantations; as 1 to 12,000 in regard to our own; as 1 to 11,000 in reference to the French; as 1 to 7,000 as to the Portugueze ; and as 1 to 4 as to the Dutch. This I fay, as to the extent of territory, is as juft a comparifon as can be made ; but with regard to the value of thefe colonies, it is very eafy to perceive that there is hardly any computation to be made at all, for we may truly affirm that the- produce of Barbadoes is very near equal to a twentieth part of what Spain receives from her Indies annually, in time of peace, and from thence we may eafily judge of the reft.
I have infilled the longer upon this topic, becaufe it may enable us to form fome notion of what might be made of our plantations, if we attended to them as much as they deferve; for though it may be, and perhaps is, impoffible to improve any of them in proportion to what has been done in Barbadoes, yet we may well enough difcern, from hence, that they might be made inconteftably more profitable to us than they now are, or indeed, than the whole trade that we now poffefs; and if, at the fame time we reflect on this, we likewife confider that there is nothing fo abfolutely in our power, as the improvement of our colonies ; it will moft certainly appear to be the point, which, of all others imports us moft; and if I have done anything towards proving this, l fhall account all my labour well bellowed.
18. We are next to fpeak of the ifland of St. Chriftopher, which was called Liamuega by the favages, and was difcovered by Chriftopher Columbus, in the firft voyage he made to America. He gave it the name of St. Chriftopher from the figure of its mountains, there being in the upper part of the ifland a very high mountain, which bears on its fummit another lefs mountain, as St. Chriftopher is painted like a giant, with our Saviour on his back. It is fituated in the latitude of 17 degrees 25 minutes on this fide the line, and is about 7 5 miles in circuit; the Caribbeans inhabited it when Sir Thomas Warner, an Englifh adventurer, went thither. Monfteur Defnambue, a French gentleman of the ancient houfe of Vauderop, who commanded
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for the French in America, arrived at St. Chriftopher’s the fame day with Sir Thomas Warner, and both took polfeffion of the ifland in the names of their refpe&ive mailers, that they might have a place of fafe retreat, and a good haven for the receipt of fuch fhips qf both nations, as Ihould be bound for America, it being well provided with harbours. The Spaniards ufed to put in there in their Well India voyage, to take in frelh water ; and they were on fo good terms with the Caribbeans, that fometimes they left their lick there, of whom the lavages took a great deal of care.
The two gentlemen before mentioned, left fome of their men upon the place, and returned, Sir Thomas Warner to England, and Monfieur Defnambue to France, for recruits. Their mailers approved of their conduct, and fent them back with fupplies of men and provifions, and commiffions to be governors of the new fettlements. This company continued in France till the year 1661, when they fold St. Chriltopher’s, and the other illands, to the knights of Malta; but in the year 1664, the Well India company, by the king’s orders, bought out the laft proprietors. Sir Thomas Warner, and Monfieur Defnambue, failed in the year 1626, and the latter arrived there about January 1627, having had a long fickly voyage. The French were about three hundred in number, the Englilh colony as many ; Sir Thomas had proceeded a good way in his fettlement before Monfieur Defnambue arrived; and the two governors, to prevent differences among the people about the limits of their teritories, figned articles of divifion on the 13th of May 1627; they then fet boundaries to their feveral divifions, with this particular provifo, that filhing and hunting Ihould be equally free to the in- habitants of both nations; that the falt-ponds, and moll valuable timber, Ihould be in common, together with the mines and havens; alfo a league offenfive and defenfive was concluded between them, againlt all their enemies ; after which they fet-to work, each in his ftation to advance his fettlement, and went on very harmonioully.
The Englilh received fupplies of men and provifions from London, by which means they throve better than the French, and not only became Itrong enough to keep what they had, but to be able to fpare men for new plantations at Nevis; of which Sir Thomas Warner took polfeffion, and left people upon it for a fettlement in the year 1628. And in that which followed, Don Frederick de Toledo was fent with a fleet of twenty-four {hips and fifteen frigates, to difpoffefs the Englilh and French of the ifland of St. Chriltopher’s. The Spaniards were alarmed at the progrefs of the Englilh in the Caribbee illands, and thought it concerned the fafety of their own plantations, to prevent thofe nations from fettling in the neighbourhood. Don Frederick meeting fome Englilh fhips lying near the ille of Nevis, feized them, and then came and anchored in the road of Marigot, under the cannon of the Bafle Terre, where Monfieur Rolfey commanded. Neither the French nor the Englilh forts were in a condition to oppofe fuch an enemy ; their llores of ammunition fell fliort, and their numbers were not a match for the Spanifli army, had they been ever fo well provided with powder and ffiot. Rolfey, after a fmall oppofition, abandoned the Bafle Terre, and retreated to Cabes Terre, another fort, where Monfieur Defnambue was in perfon, who could not prevail with his men, either to defend themfelves there, or to retire to the forefts and mountains, where a few men might have refilled a thoufand. He femonllrated to them that Don Frederick could not afford much time, being bound to the Havannah to bring home the flota. Yet this was to no purpofe, nothing would content them but embarking and leaving the place, which he was forced to comply with, and fo all the French deferted their fettlement, as did their allies the Englilh ; who were in a great conllernation, and the diforder encreafed, upon the news of °f Defnambue’s being gone with his colony ; fome endeavoured'to efcape by fea, others

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fled to the mountains, and all who were left fent deputies to treat with the Spaniards. The Don knowing he had them in his power, commanded them to leave the ifland immediately, or he would put them to the fword ; he fent them their own ihips, which he had taken at Nevis, to embark in, and was perfuaded to give leave to thofe to flay that had not room in the Ihips for themfelves and their families, till they could be tranfported ; upon which Don Frederick weighed anchor, carried with him fix hundred Englilh who were fitteft for his fervice, and he was no fooner gone but the Englifh rallied, and refolved to go on with their fettlement. The French, who were got no farther than Antigua and Montferrat, fent a Ihip for intelligence to St. Chriftopher’s, and underftanding the Spaniards were gone, and the Englilh bufy in rebuilding and planting, rejoiced at this happy and unexpected turn of fortune, failed back to St. Chriftopher’s, and retook poffellion of their former habitations.
The Englilh continued carrying on their colony till they were in a condition to fpare more men for fettlements, at Barbuda, Montferrat, and Antigua, which Sir Thomas Warner peopled and planted. And the fame year the Dutch made themfelves mailers of St. Euftace, and the French took poffellion of forne other illands. The Englilh built themfelves good houfes at St, Chriftopher’s, and had wives and families; whereas the French contented themfelves with huts, after the Caribbean manner; few of them were married, and confequently took little pains to furnilh themfelves with all things neceffary and convenient for life. Monfieur Defnambue died about the year 1637, and Sir Thomas Warner did not long furvive him. Before the Englilh governor’s death the colony was fo increafed, that there were between twelve and thirteen thoufand fouls of his own nation in the ifland. He was fucceeded in his government by Colonel Rich, who, by following his predeceffor's Heps in governing the colony, invited more people to come and fettle there. The chief employment of the firft planters was cultivating tobacco, by which they got a competent livelihood ; but afterwards, the quantity that was made bringing down the price, they fet themfelves in feveral places to plant fugar, ginger, indigo, and cotton, and in a little time became a rich and flourilhing people, both French and Englilh living cordially together till the lalfc war broke out, when the Englilh drove the French entirely from their fettlements; and the country being yielded to the Crown of Great Britain by the peace of Utrecht, all the French territory was fold for the benefit of the public, which mull have produced a very large fum, fince out of it there were eighty thoufand pounds paid, for the marriage portion of her royal highnefs the Princefs of Orange.
There were indeed fome who pretended, that notwithftanding the French part of the ifland of St. Chriftopher’s was by far the richeft, we were no gainers by obtaining it; but that on the contrary, the French received benefit thereby, becaufe it enabled them to people the reft of their illands more effectually ; but whoever confiders that the fugars of this ifland are the very bell in all America ; that the plantations were in perfect order; and that the French ventured a war, to prevent our fettling St. Lucia and St. Vincent, will fcarce be brought to believe, that they parted with a country ready fettled, and more valuable than both thofe illands, with their good will. The treaty of Utrecht was fo indifferent a treaty that, I think, there is no fort of neceffity for making it appear worfe than it really was. The fame perfons who firft fettled St. Chriftopher’s, likewife fettled Nevis or Mevis, about the year 1628 ; and notwithftanding the misfortune of being difpoffeffed by the Spaniards in the manner before- mentioned, in twenty years time there were at leaft four thoufand people upon the ifland, and they continued increafing in the fame manner, by a fucceflion of prudent governors, for a confiderable fpace. After the reiloration, when trade and peace
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flourifhed, this ille enjoyed its (hare of the benefit, and increafed in inhabitants and riches; the only enemy they had to ftruggle with was the hurricane, which generally vifited them once a year.
On the 19th of Auguft 1667 there was a terrible one in this ifland ; at which time Sir John Berry, captain of the Centurion man of war, was in the harbour with that and feveral other fhips, of which one was commanded by Captain Langford, who having learned fome of the prognoftics of a tornado from a Caribbean, perceiving them, he told Sir John and the reft of the commanders of it, who depending on his intelligence,- made their fhips ready, and in the morning, about four o’clock, the wind coming very hard northerly, they put to fea, and came all back within four or five days time fafe to the road again; Captain Langford was afhore, and being confident of. the hurricane, took fuch care in fecuring his fugars and goods in the ftore-houfe, that when the hurricane had carried away the roof of the houfe, all except one hogfhead of fugar remained fafe.
When Sir William Stapleton was governor of thefe iflands he ufually made this the- place of his refidence. Here courts were kept, and the governor living upon it, moft of the affairs of this government were tranfacfed here; for every one of thefe iflands hath a particular lieutenant-governor, council, and alfembly; and the general government centers only in the authority of captain-general, Sir William Stapleton, who was governor in King James’s time, made Sir James Ruffel lieutenant-governor of this ifland, and he enjoyed the place till his commiflion was fuperfeded by that of captain-general, granted to Sir Nathaniel Johnfon, who alfo refided at Nevis; and at this time none of the Leeward Iflands flourifhed fo much as this •, it fupplied the others with almoft all their wines and negroes, and was computed to have contained at that time near two thoufand fighting men, which will make the number of fouls, by common computation, to be above ten thoufand, befides negroes, of which number there were not lefs than twenty thoufand. A prodigious improvement of an ifland fcarce fix miles long, to maintain between thirty and forty thoufand men, women, and children!
We are to proceed next to the ifland of Montferrat, which name the Spaniards gave to this ifland, from the refemblance it has to a mountain in Catalonia, not far from Barcelona, famous for a chapel dedicated to the Bleffed Virgin, in the greateft reputation with the Roman Catholics of any, except that of Loretto, The Englifh have not thought fit to give it another name fince they were mafters of it. It lies in 17 degrees north latitude, is about three leagues in length, and almoft as much in breadth y fo that it feems to be of a round figure. It was difcovered by the Europeans at the fame time with St. Chriftopher’s ; but no fettlement was made upon it till the year 16-52, at which time Sir Thomas Warner, firft governor of St. Chriftopher’s, procured a fmall colony to fettle there, of the fubjects of England, for we cannot affine ourfelves they were Englifhmen, this ifland being generally looked upon as an Irifh colony. This ifland flourifhed at firft more than Antigua; but fince the Lord Willoughby’s time the latter has got and kept the ftart of it. There were feven hundred men in Montferrat, fixteen years after it was firft inhabited ; the rolls of the militia at this time amount to three hundred and fixty. We find but one battery for the defence of the coaft, and other old difinounted cannon at feveral landing places. As to the. climate, foil, animals, trade,, and productions of this ifle, they are much the fame with thofe of the other Caribbee Iflands, only this is fuller of mountains, which are covered with cedars and other trees, that make it a lovely profpect from the fea; the vallies are fruitful, and better ftored with freffi water than thofe of Antigua. According to the beft accounts that have been received from this ifland of late years, it is rather increafing, both in the number of
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people and in the value of their fettlements, than not; as to the former, it is computed there may be about four thoufand five hundred white perfons, and about twelve thou- fand negroes in this country; and as for the latter, I mean the value of its produce, we fhall have occafion to fpeak of it hereafter.
The ifland of Barbuda lies in the latitude of 17 degrees 30 minutes north, is about fifteen miles long, and lies north-eaft from the ifland of which we were Iafl fpeaking. The land is low and fruitful, and the Englifh began to plant it as early as Nevis, Mont- ferrat, or any other of the Leeward iflands, St. Chriftopher’s excepted; for Sir Thomas Warner, who firft fettled there, placed a fmall colony in this ifland, but the Caribbeans difturbed them fo much, that they were often forced to defert it and their plantations. There hardly palled a year but they made one or two incurfions, and that generally in the night, for they durlt not attack them by day; the damage the Englifh fuftained by them made them weary of dwelling in a place where they were fo much expofed to the fury of thofe barbarians, who diminifhing daily in number, and the Europeans increafing, the Englifh again pofleffed themfelves of Barbuda, and in a few years there were five hundred inhabitants. There are now a thoufand or twelve hundred fouls upon it, and their number is daily increafing. The proprietor is the Honourable Chriftophar Co- drington, Efq.; and he puts in a governor here, having the fame prerogative as the other lords proprietors in their feveral jurifdiclions in America. This ifland has bred great {lore of cattle, and the inhabitants employ themfelves moftly in that fort of hufbandry; corn and provifions coming almofl always to a good market in the fugar iflands. There is plenty of all forts of tame cattle, as in Europe; and the Englifh live here much after the fame manner as they do in the countries in England; only their labour in the field is not fo hard as here, the country being fo much hotter.
The next plantation to this, if it may be properly fo called, is Anguilla, or Snake Ifland, fo called from its figure, being a long trad of earth, but narrow, winding almofl about; near St. Martin’s, from whence it may eafily be feen; it lies in 18 degrees 12 minutes. The country is level and woody, the foil fruitful, and the tobacco that grew there formerly was reckoned very good in its kind. There is not a mountain in it; where it is broad eft there is a pond, about which the Englifh fettled in the year 1650. Their bufinefs, like the inhabitants of Barbuda, was to plant corn and breed tame cattle, for which purpofe they brought flock with them. They were poor, and continue fo to this day, being, perhaps, the lazieft creatures in the world. Some people have gone from Barbadoes, and other Englifh Caribbee iflands, thither, and there they live like the firft race of men, without government or religion, having no minifter or magiftrate. They are faid to make up, altogether, about one hundred and fifty families, or nine hundred fouls ; and their condition in that place is Angular enough to deferve particular notice, if we had any room to fpare; but as we have not, it fhall fuffice to fay, that they have no great quantities of fugar upon the ifland, but addict themfelves rather to farming, in which they have had very good fuccefs; and this it is that enables them to live in the old patriarchal way, every man being a kind of fovereign in his own family, and no other government there is in Anguilla.
"We have now gone through all the Leeward Iflands, Antigua, or Antego, only excepted, of which we are to fpeak in the next fection, as not having been fettled within the period to which we have confined this. As to the general produce or value of thefe iflands, which may ferve to fhew of how great confequence they are to Great Britain, the bell account I have been able to obtain is to the following effeft: St. Chriftopher’s is the largeft of all the iflands, but the middle part of it being extremely mountainous, it is thought that there are not above twenty-four thoufand acres of land fit for fugar in

OP THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA.
3°5
the whole ifland, which produces about ten thoufand hoglheads of that valuable commodity. Antego contains about feventy thoufand acres, and produces fixteen thoufand hoglheads of fugar yearly. Nevis is faid to be about twenty miles in circumference, and produces fix thoufand hogflieads. Montferrat, which is lefs than any of them, produces two thoufand five hundred, and fometimes three thoufand hogflieads of fugar. In Barbuda they breed cattle, and in Anguilla they raife corn.
19. We are now, according to the method that we have hitherto purfued of fpeaking of our plantations, in the order of time in which they were fettled, obliged to return to the continent of North America, in order to give an account of the noble colony of Maryland, which remained a part of Virginia till the year 1632, which was the eighth of King Charles I. when that monarch was pleafed to grant all the country to the north of Potowmack river, not then planted, unto Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, of the kingdom of Ireland, and his heirs ; and this part of the country was afterwards called Maryland, in honour of the then queen confort, Henrietta Maria, youngefl: daughter of the French king, Henry the IVth. The Lord Baltimore having obtained his grant, fent over his brother, the Honourable Leonard Calvert, with fome Roman Catholic gentlemen and other adventurers, to the number of two hundred, to take polfeflion of the country; who, fetting fail from England on the 22d of November 1633, arrived at Point Comfort in the bay of Chefepeak, on the 24th of February following, where being kindly received and /applied with provifions by the Englilh of Virginia, they continued their voyage northward, to the river Potowmack, appointed to be the boundary between Virginia and Maryland, on the eaft fide of the bay.
The adventurers failed up this river, and landing on feveral places of the northern fhore, acquainted the natives they were come to fettle amonglt them and trade with them ; but the natives feemed rather to defire their abfence than their company; however, there were no ads of hoflility committed on either fide, and the Englifh returning down the river Potowmack again, made choice of a place near the mouth of a river (which falls into it, and by them called St. George’s river) to fettle their firfl: colony. They advanced afterwards to an Indian town called Yoamaco, then the capital of the country, and at a conference with the weorance or fovereign of the place, to whom, they made confiderable prefents, the weorance confented that the Englilh Ihould dwell in one part of the town, referving the other for his own people till the harveft was over, and then agreed to quit the whole entirely to the Englilh, and retire farther into the country, which they did accordingly. And the March following Mr. Calvert and the planters were left in the quiet pofleffion of the whole town, to which they gave the name of St. Mary’s; and it was agreed on both fides, that if any wrong was done by either party, the nation offending Ihould make full fatisfaclion for the injury. The reafons the Yoamaco Indians were fo ready to enter into a treaty with the Englilh, and yield them part of their country, was in hopes of obtaining their protection and affiftance againll the Safquahanah Indians, their northern neighbours, with whom they were then at war; and, indeed, the Yoamaco Indians were upon the point of abandoning their country, to avoid the fury of the Safquahanah nation, before the Englilh arrived. From whence it appears that the adventurer* fent over by the Lord Baltimore cannot be charged with any injuftice in fettling themfelves in this part of America, being invited to it by the original inhabitants.
The inhabitants who were thus fettled at St. Mary’s applied themfelves with great diligence to cultivating the ground, and raifed large quantities of Indian corn, while the natives went every day into the woods to hunt for game, bringing home venifon and iurkies to the Englilh colony in abundance, for which they received knives, tools, and
VOL. XII. he toys

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
3 06
toys in return. And thus both nations lived in the greateft friendfhip, doing good offices to each other ; till fome of the Engliffi in Virginia, envious of the happinefs of this thriving colony, fuggefted to the Indians that thefe ftrangers were not really Englifh as they pretended, but Spaniards, and would enflave them as they had done many of their countrymen; and the Indians were fo credulous as to believe it, and appeared jealous of Mr. Calvert, making preparations as if they intended to fall upon the ftrangers, which the Engliffi perceiving, ftood upon their guard, and erected a fort for their fecurity, on which they planted feveral pieces of ordnance; at the firing whereof the Yoamacos were fo terrified, that they abandoned their country without any other com- pulfion, and left the Engliffi in full poffeffion of it; who receiving fupplies and reinforcements continually from England, and having no other enemy to contend with than agues and fevers (which fwept off fome of them before they found out a proper regimen for the climate) they loon became a flouriffiing people, many Roman Catholic families of quality and fortune tranfporting themfelves thither to avoid the penal laws made againft them in England; and Maryland has been a place of refuge for thofe of that perfuafion from that day to this.
While the civil war lafted in England the Lord Baltimore’s family were deprived of the government of this province, but were reftored to their right by King Charles II. foon after his own reftoration. Whereupon the Lord Baltimore fent over his fon, Charles Calvert, afterwards Lord Baltimore, to be governor of Maryland, who continued in that poll upwards of twenty years, and long after his father’s death. By whofe prudence the colony became almoft as confiderable as Virginia, for its tobacco and other products of the foil; and all the Indian nations on that fide put themfelves under their protection. The Indian chiefs were appointed, or at leaft approved and confirmed in their commands, by the Lord Baltimore the proprietor, whofe fuccefs is to be afcribed, in a great meafure, to the endeavours he ufed to cultivate a good correfpondence with the Indian nations, and to give them as little offence as poffible.
In the reign of King James II. we are told that Father Peters, a Jefuit, whom that prince admitted into his councils, which contributed not a little to his lofing firft the hearts of his fubjects, and after that his dominions, took fuch a prejudice to the then Lord Baltimore, though of his own religion, but a nobleman of great wifdom, juftice, and moderation, that he refolved to deprive him of the power of nominating a governor, by extending the royal prerogative at the expence of the grant made by the crown to the anceftors of his lordfhip. But before this could be effected, the revolution intervened, but the change of government did not prove ferviceable to his lordffiip ; for the Crown profecuting the former project, deprived him of his power of nomination, which was fo much the harder, becaufe it is univerfally allowed that no people were ever better governed than the inhabitants of this colony, while they depended folely upon this noble family.
The prefent Lord Baltimore is a Proteftant, and inherits the virtues as well as the title of his anceftors, being in all refpects a bleffing to that country as he is the proprietor of it. His lordffiip once took the pains to vifit his colony, was received with all due marks of refpect on account of his quality and in ter eft 4n that country; but when he left it the people gave him much ftronger teftimonies of their affection, and their regret at parting with him, on account of his mildnefs, public fpirit, and fincere good will towards them, of which he gave them fo many inftances, and teftified, upon all occafions, fuch a readinefs not only to comply with but to go beyond their requefts, that there was not a planter in Maryland who did not confider him rather as a father and a friend than as their lord proprietor j and to fay the truth, they had fo much experience of him in the
former

OP TPIE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 307
former characters, and felt fo little of him in the latter, that it was extremely natural for them to behave as they did.
Whatever the great defign might be when this fettlement was firfl made, mod: certain it is that no country in America can boaft of having had fewer difturbances on the fcore of religion. There are, indeed, of all perfuafions in the colony; but notwithftanding this, they live together in the greateft tranquillity, as if they made it their bufinefs to forget the points about which they differ, and to remember that they agree in thofe of being Englilhmen and Chriftians, as fufficiently appears by their kind behaviour towards the Indians, who have fcarce ever had any difference with them, and of,whom the colony have no fort of apprehenfions, though they are much more numerous in that country than in Virginia. But after Ihewing how this country was firft planted, what remarkable accidents have fince happened therein, and in what ftate the colony now is with refpect to the government; the next thing is to give a fuccinfl: view of the place itfelf, in order to bring it the better to the acquaintance of every Englifh reader who is curious on this fubject.
This province is fituated between 3 8 and 40 degrees of northern latitude, and between 44 and 48 degrees of weftern longitude, as is generally computed; but it mull be confelfed the weftern boundaries are very uncertain, fome extending them beyond the Apalachean mountains. The north end of the bay of Chefepeak divides Maryland into two parts, called the eaftern and weftern Ihores. It is bounded, at prefent, by part of Penfylvania and the Atlantic Ocean on the eaft, by Virginia Proper on the fouth, and by the Apalachean mountains on the weft. It is feparatea from Virginia on the fouth by the river Potowmack on the weftern fhore, and the river Pocomoac on the eaftern Ihore, the length from north to fouth being about an hundred and forty miles, and the breadth from eaft to weft, if we extend it no farther than the country already planted, will not be fo much, though its future limits poflibly may extend much farther. As to the face of the country, this, as well as Virginia, may be divided into, ift, the Lowlands next the fea; 2dly, the hilly country towards the heads of the rivers; and 3dly, the Apalachean mountains, which are exceeding high, and run parallel to the Atlantic Ocean, viz. from the north-eaftto the fouth-weft. The Lowlands heretofore confifted of fwainps or woods, being one continued foreft almoft, till the Englilh cleared part of it, either to make room for their plantations, or for building of fhips and houfes, and the making tobacco calks and pipe-ftaves for exportation, which has made fuch havock among their woods, that fome of them begin to apprehend the want of timber, efpecially near their forts and rivers; for as to that which lies remote from the water it is of little ufe to them, the price of the carriage exceeding the value of the wood. Towards the heads of the rivers there is a mixture of hills and valleys, as in Virginia, well planted with variety of timber and fruit trees ; and where thefe are wanting there are large meadows or favanahs, where the grafs grows to a moft furprizing height.
This country, like Virginia, is watered by innumerable fprings and a great many fine rivers, of which the chief are, ift, Potowmack, which, rifing in the mountains north-weft, runs to the fouth-eaft, and feparates Maryland from Virginia on the fouth- weft, falling into the middle of the bay of Chefepeak. 2dly, The river Pocomoac, which rifing near the ocean, runs alfo directly fouth, and then turning to the weft, falls alfo into the bay of Chefepeak, near Watkins’s Point. A line drawn from the tnouth of the river directly eaft, to the Atlantic Ocean, is the true boundary between Maryland and Virginia on the eaftern fhore. 3dly, The river Patuxent, which rifing m Anne Arundel county, runs to the fouth-eaft, and falls into the bay of Chefepeak, about twenty miles to the northward of the mouth of Potowmack river. 4thly, Severn
r r 2 river,

3°S
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
river, which rifes on the north-weft part of Maryland, running fouth-eaft, falls into the upper part of the faid bay. 5thly, Cheptonk, which rifes on the eaftern Ihore, runs to the fouth-weft, and falls into the fame bay. 6thly, Saflfafras river, which rifes in the north-eaft of Maryland, and running almoft due weft, falls into the north end of the faid bay. 7thly, Wicomo river, which rifes on the eaftern Ihore, runs to the fouth-weft, and falls into the bay almoft againft the mouth of Potowmack river. The 8th and laft river I fhall mention is St. George, on the weft fide of the bay, which, running from north to fouth, falls into the mouth of the river Potowmack. Here the Englilh firft fettled, and built the town of St. Mary’s. There are a great many more rivers capable of receiving large {hips, which, with the numerous bays and creeks that indent the land on every fide, give the Teamen an opportunity of bringing their veffels up to the very planters’ doors, to receive their freight, as in Virginia.
The air of this country is exceffive hot fome part of the funnner, and very cold in winter when the north-weft wind blows; but the natives tell us that they are happily fituated; that their heats are very feldom troublefome, and then only by accident, in a perfect calm; but that this does not happen above two or three days in a year, and then lafts but a few hours at a time; and even this inconvenience is made very tolerable by their cool (hades, their open and airy rooms, arbours, and grottos; and in Spring and Fall the weather is as pleafant as can be wilhed; that their winters are not of more than three or four months duration, and in thefe they feldom have one month’s bad weather, all the reft they are happy in a clear air and a bright fun, and are fcarce ever troubled with fogs; it is acknowledged they have hard frofts fometimes, but they laft no longer than while the wind blows from the north and north-weft points, which is feldom more than three or four days.
At other times they have no froft at all; and their frofts are attended with bright and ferene weather; and in the Spring, Summer, and Winter, their winds are only cool pleafant breezes. Their rains, except in the depth of winter, are very pleafant and refrefhing; in Summer they laft but a few hours, and then bright weather fucceeds: however, it is acknowledged that the Ihowers which fall in Summer are very heavy for the time they laft ; and the part of the country which lies on the bays of the fea and the mouths of the rivers, which is much the belt peopled, is certainly hot and moift; indeed, higher up the country, whither the plantations are now extended, the air is much more healthful, efpecially fince their lands are cleared of wood. They have here, however, dreadful thunder in the heat of Summer; but as it cools and refrelhes the air they rather wifh for it than fear it, though it fometimes does much mifchief, but lefs than formerly.
Since the Indians transferred, or yielded, this province to the Englifh, it has been divided into ten counties, fix on the weft fide of the bay, and four on the eaft fide of it; thofeon the weft fide, taking them from fouth to north, are, i. St. Mary’s county ; 2. Charles county; 3. Prince George county; 4. Calvert county ; 5. Anne Arundel county ; and 6. Baltimore county. The counties on the eaft fide of this bay, lying alfo from the fouth, are, 1. Somerfet county; 2. Dorchefter county; 3. Talbot county; 4. Cecil county. As for the county of Kent, that or the greateft part of it is now faid to be in Penfylvania. St. Mary, the capital of the county of the fame name, and, for fome time, of the whole province, is fituated on the eaft fide of the river St. George, in 38 degrees and fome minutes north latitude. This, as has been intimated, was the firft town in Maryland built by the Englilh, who raifed a fort for its defence; but in its moft flourifhing ftate never had more than thirty or forty houfes in it, and fince the feat of the government has been removed to Annapolis, feems to be
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OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 309
upon the decline; for the fame humour prevails here as in Virginia, of gentlemens’ living on their refpective plantations, and not in towns.
In this county alfo are the parifhes of Hervington, St. Clement’s, and St. John’s; and here is a noble feat of the Lord Baltimore the proprietor, called Mettapany, fituate on the mouth of the river Patuxent. In Prince Charles county, which lies north of St. Mary’s, are the parilhes of Briftol and Pifcataway j. and in that of Prince George, the parilh of Maflerkout. In Calvert county, which is divided from Charles county by the river Patuxent, are the parilhes of Abington, Warrington, and Calverton. In the county of Anne Arundel, which lies north of Charles county, the chief town is Annapolis, now the capital of the province, and formerly called Severn, being fituate on the river of that name, in 39 degrees and fome minutes north latitude. Here the courts of jultice and the general alfemblies were ordered to be held in the year 1699 ; and this has ever fince been the refidence of the governor ; notwithllanding which, there are not yet an hundred houfes built in the town.
In Baltimore county, which lies between Anne Arundel county and the province of Penfylvania, is the parilh of Baltimore, fituate on the north-weft part of the bay of Chefepeak. In Somerfet county, which is the moll foutherly county on the eaft fide of the bay, are the town and parilh of Somerfet. In Dorchefter county, which lies north of Somerfet, are the town and parilh of Dorchefter, befides a great many Indian towns. In Talbot county, which lies north of Dorchefter, are the parilhes of Oxford, St. Michael’s, Bolingbrooke, and Cecil, the molt northerly county on the eaft fide of the bay, is bounded both on the north and eaft by the province of Penfylvania.
Throughout the whole, colony of Maryland, as in that of Virginia, the Englilh live at large at their feveral plantations, which hinders the increafe of towns; indeed every plantation is a little town itfelf and can very well fubfift with provifions and necefifaries; every confiderable planter’s warehoufe being like a Ihop, where he fupplies not only himfelf with what he wants, but the inferior planters, fervants, and labourers; and has commodities to barter for tobacco and other goods, there being little money in this province, and little oecafion for any, as long as tobacco anfwers all the ufes of filver and gold in trade. There are few 7 merchants or fhopkeepers, who may be properly fo called, and live wholly by their trade; the tobacco of this province, called Oronoko, isftronger than that of Virginia; and no Englifhman, who has not a very coarfe relifh, will bear it; yet it is as profitable to the planter, and to the trade of the nation in general, being in demand in the eaftern and northern parts of Europe, where it is preferred before the fweet-fcented tobacco of James and York rivers, in Virginia. The planters in Maryland finding fo good vent for their commodity in foreign markets, have cultivated it fo much that the province is thought to produce as much tobacco as Virginia. The foil is here as fruitful as in any country, being a large plain ; and the hills in it fo eafy of afcent, and of fuch a moderate height, that they feem rather an artificial ornament to it than one of the accidents of nature.
The abundance of rivers and brooks is no little help to the fertility of the foil, and there is no grain, plant, or tree, which grows in Virginia, but thrives as well here; the product, the animals, and every thing, are the fame here as there, only the black and yellow bird, called the Baltimore bird, goes by another name in Virginia; it had that name given it becaufe the colours of the field of the Lord Baltimore s coat of arms are or and fable. It is thought that the number of fouls in Maryland may be about thirty thoufand, or rather more. There are feveral hundred fail of flips employed yearly in the commerce between Great Britain and this country, and the benefit which refuhs to this nation from thence is very large, as may be eafily computed from the principles
laid

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
3 IO
laid down in the foregoing account of the colony of Virginia; which may likewife ferve with refpeft to all the other colonies that do not interfere with their mother-country in their manufactures.
20. When Oliver Cromwell, after fubverting entirely the conftitution of his country, took upon him the title of Protector, he refolved to obliterate the memory of what was paft, by undertaking fomewhat that might be of great and lafting advantage to his country. It was with this view, and to rid himfelf of many officers whom he fufpected, that he framed a projeCt of attacking the Spaniards in the Weft Indies, and of taking from them the noble ifland of Hifpaniola or St. Domingo; in the adjufting of which defign he depended chiefly on the information he received from one Father Gage a prieft, who had been many years in the Spanilh America, and who died in this voyage; for which though great preparations were made yet they went on very flowly, and it was certainly thought the belt conceived, yet the worft executed of all his enterprizes.
The fquadron commanded by General Penn being ordered to rendezvous at Portf- mouth, where the land forces were to embark, complaints were made to Venables of diforders and difcontents among the people, and more particularly about the badnefs of the provifions; which, by his means, being made known to General Defborrow, he, by very harlh expreffions, fignified his difcontent thereat; and particularly charged Venables with a defign of fruftrating the intended expedition, by being the author of reports which were falfe ; while he, on the other hand, endeavoured to juftify himfelf, and to ffiew that he intended no otherwife than for the public good; and there was a Ihrewd fufpicion that Defborrow’s diflatisfaftion herein arofe from his being concerned with thofe who had the management of victualling the navy. After Venables had attended near four months without any pofitive affurance whether the Government was determined to go on with the defign or not, although it was publicly difcourfed of, and the Spaniards had thereby not only the knowledge thereof, but opportunities of providing for their defence; he was fome time after fent to, and directed to hold himfelf in a readinefs to proceed; and though he then requefted that the draughts which were to be made out of the regiments might be men in all refpefts fitting for the intended fervice, yet the colonels were permitted to pick and cull them as they pleafed, infomuch that moft of them were raw and altogether undifciplined; and amongft them many Iriffi Papifts; nor had not half of them arms in any degree ferviceable; and fo far were the Council from permitting him to ftay till better could be furniffied in their room, that they fent him pofitive orders to leave the town next day, upon pain of imprifonment.
Before he came to Portfmouth many of the troops were embarked, and the reft {hipping off with the utmoft hafte, fo that he had no opportunity of viewing, much lefs of exercifing, them on Ihore; and thereby informing himfelf of their condition, with refpeCt to their abilities or otherwife; and although he was promifed that the ftore-ffiip, with arms and other neceffaries, fhould join him at Spithead, he was at laft told that no delay muft be made in ftaying for her, but that he might expect her coming to him at Barbadoes. He was likewife affured that he fhould carry out with him, at leaft, ten months provifion for ten thoufand men, but the moft part thereof was fent back to London, to be fhipped off there, under pretence that there was not fufficient room for the fame in the {hips at Portfmouth, although the officers in the fleet found paffage in them for no inconfiderable quantities of goods, with which they defigned to traffic when they arrived at the aforefaid ifland.
The forces being embarked, and the wind prefenting fair, the fquadron failed, and arrived at Barbadoes on the 29th day of January 1654; foon after which General
Venables

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA,
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Venables wrote to the Protector, the Lord Prefident of the Council Laurence, the Lord Lambeth, and feveral others, letting them know in what a miferable condition the army was, and how deftitute they were, not only of provifions but arms and other neceffaries proper for carrying on the intended defign; infomuch that they were con- ftrained to make the hardeft fluffs to fupply them with the fmall quantities either of one or the other that could be had in thefe parts. The fir ft thing that was done after the fleet’s arrival at Barbadoes was the feizing fuch Dutch fhips and veffels as were found there, and General Penn appointed a nephew of his to take an account of their cargoes and all things belonging to them, without admitting any check on him as General Venables defired and infilled on, that fo no embezzlements might be made.
The 18th of March Venables thought it necefiary to hold a council of war of the land officers, to confider of the ftate of the army; and it was refolved to make thefe propofitions to Penn, among feveral others, viz. i ft. That as the officers of the army ' had refolved not to defert the fleet, he with his officers would reciprocally refolve not to leave the army, at leaft not till fuch time as their expected fupplies arrived from England. 2dly, That it ffiould be propofed to the commiffioners, that a fit quantity of fliipping might be taken up for tranfporting the forces, gdly, That they might not proceed on fervice with lefs than twenty tons of ball, and that they might likewife be furnifhed from the fleet with two hundred fire-arms, fix hundred pikes, befides piftols, carbines, and two hundred half-pikes. To this Venables received no fatisfaflory anfwer from Penn, and the ftores not arriving from England, he again defired to know from him what arms, fhot, match, and other neceffaries he could furniffi from the fleet; General Defborrow having affured him, when in England, that the commiffioners had power to difpofe of what might be on board the fhips to the necefiary ufe of the army; but to this Penn returned him an anfwer, that fifteen ffiot a man, and a few tons of match, was all he could fpare; befides which, he at length prevailed with him to add thereunto a few half and quarter pikes, which gave occasion to one of the com- miffioners to let fall fome words, as if he doubted they were betrayed.
Befides all thefe difappointments, and the badnefs of the provifions fent from Eng- land, yet even of them the foldiers were put to ffiort allowance, while the feamen were at whole, which occafioned no little difcontent, afid rendered them very fickly and weak; and as the commiffioners were empowered and required to difpofe of all prizes and booty taken towards defraying the charge of the expedition, and only a fortnight’s pay was offered to the officers and foldiers in lieu of whatever booty ffiould be taken at St. Domingo (whither they were firft defigned from Barbadoes) it very much increafed the diffatisfaflion of the army; for moft of the officers, when they fet forwards on the expedition, were in hopes of bettering themfelves very confiderably. At length General Venables prevailed with the officers and men to accept of fix weeks pay inftead of their plunder; and thereupon himfelf and Penn iffued out orders, reftraining all perfons from pillaging without orders, or from concealing the fame on pain of death and forfeiture of their pay. But although the officers were willing to fubmit to this, yet the commiffioners refufed to fign it, infomuch that the foldiers publicly declared they would return to England, and never more ftrike a ftroke where there were commiffioners who ffiould have power to controul the army.
The fleet being now in a readinefsto fail, General Venables, with fome of the com- miflioners and the officers of the army, propofed that they might proceed to the harbour °f St. Domingo (but for what reafon it doth not appear, unlefs it was for want of experienced pilots). That was refufed, and a refolution taken to land the troops at the river Hind j that fo they might endeavour to force the fort and trench. It was alfo refolved
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among the land officers, ift, That the regiments fhould cafl lots which of them fhould go on fhore firft. 2dly, That two or three regiments fhould be landed at once, gdly, That the feconds to each regiment fhould be appointed. 4thly, That the fhips wherein the regiments were, fhould keep near each other, for their more regular landing. And it was further determined, that if the furges of the fea ran high, and that the enemy were prepared to defend the fort and trench, the army fhould be landed behind the fecond point to leeward, and that when on fhore, one regiment fhould be ordered to march eaftward of the city, provided General Penn would engage to furnifh the army with all neceffaries.
Lots having been cafl as aforefaid, it fell to Colonel Buller’s regiment to land firft, and there was one Cox who had lived in thofe parts many years, who was to have been their guide, but he had been fent of fome errand by Penn, fo that he was at this time abfent; and Vice Admiral Goodfon declaring that he neither had orders to go into Hind River, nor pilots to conduct the {hip there-into; the army were conftrained to land at the weft point (which Venables protefted againft) and by that means were expofed to a tedious march of forty miles, through a thick woody country, without any guide, infomuch that both horfe and men, by the fatigue and extremity of heat fell down with third, and were miferably afflicted with the flux, by their eating oranges and other green fruit, having no water to moiften their mouths with. After four days march the army came to the place where they might firft have been put on fhore ; but by that time the enemy had fummoned in the whole country to their affiftance ; and even now many of the foldiers had no more than one day’s provifions of the three that had been promifed them from the fhips.
Colonel Buller being fent with his regiment to a particular flation near Hind River, and ordered not to ftir from thence until the reft of the army joined him, he was fo far from complying with thofe commands from the general, that he marched away under the guidance of Cox, who was now arrived from the fleet; infomuch that for want of the faid guide, the general, miftaking the way, marched ten or twelve miles about; and Buller having differed his men to ftraggle, they fell into, and differed much by, the ambufcades laid by the enemy. The hardfhips the forces had undergone for want of provifions, and their being denied what plunder they might happen to take at St. Domingo, fo exafperated them, that the feamen who had been firft fent afhore, and foon after thofe on the land, were in a general mutiny: however, in this condition they forded the river Hind, with a refolution to march to the harbour, that fo they might be furnifhed with provifions and ammunition from the fhips, but they were ftrangers to the way, neither had they any water to drink. At length Colonel Buller, and Cox the guide, joined them, promifed to conduct them to a place where they might be fupplied with water. But fome of the faid colonel’s men having rambled about for pillage, encouraged the enemy to lay ambufcades for them in their march, who, falling upon the forlorn, routed them, and killed feveral officers; but they were foon after beaten back with lofs, and purfued within cannon-fhot of the town; yet when the action was over, many men, as well as horfes, perifhed with thirft.
A council of war being called to confider of the condition of the army, it was found that many of the men had eat nothing for four days together, unlefs it were fome fruits they gathered in the woods; and that they were without water, the Spaniards having flopped up all their wells within feveral miles of the town. Neither knew they the country, or how to get to their fhips, for Cox the guide was flain in the laft fkirmifh ; however, after mature confideration, it was refolved to march to the harbour in the beft manner they could, and at length arriving there, they ftaid three or four days to
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Fumifh themfelves with provifions and other neceffaries, and then advanced with a mortar piece, in order to reduce the fort; but the enemy having laid an ambufcade, they charged the van, which was to have been led by Adjutant General Jackfon, very vigoroufly, and were anfwered in like manner ; whereas Jackfon’s party running away, and the paftage through the woods being very narrow, they fell upon the general's own regiment, who, to no purpofe, endeavoured to flop them with their pikes; for they firlt difordered that regiment, and foon after Major General Haynes’s : mean while the enemy followed very eagerly, and giving no quarter, the faid major general, and the belt of his officers, who preferred death before flight, fell in the action.
At length the general’s own regiment making head againft them, as alfo that of the feamen, commanded by Vice Admiral Goodfon, they, with their fwords, forced the runaways into the woods, rather chufing to kill them than they fhould diforder the reft; which the enemy perceiving, they retreated, and our men kept their ground, though the fhot from the fort killed many of them. The troops, neverthelefs, were fo very weak and difheartened, that not many of them could be brought to play the mortar againft the fort; and though the general was reduced to a very low condition by the flux, he caufed himfelf to be led from place to place to encourage them j but fainting at laft, was forced to leave the care to Major General Fortefcue, who foon found that he could prevail no more than the general himfelf. It was refolved foon after, at a council of war, that fince the enemy had guarded every pafs, and that the army were under very great neceflities for water, they fhould march to a place where they had been informed a fupply thereof, and of other neceffaries, had been put on fhore for them from the fhips. But in that march the foldiers accompanied their officers no farther than till they found them in danger, and then left them, infomuch that the commiffioners owned, in a letter they wrote to the governor at Barbadoes, that had not the enemy been as fearful as our own men, they might, in a few days, have deftroyed the whole army; and withal they let him know, that thofe who had occafioned the greateft diforder, were thofe of Barbadoes and St. Chriftophers, infomuch that they, the faid commiffioners, who were Penn, Winflow, and Buller, had refolved to leave the place, and try what could be done againft the ifland of Jamaica.
21. The army was accordingly in little time embarked, but the lick and wounded were kept on the bare decks for forty-eight hours, without meat, drink, or dreffing, infomuch that worms bred in their fores; and even while they were on fhore the provifions fent to them were not watered, but candied with fait, notwithftanding they had not water fufficient to quench their thirft. Nay, after this misfortune on fhore, Venables averred that Penn gave Rear Admiral Blagge orders not to furnifh them with any more provifions of what kind foever, fo that they eat up all the horfes, dogs, and affes, in the camp, and fome of them fuch things as were in themfelves poifonous, of which about forty died ; and before the forces were embarked, Adjutant General Jackfon was tried by a court martial, and not only fentenced to be cafliiered, and his l’word broken over his head, but to do the duty of a fwabber, in keeping clean the hofpital fhips ; a punifh- ment fuitable to his notorious cowardice. The fleet and troops arriving at Jamaica, orders were iffued by General Venables, that where it fhould be found any man attempted to run away, the next roan to him fhould put him to death, or that if he failed fo to do, he fhould be liable to be tried for his life; and now all the troops being ready for lervice they advanced towards the fort, which they made themfelves matters of with little lofs; and next morning when the fun rofe, they began to march towards the Savannah, which was near the town, when fome Spaniards came towards' them, and defired to treat 5 but the general refufed fo to do, unlefs they would fend them vol. xix. s s a conftant

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a conftant iupply of provifions, then much wanted; which they punctually did, according to the promife they had made. The articles agreed on at laid were thefe, viz. i ft. That all forts, arms, ammunitions, and neceffaries for war, and all kinds of Hupping in any harbour in the illand, with their furniture, &c. as alfo all goods, wares, merchandize, &c. ftiouid be delivered up to general Venables, or whom he Ihould appoint for the ufe of the protector, and the commonwealth of England. 2dly. That all and every of the inhabitants of the illand (except fome that were particularly named) Ihould have their lives granted, and as thofe who inclined to ftay had leave fo to do, fo was it agreed to tranfport the others to New Spain, or fome other of the dominions belonging to the king of Spain in America, together with their apparel, books, and papers, they providing themfelves with victuals and neceffaries. 3dly. That all com- miftion officers, and none others, ffiould be permitted to wear their rapiers and poniards. 4thly. All artificers, and meaner fort of people, Ihould be permitted to remain on the illand, and to enjoy their goods, provided they conformed themfelves to the laws which Ihould be eftablilhed.
By thefe means the noble illand of Jamaica was fubdued, and though the Spaniards continued to lurk in fome parts of the illand for feveral years afterwards, and once made a bold attempt to recover the place; yet Colonel Doyly forced them to withdraw, and reduced the whole illand fo effectually, that at the Reftoration the Spaniards yielded it to the crown of Great Britain, to which it has belonged ever frnce j and is, beyond queftion, the nobleft poffeffion we have in thefe parts. The hiltory of this country, fince it came into our poffeffion, is fo well known, and would alfo take up fo much room, that we cannot enter into it here, nor indeed is it neceffary, becaufe our chief bufinefs is to fhew the value and importance of our colonies, with relpect to their mother country, which is always belt done by defcribing the plantation, explaining the nature of its product, and giving as good an account as may be of the nature of its trade and the number of its inhabitants ; and as this appears to be the moft material part, to an Englilh reader, where we cannot infert all that relates to a colony, we prefer this part to any other.
aa. We have a very large and accurate account of this noble country, written by a learned, candid, and indefatigable perfon, who refided long there, I mean Sir Hans Sloane, from whom others have taken their materials, and fo mull: I; as not knowing where to find any fo good, or that may be fo well depended upon ; which acknowledgment, as it is due to his merit, I think it but juftice to make, as I Hope it will add fome degree of credit both to his work and mine.
It is from him, therefore, that we learn moft of the particulars, which follow, and are every way fufficient for our purpofe. Jamaica is fituated on the Atlantic Ocean, between 17 and 18 degrees north latitude, and between 7 6 and 79 degrees weftem longitude, about twenty leagues eaft of Hifpaniola and as many fouth of Cuba, and upwards of an hundred and fifty leagues to the northward of Porto Bello and Cartha- gena, on the coaft of Terra Firma. This illand ftretches from eaft to weft one hundred and forty miles in length and about fixty in breadth in the middle ; growing lefs towards each end ; the form is pretty near oval.
The whole illand has one continued ridge of hills running from eaft to weft through the middle of it, which are generally called the Blue Mountains ; the tops of fome are higher than others ; one of the higheft is called Mont Diabolo : other hills there are on each fide of this ridge of mountains, which, however, are much lower. The outward face of the earth feems to be different here from what it is in Europe, the valleys being very level, with little or no riling ground or fmall hills, without rocks or
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[tones; the mountainous part is very fteep, and furrowed by very deep channels on the north and fouth fide of the higheft hills ; thefe channels are made here by frequent and very violent rains, which every day almoft fall on the mountains, and firft wearing a fmall trough or courfe for their palfage, wafh away afterwards whatever comes in the way, and make their channels extraordinary fteep. The greateft part of the high land of this ifland is either ftone or clay, which refills the rains, and fo is not carried down violently with them into the plains, as the mould proper for tillage and friable earths are : hence it is, that in thefe mountainous places one fhall have very little or none of fuch earths, but either a very ftrong tough clay or a honey-comb, or other rock, upon which no earth appears. All the high land is covered with woods, fome of the trees very good timber, tall and ftraight; and one would wonder how fuch trees Ihould grow in fuch a barren foil, fo thick together among the rocks ; but the trees fend down their fibrous roots into the crannies of the rocks, where here and there they meet with little receptacles of rain water, which nourilh their roots.
It is a very ftrange thing to fee in how r fhort a time a plantation formerly cleared of trees and fhrubs wall commonly grow foul, which arifes from two caufes; one, the not ftubbing the roots, whence arifes young fprouts, and the other the fertility of the, foil. The fettlements and plantations not only of the Indians but the Spaniards being quite overgrown with tall trees, fo that there would be no footfteps left were it not for old pallifadoes, building, orange walks, &c. which evidently fhew plantations have been there. There are the fame layers of earth, one over another, in the fruitful part of the ifland, as are to be met with in Europe; and the fame difference of foil appears as in England, in digging of wells, and other occafions of opening the ground. Moll of the favanahs, or plains fit for pafture and cleared of wood, are like our meadow land, lie near the fouth fide of the ifland, where one may ride a great many miles without meeting the leaft afcent; fome of thefe plains are within land, incircled with hills. Thefe favanahs after rain are very green and pleafant, but after long droughts are very much withered, and look yellow and parched.
The chief ports in the ifland are, i. Port Royal, a fine capacious harbour. 2. Old Harbour, which lies feven or eight miles fouth-wefl of St. Jago. 3. Port Morant, at the eaft end of the ifland ; and, 4. Point Negril at the welt end of this ifland ; befides which, are feveral more on the fouth and north fides of the ifland ; but it is dangerous approaching the coaft without a pilot, on account of the coral rocks, which almoft fur- round it. There are near an hundred rivers in Jamaica, but none of them navigable; for rifing in the mountains in the middle of the ifland, they precipitate themfelves down the rocks to the north or fouth, falling into the fea before they have run many miles, and carrying down with them frequently great pieces of rock and timber. Yet frefh water is very fcarce in dry years in the favanahs diflant from rivers, fo that many of their cattle die with driving to water. Near the fea the well-water, as at Port Roval is brackifh; this brackifh water, which is very common in wells on fea fhores, is not wholefome, but the caufe of fluxes and other difeafes in failors by their drinking it.
Their river water carries with it much clay or earth, and has an odd tafte, which in St. Jago gives occafion to the Spaniards to call it Rio Cobre, and the Englifh to fay it is not wholefome, and taftes of copper ; whereas, on the trial of the fand, there is no metal found therein; this river-water, however, if fuffered to fettle fome days in earthen jars is good ; fpring-water, at a diftance from the fea, is preferred to river or pond- water. There are fome fprings as well as rivers, which putrify their channels, and flop their courfe by a cement, uniting the gravel and fand in their bottoms. There, is a hot-' bath or fpring near Port Morant, in the eaft part of the ifland, fituate in a wood, which
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hath been bathed in, and drunk of late years for the belly-ach, the common difeafe of the country, with great fuccefs. A great many fait fprings arife in a level ground under the foils in Cabbage-tree Bottom, about a mile or two dillant from the fea, which united, make what is called the Salt River. Salt is made here in ponds, into which the fea or fait water comes, and by the heat of the fun the moillure being exhaled, leaves the fait which is in great plenty; at the fait ponds about Old Harbour the fait is not perfectly white, or in fmall grains, but in large lumps, and has an eye of red in it, as fome Sal Gemmae from Spain, or what comes from the ifland of Salt Tortuga near the main of America, which is here reckoned the Itronger and better. Salt Lagunas, or great ponds, there are many here, one whereof, Riottoa Pond, receives a great deal of water by a river, which yet has no vifible rivulet or difcharge runs from it; fome rivers in the mountains rife above and go under ground again in a great many places. Rio d’Oro particularly falls and rifes two or three times, and fo it is in many others. At Abraham’s plantation on the north fide is a river, which has ftopt its own courie by letting a fettlement fall,‘and putrifying its own bottom. It is very common to have cataracts or cafcades.in rivers among the mountains fifty or fixty feet high.
This ifland being feven degrees within the tropic, has the trade wind continually there, which is on the fcuth fide of the ifland, called the fea breeze. It comes about eight o’clock in the morning, and increafes till twelve in the day ; and then, as the fun grows lower, it decreafes till there is none at four in the evening. About eight in the evening begins the land breeze, blowing four leagues into the fea, and continues increafing till twelve at night, and decreafes again till four. The fea breeze is now and then more violent than at other times, as at new or full moon, and encroaches very much on the land winds; and the Norths when they reign,, viz. in the months of Pecember, January and February, blow over the ridge of mountains with violence,, and hinder the fea breeze, which blows ftronger and longer near the fea, as at Port Royal, or PaffageFort, than within land as at St.Jago de la Vega, or Spanifh Town j as on the contrary the land wind blows harder at the town than at Paflage Fort, or Port Royal. The land wind blowing at night, and the fea breeze in the day-time, no lhipping can come into the port except in the day, nor go out, but at break of day, or very foon after.
The Norths, as they call them, come in when the fun is near the tropic of Capricorn, and fo farthefl off foutherly, and are very cold and unhealthy winds, more violent in the night becaufe it is then, they have the additional force of the land wind.- They check the growth of canes, and all vegetables on the north-fide, but are hindered by the ridge of mountains from fhewing much of their fury on the fouth, where it feldom rains with this wind. The fouth winds bring the molt lading rains. The rains from the fouth are lading on the fouth fide of this ifland. As at fea with the trade winds one meets with tornadoes, fo at land here fometinies will be a violent well, direftly contrary to the trade wind; but this happens feldom, and is foon over. The- fea-breeze, when it blows hard, is thought to hinder the rain front coming to the plains,, it for the molt part then raining on the hills. On this account it is that there are in the mountains many fprings and rivers, and few or none in the plains. And this is likewife the caufe why there is never any want of water in the rivers coming from them through the plains, and likewife that, fometimes rivers fuffer very great increafe and inundations in the plains when, no rains have fallen in the places where fuch inundations appear. *%
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Earthquakes, as they are very frequent in Hifpaniola, where they have formerly thrown down the town of St. Domingo; fo they are too common alfo here; the inhabitants expeft one every year, and fome of them think they follow their great rains : one happened on Sunday the 19th of February 1688; as if people had raifed the foundation of the houfes, it was felt all over the illand about the fame time, fome houfes being wrecked, and very near ruined, and very few efcaped lbme injury; the people were in a very great confternation, and the Ihips in Port Royal harbour felt it: it was obferved, that the ground rofe like the fea, in waves, as the earthquake palTed along. But this was nothing to the earthquake which happened at Port Royal in the year 1692, by which that town was almoft fwallowed up. Thunder is heard almoft every day in the mountains, with the rains there, fo that any perfon in the plains may hear it, as well as fee the rain; it does not fo ordinarily accompany thofe rains that come from the fea, although when it does it is very violent. Lightning for the mod: part precedes thunder in this illand, as elfevvhere ; and, if it be fair weather, efpecially in the hotted feafons, it lightens almod all the night, firft in one part of the Iky or horizon, out of fome clouds, and then out of others oppofite to them, as it were anfwering one another. Frod or fnow are never feen in this hot climate; but fometimes hail, and that very large; it comes with very great norths, which reach with great violence to the fouth fide, and throw down every thing before them.
The dews here are fo great within land, that the water drops from the leaves of the trees in a morning, as if it had rained; a man riding in the night, will find his cloaths, hair, &c. very wet in a fmall time; but there are feldom any fogs in the plains or fandy places near the fea. The rains there are violent, and the drops very large ; according to the different pofitions of places, fo the rains are more or lefs violent, and come at different times, but generally fpeaking the great rainy feafons are in May and Odtober; in which months, at new or full moon they begin, and continue day and night for a whole fortnight, fo that the earth in all level places is laid under water for fome inches, and it becomes loofe for fome inches deep, and confequently the roads are almoft impaffable. “ In the town of St. Jago de la Vega, in thofe rainy feafons, I 4 ‘ was forced to ride on horfeback (fays Dr. Sloane) although but from door to door, “ to vifit the fick.” And thel’e feafons, as they are called, from being fit to plant in, are generally fo over the whole illand, though they are much altered in their time and violence of late years, which arifes from the clearing much of the country of wood. In the month of January is likewife expected a feafon, or rain; but this is not fo conftant and violent as the other two, and probably may come from the violent norths, at that time paffing over the mountains, with part of their rains with them.
As to the produce of the illand of Jamaica, it is not eafy to give a very clear account thereof in a narrow compafs ; however, I lhall do the beft I can. In the firft place I Ihall mention cocoa, of which there ftill comes more from this than from any of our plantations ; and as it is known to be a very rich and valuable commodity, the reader will probably be pleafed with a particular account of it. Cocoa grows on a tree in cods, green, red, and yellow, every cod having in it three, four, or five kernels, about the bignefs and Ihape of fmall chefs-nuts, which are feparate from each other by a fubftance like the pulp of a roafted apple, moderately lharp and fweet, from which its nuts are taken when ripe, and by drying cured. The body of a cocoa tree is commonly about four inches diahieter, five feet in height, and about twelve to the top of the tree. Thefe trees are very different, for fome Ihoot up in two or three bodies * others in one ; their leaves are, many of them, dead and moft difcoloured, unl e fs on very young trees j a bearing tree generally yields from two to eight pounds of nuts a
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year, and each cod contains from twenty to thirty nuts. The manner of curing them is, to cut them down when ripe, and to lay them to fweat three or four days in the cods, which is done by laying them in heaps j after this the cods are cut, the nuts taken out and put into a trough covered with plantain leaves where they fweat again about fixteen or twenty days ; the nuts that are on each cod are knit together by certain fibres, and have a white kind of pulp about them, very agreeable to the palate, as has been hinted before; by their turning and fweating, their little firings are broken, and their pulp is imbibed and mingled with the fubftance of the nut; after which they are put to dry three or four weeks in the fun, and then they become of a reddifh-dark colour. The cods grow out of the body, or great limbs and boughs; at the fame place there are bloffoms, and young and ripe fruit. It is planted firft in the night, and always under {hade; fome fet them under caffave, others under plantain trees, and fome in the woods. The Spaniards ufed a certain large fhady plant, called by them Madre di Cocoa, the mother of cocoa; the Englilh ufe the others only.
It mud always be Iheltered from the north-eaft winds. The people at Jamaica feldom tranfplant it, only when it falls, as it does often, in open, poor and dry lands ; for this tree requires to have a flat, moift, low foil, which makes them be planted commonly by rivers, and between mountains. It is an obfervation, that it is ill living where there are good cocoa walks. In a year’s time the plant becomes four feet high, and has a leaf fix times as big as an old tree, which, as the plant grows bigger, falls off, and a leffer comes in its place. The trees are almoft always planted at two feet diftant; and fometimes at three years old, where the ground is good, and the plant profperous, it begins to bear a little, and then they cut down all or 1 fome of the {hade. The fruit increafes till the tenth or twelfth year, when the tree is fuppofed to be in its prime. The root generally {hoots out fuckers, they fupply the place of the old ftock when dead, or cut down ; unlefs any ill quality of the ground, or air, kill both.
The manner of planting them is, in order, like our cherry-gardens; they place a plantain by every tree, and when it is grown up it refembles a cherry-tree ; it delights in {hade, and for that reafon has the plantain fet by it. The cocoa- walks are kept clear from grafs by hoeing and weeding. The trees begin to bear at three, four, or five years, and, did they not almoft always die before, would come to perfection at fifteen years growth, and laft till thirty; which renders them the molt profitable tree in the world, one acre of them having cleared above two hundred pounds in a year ; but the old trees planted by the Spaniards being gone by age, and few now thriving, as the Spanilh negroes foretold, little or none now is produced worthy the care and pains in planting and expecting it. Thofe flaves afcribe its not coming to perfection to a fuperftitious caufe, many religious rites being performed at its planting by the Spaniards, which their flaves were not permitted to fee. But it is probable that wary nation, as they removed the art of making cochineal, and curing venelloes, into their inland provinces, which were the commodities of the illands in the Indians time, and forbade the opening any mines in them, for fear fome maritime nation might be tempted to conquer them ; fo in tranfplanting the cocoa from the Caraccas and Guatamala on the continent, they might conceal, wilfully, fome fecret in its planting from their flaves.
There is alfo more indigo produced in Jamaica, than in any other colony, by reafon of the great quantity of favanah land, for it thrives beft in fandy ground. The feed from whence it is raifed is yellow and round, fomething lefs than a tare. The ground is made light by hoeing j then trenches are dug like thofe our gardeners prepare for
peafe,

OP THE ENGILSH IN AMERICA.
P9
peafe, in which the feed is put about March ; it grows ripe in eight weeks time, and- in frefh broken ground will fpring up about three feet high, but in others to no more than eighteen inches. The ftalk is full of leaves of a deep green colour, and will, from its firft fowing, yield many crops in one year. When it is ripe it is cut and fteeped in fats twenty-four hours, then it muft be cleared from the firft water and put into proper cifterns, where, when it has been carefully beaten, it fettles about eighteen hours. In thefe cifterns are feveral taps, which let the clear water run out, and the thick is put into bags of about three feet long, made commonly of ozenbrigs, which being hung up, all the liquid part drops away; when it will drop no longer, it is put into wooden boxes* three feet long, fourten inches wide, and one and a half deep; thefe boxes muft be placed in the fun till it is very hot, and then taken in till the extreme heat is over ; this muft be done continually, till ft is fufficiently dried. In land that proves proper for indigo, the labour of one hand, in a year’s time, will produce between eighty and one hundred weight, which may amount from twelve to fifteen pounds to the planter, if no accident happen; for indigo, as well as other commodities, in thofe parts, is fub- je£t to many; the moft common are blafting and worms, by which it is frequently deftroyed.
Pimento is another natural production of Jamaica, from whence it is called Jamaica pepper, alluding to its figure and the chief place of its growth ; the trees that bear it are generally very tall and fpreading, having a trunk as thick as one’s thigh. It rifes ftrait, about thirty feet high, is covered with an extraordinary fmooth Ikin of a grey colour; it is branched out on every hand, having the end of its twigs fet with leaves of feveral fizes, the largeft being four or five inches long, and two or three broad, in the middle, where it is broadeft, and whence it decreafes to both extremes, ending in a point fmooth, thin, fhining, without any incifures of a deep green, colour, and Handing on foot-ftalks an inch long-; when bruifed very odoriferous, and in all things like the leaves of a bay tree. The ends of the twigs are branched into bunches of flowers, and each ftalk fuftaining a flower bending back, within which bend are many ftamina of: a pale green colour ; to thefe follows a bunch of crowned berries, the crown being: made up of four ftnall leaves, which are bigger, when ripe, than juniper berries ; at firft, when fmall, greenifh, but when they are ripe, black, fmooth and lhining ; containing in them a moift, green, aromatic pulp, two large feeds feparated by a membrane, , each of which is a hemifphere, and both joined make a fpherical feed.
It grows on all the hilly part of the ifland of Jamaica, but chiefly on the north fide ; and wherever thefe trees grow, they are generally left Handing when other trees are felled; and they, are fometimes planted where they never grew, becaufe of the great profit from the cured fruit exported yearly in great quantities into Europe. The Jamaica pepper tree flowers in June, July, and Auguft, but fooner or later, according , to their fituation and different feafon for rains ; and after ic flowers the fruit foon,' ripens : but it is to be obferved, that in clear open grounds it is fooner ripe than, in thick woods. There is no great difficulty in curing or preferving this fruit for ufe; it is for the moft part done by the negroes. They climb the trees and pull off the twigs with the unripe green fruit, and afterwards carefully feparate the fruit from the twigs and leaves, which done, they expofe them to the fun, from the rifing to the fetting for many days ; fpreading them thin on cloths, turning them now and then, and carefully avoiding the dews which are there very great. By this means • • they become a little wrinkled, and from a green change to a brown colour, when they are fit for the market; being of different fizes, but commonly of the bignefs of Wack pepper;, fomething like infmell and tafteto cloves,juniper berries, cinnamon and'
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DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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pepper, or rather having a peculiar mixt fmell, fomewhat a-kin to all of them, from -whence it is called all-fpiee. The more fragrant and fmaller they are, they are accounted the better.
It is defervedly reckoned the bell and moll temperate, mild and innocent, of all fpices, and fit to come into greater ufe, and to gain more ground than it has of the Eaft India commodities of this kind, almoft all of which it far furpalfes, by promoting the digeftion of meat, attenuating tough humours, moderately heating and ftrengthening -the ftomach, expelling wind, and doing thofe friendly offices to the bowels, which we expect from fpices.
The wild cinnamon tree, commonly called, though falfly, cortex winteranus, grows in this illand; its trunk is about the bignefs of the piemento tree, and rifes twenty or thirty feet high, having many branches and twigs hanging downwards, making a very lovely top; the bark confifts of two parts, one outward and another inward; the outward bark is as thin as a milled ffiilling, of whitilh alh or grey colour with fome white fpots here and there upon it, and feveral ffiallow furrows of a darker colour running varioufly through it, of an aromatic tafte; the inward bark is much thicker than cinnamon, being as thick as a milled crown piece, fmooth, and of a whiter colour than the outward, of a much more biting and aromatic tafte, fomething like that of cloves, and not glutinous like cinnamon, but dry and crumbling between the teeth; the leaves come out near the ends of the twigs, without any order, Handing on foot-ftalks, each of them two inches in length, and one in breadth j near the end where broadeft and rougheft, being narrow at the beginning, from whence it augments in breadth to near its end, of a yellowifh green colour, ffiining and fmooth, without any incifures about its edges, and fomewhat refembling the leaves of bay.
The ends of the twigs are branched into bunches of flowers, Handing fomewhat like umbels, each of which has a foot-ftalk, on the top of which is a calix made up of fome little leaves, in which Hand five fcarlet or purple patala, within which is a large ftylix ; to thefe follow fo many calculated berries of the bignefs of a large pea, roughilh, green, and containing, within a mucilaginous pale green thin pulp, four black Ihining feeds of an irregular figure; all the parts of this tree, when frefh, are very hot, aromatic, and biting to the tafte, fomething like cloves, which is fo troublefome, as fometimes to need the remedy of fair water. It grows in the favanah woods, very frequently on each fide the road, between Pafiage Fort and the town of St. Jago de la Vega. The bark of the tree is what is chiefly in ufe, both in the Engliffi plantations, between the tropics in the Weft Indies and in Europe, and is without any difficulty cured, by only cutting off the bark, and letting it dry in the ffiade. The ordinary fort of people in the Weft Indies ufe it inftead of all other fpices, being thought very- good to confume the immoderate humidity of the ftomach, to help digeftion, and expel wind, &c. Rum loofes its difagreeable finell if mixed with this bark.
The true cortex winteranus, for which the drug-gifts fell this wild cinnamon, wps brought by Captain Winter, who accompanied Sir Francis Drake in his voyage round the world from the Streights of Magellan.
There is plenty of cotton in Jamaica, and it is finer than that in the Carribbee iflands. The tobacco that was planted there was better than at Barbadoes; but there is lo little, it deferves not the name of a commodity. Very good tanned leather is made there; the tanners have three barks to tan with, mangrove, olive barks, and another. They tann better than in England; and in fix weeks the leather is ready to work into Ihoes. There is abundance of dyers woods, as fuftick, red-wood, logwood, and others; with feveral forts of fweetwoods. The illand abounds in drugs and medicinal herbs, as
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gualacum, china, farfaparilla, caffia, tamarinds, venilloes, many forts of miiTelto ; as alfo in falutary gums and roots ; the plant of which cochineal is made, grows in Jamaica j and yet the inhabitants, for want of knowledge how to cure it, make no advantage of it; befides the eafh wind blafts it fo, that it feldom or never comes to maturity.
It is not doubted but that there are copper mines in the illand ; and the Spaniards fay the bells of the great church at St. Jago w'ere made of Jamaica metal; it is fuppofed there are filver mines in it, as well as at Cuba, and on the continent; and there is a place in the mountains of Port Royal, or Caguag, where it is reported the Spaniards dug filver, but the Englilh have not been fo happy as to find it, The Spaniards alfo found ambergreafe on the coalt, but the Englilh have not often had that good fortune ; yet fome years ago an ignorant fellow found 180 pound weight of ambergreafe calt upon the Ihore, at a place called Ambergreafe Point, where the Spaniards came ufually once a year to look for it. This vaft quantity was divided into two parts, fuppofed by rolling and tumbling in the fea; fome fay it is produced from a creature, as honey and filk; and Mr. Tredway, who viewed this piece, writes, he faw, in fundry places in this body, the beak, wings, and part of the body of the creature, which he preferred for fome time; he was alfo told by a man, that he had feen the creature alive, and believed they lwarmed as bees on the fea Ihore, or in the fea ; others fay it is the excrement of the whale, and others, that it ilfues out of the root of a tree.
But, after all, it is the fugar cane that is the glory of Jamaica, hy which the inhabitants have acquired fuch immenfe riches. It is generally faid, that the fugar from St. Chriftopher’s is the belt in the Leeward Illands; but, I think, it is agreed on ail hands, that the fugar made in Jamaica exceeds that of all our plantations, though it is made there with much greater eafe, fmce it cures fafter in ten days at Jamaica than in fix months at Barbadoes. There were in the year 1670 upwards of threefcore mills in Jamaica, which were computed to make about two millions of pounds weight of fugar; but fome writers tell us, they make ten times as much at prefent; whether that computation be right or not, is impoffible for me to decide; but this is certain, that there is ground enough unoccupied in that country to make much more, fince it is an hundred and forty miles long and fixty broad; and it contains, according to a moderate computation four millions of acres, of which, though there may be about one-fourth in which Englilh fubjects have property ; yet, it is certain, that not above a fourth of that fourth is actually planted, and a great deal of this is employed to other purpofes, than that of railing fugar. It is impoffible to fay precifely what quantity may be made here, becaufe feafons differ, and other accidents intervene; fome have thought they did not rife beyond the truth, in affirming, that it produces one hundred thoufand hoglheads, which, though it appears a moll prodigious quantity, yet there are many circumltances that concur to render it credible. As for the number of people in this illand various computations have been made ; but according to the bell accounts I have been able to gain, there may be at this time, feventy thoufand white people therein, and one hundred and twenty thoufand negroes.
We may from hence judge of the almoll inexpreffible advantages which this illand affords to Great Britain ; for, as all our hiltories of Jamaica, and almoll every voyage thither, that has been printed, fpeak largely of the luxury and expence of all degrees of people there, which is a plain proof of their wealth and vaft acquifitions; fo we may reft fatisfied, that whatever ffiew they may make, whatever appearance there may be of magnificence there; yet the real produce of all their labour, and of all their commerce, comes over here to Britain, and maintains and enriches the indullrious part of our people; fo that there can be nothing more abfurd or unreafonable, than to grudge or
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DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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envy the people fettled there, the great fortunes they acquire and poflefs, or to repine at the pomp and fplendor in which they live; becaufe, whatever it may be in appearance, it is perhaps an indifferent reward for their dwelling at fuch adiftance from home, and for the hazards and labours they run through to acquire fuch fortunes, but this will appear much more clearly if we advert a little to the fituation of Jamaica, and confider the vaft benefits that accrue from thence, in all times, and under all circum- ftances, of war as well as peace.
As we are at prefent in the former fituation, we will treat firft of that. There is conftantly in time of war a confiderable naval force kept here, and though this be attended with a great expence to the Britifh nation, yet it certainly is, or at leaft ought to be, a great comfort to us, that our money is fpent with our countrymen, that it in- creafes the value of their plantations, and which is ftill more to our purpofe, that, fooner or later, all that is fpent and circulated there, by fome channel or other returns hither, fo that at the long run the nation lofes nothing by the vaft charge fhe is at in maintaining fleets upon this coaft. We ought likewife to reflect, that in a time of war there are many prizes taken and carried into Jamaica, which makes an unufual and almoft incredible plenty of filver, and is the true caufe of the dearnefs and high price of neceffaries in that country, all which alfo in time comes over hither ; fo that when we hear of vaft eftates raifed there in a fhort fpace of time, it ought to afford us the higheft fatisfaclion ; becaufe, thofe who make thofe large fortunes, or their immediate defendants, come over hither, and either veil; their money in our funds or purchafe lands here. Thus, a ftate of war, which implies a fufpenfion of trade, produces few of the inconveniences that ufually attend fuch a fufpenfion ; becaufe in Jamaica, the very confequences of war become a kind of trade, and the wealth arifing from them takes the fame courfe, and runs in the very individual channels that any other trade would do, that is, they finally enrich and tend to the benefit of the mother country.
But, in time of peace, befides what we draw from Jamaica, conftdered barely in the light of a fugar plantation, we are to confider likewife whatever accrues to the inhabitants from their intercourfe and dealings with other people, fince whatever they gain is for us; and therefore, it may not in this place, be improper to fay fomething of the trade carried on by the Englifh at Jamaica with the Spaniards on the continent, which is thus managed: the merchant or mafter of the Englifh fhip bound for this voyage being furnifhed with a proper cargo of dry goods and negroes, commonly makes firft; for the coaft near the harbour oft Porto Bello ; and in war at the Grout, within Monkey Key, a very good harbour, within four miles of the town; from thence it is ufual for the merchant or mafter of the fhip to fend one who can fpeak Spanifh, as many of thefe traders do to the town, to give notice of her arrival to the dealers, who appoint the time and place for the Spaniards canoe to attend them ; they come accordingly, and having purchafed as many negroes and as much dry goods as they think fit, they return to the town, fetch the money, bring it aboard, and take the goods. Here fuch a fhip lies fometimes five or fix weeks trading with the Spaniards; for after the firft market is pretty well over, the dealers, who have foon information of her being on the coaft, come from Panama over the ifthmus to trade, travelling like peafants, with mules bearing their filver in jars ; and if any of the king’s officers meet them nothing appears but meal, which they pretend to be carrying to Porto Bello ; but for the moft part they travel through woods and bye-ways for fear of being difcovered by. thofe officers. When they have bought what negroes and goods their money will purchafe, which they fell again up in the country, and get very well by it; the goods are made up in little packs fit for one man to carry, and the Englifh fupply them with as much
pfovifions-

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 323
proviiions as will ferve them home, crofs the ifthmus to the South Sea, for they come very far off.
A fingle familiar inftance will make all this very plain. An Englilh {hip lying between Chagre and Porto Novo, a fignal was given from the caftle of Chagre, and Ihe anchored two miles from it. The Spaniards came to her, and one merchant bought feventy negroes and a good quantity of dry goods, amounting to three or four thoufand pounds, which was brought on mules to the water fide, part gold and part filver. From the Grout the Englifli fhip failed to the Brew near Carthagena, where {he lay to trade with the merchants of that city, from which it is about eight miles diftant. The people of the ifland Brew gave their merchants notice of her arrival, and they came and traded as the others did at the Grout; this trading {hip in about two months difpofed of one hundred and fifty negroes, and a good cargo of dry goods, by which, probably, the proprietors cleared two thoufand pounds more than would have been got in any other market; a plain proof of the very great advantage of this trade between Jamaica and New Spain, of which we fee the Spaniards are fo fond, that they run ;fs great hazards in buying the merchandizes as the Englilh do in felling it to them.
There is likewife in time of peace a great deal of money brought into Jamaica by the Afliento trade, or fale of negroes, granted to us by the Spaniards in the treaty of Utrecht, which, whatever it may be in other refpects, has certainly proved a very beneficial trade to that ifland. I have indeed heard fome very able and intelligent perfons intimate, that if inftead of ere Ting a new company for the management of this trade, it had been put into the hands of one already erected, I mean the Royal African Company, it had preferved that once famous corporation from falling into its prefent melancholy condition, as well as fecured much larger profits to the nation, which are things that deferve to be confidered before we fet in earned; about any negotiation with Spain, that we may indemnify ourfelves from the heavy Ioffes and vaft expences of this war by the fruits of a folid and well regulated peace; which, without doubt, may be as eafily obtained as one of a loofer and more precarious nature; it being the intereft of the Spaniards as well as of ourfelves, to have all matters fo adjufted, as to prevent not only wars, but difputes for the future.
Before I quit this fubject I find it abfolutely neceflary to take notice of another branch of trade carried on from Jamaica, which has been made the fubject of much debate ; I mean the cutting of logwood in the bay of Campeachy. This matter came to be confidered with the utmoft care and circumfpection by the Board of Trade and plantations in the year 1717, who folemnly reported that we had an undoubted right to that trade, in which the fubjecis of the crown of England had been maintained and fupported by former kings, his majefty’s royal predeceflors. They obferve, that logwood is the product of Jucatan, a peninfula that extends itfelf an hundred leagues into the North Sea, on each fide whereof are the bays of Campeachy and Honduras, where the wood is chiefly cut by the Englilh.
The Spaniards are poffeffed only of the town of Campeachy, and two more fmall places in this part of America, and that the reft of Jucatan was an uninhabited defart until our logwood cutters fettled at Cape Catoch, the north-eaft promontory of Jucatan, or at Trift, or the Laguna de Terminos in the bay of Campeachy, before, °r in the year 1667, when a treaty of peace was concluded between Great Britain a ud Spain; and thereupon the privateers of Jamaica, who ufed to difturb the Spaniftr trade, being obliged to quit that way of life, became logwood cutters, and fettled with others of their countrymen at Trift, and the Lake de Terminos aforefaid, and great
T T 2 quantities

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
3 2 4
quantities of logwood were afterwards imported from thence to Old and New England.
They obferved that Sir Thomas Lynch, governor of Jamaica, under whofe direction that trade was carried on, in the year 1671, gave his majefty king Charles II. the following reafons foe his encouraging this trade, ill, That the Englilh had then ufed it for divers years. 2dly, That the logwood was cut in defolate and uninhabited places. 3dly, That it was a right confirmed by treaty with the Spaniards. 4thly, That therqby we excluded the French and Dutch from that trade. 5thly, That the Spaniards had not then made any complaint of it. 6thly, That this employment made the reducing our privateers, who ufed to commit hoftilities againft the Spaniards, more eafy. Lailly, that this trade employed an hundred fail of Ihips annually, and en- creafed his majefty’s cuftoms, and the trade of the nation, more than any of his * American colonies.
Sir Thomas Modyford, the fucceeding governor of Jamaica, informed the lords of the privy council in the year 1672, that the Englilh logwood cutters had ufed that trade for three years, and that they had planted corn, and built houfes for their conveniency; and though they frequently hunted deer in the country, they had never feen a lingle Spaniard, or any other man in that part of the country, in all the time they had been there; and concludes, that their felling of wood, building of houfes, and clearing and planting the ground, was fuch a poffeffion, as in the Well Indies gave them an undoubted right to the countries they thus occupied. And Sir Thomas, to juftify his conduct in encouraging this trade, in the year 1672 (when the Spaniards firft complained of it) fent home the copies of feveral depofitions he had taken from the mailers of Ihips, and others concerned in the logwood trade, with a proclamation he had ilfued for the regulation and fecurity thereof, as a confirmation of what he had afferted 5 and the lords of the council thereupon let the governor know that they approved what he had done.
The lords commiffioners of trade further obferved, that there is a claufe in the abovefaid American treaty, which provides that the king of Great Britain lhall keep and polfefs, in full right of fovereignty and propriety, ail places fituate in the Well Indies, or any part of America, which he and his iubjefts were then in polfeffion of; and that they actually were then, and had been for feveral years in polfeffion of Trill and the Lake de Terminos, and feveral other places in the province of Jucatan, which the Spaniards began to fet up a title to about this time, notwithllanding they enjoyed the full benefit of what Great Britain llipulated on her part, viz. ill, The fecuring the trade of the Spanilh Well Indies to them ; a point which had never before been yielded. 2dly, The obliging the privateers to ceafe their depredations, whereby the Spanilh trade had been mlferably haraffed; and this had been effected chiefly by the care of his majefty’s governors, and the employing thofe people in the logwood trade.
That in 1680 the Spaniards proceeded in a hollile manner to difpoffefs the Englilh logwood cutters of their fettlements of Trill, &c. and even of the Illand of Providence, a Britilh plantation to which they had no pretence; but thefe were foon repoffeffed by his majefty’s fubjedls, and the logwood trade, in 1682, was greater than ever, and was maintained and carried on by the Englilh, till the treaty of Utrecht 1713 ; when the adjuftment and fettlement thereof came again under confideration; and it was llipulated that only fuch places Ihould be reftored to the Spaniards, as had been taken during the preceding war, (in the reign of queen Anne), among which Trill could not be reckoned one, becaufe the Englilh were in poffeffion of it many years
2* before

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMEltlftA.
3 2 5
before that war commenced, and, indeed, had been in the actual poffeffion of it from 1699 to I 7 I 3 > except for two or three months in the year 1689, when the Spaniards furprized and expelled them by force, as related above.
They farther reprefented it by a claufe in the treaty of commerce concluded in November 1713; the American treaty of 1670 is confirmed and ratified; and it was thereby declared that this Ihould be underftood to be without prejudice to any liberty or power which the fubjects of Great Britain enjoyed before, either through right, fuff'erance, or indulgence ; and the Englifli having long enjoyed the liberty of cutting logwood, whether through right, fufferance, or indulgence, they are by this treaty entitled to the fame in as plain and exprefs words as can be imagined. Then the Lords Commiffioners proceeded to fhew the importance of the logwood trade to Great Britain, by the following account of wdiat logwood had been imported fince the late war:
Tons.
Cwt.
Q rs -
lb.
In 1713
2189
i 5
3
22
In 1714
4848
- 14
3
24
In 1715
5 86 3
12
1
14
In 1716
2032
*7
2
0
J 4935
0
3
4
This is, comnunibus annis , 3,741 tons, which cannot be computed at lefs than 60,000 1 . per annum, though the price is already reduced from 401. to 161. per ton; and before your majefty’s fubjefts were fettled there it was worth iool. a ton. Nor is this trade lefs neceflary than beneficial to your majefty’s dominions, by reafon of the great encouragement it gives to our feamen and Ihipping, which at all times require a particular attention; but now efpecially, when it is daily obferved that very many Britifh mariners, either through defect of the laws, or for want of employment at home, or in hopes of greater advantage abroad, enter themfelves into foreign fervice.
Upon the whole, they gave it as their opinion, that fome time before and long after the year 1670, the fubjeds of England were poffeffed of and quietly enjoyed part of the country of Jucatan, uninhabited by the Spaniards, and confequently the right of Britifh fubjeds to cut logwood, and even to fettle in that country, was not only certain and apparent, but was alfo fettled and confirmed by treaty.
This reprefentation is certainly more than fufficient to convince us here at home of our being well entitled to this trade; and therefore it is a point that deferves to be maturely refleded upon, before any new negotiation for peace with the Crown of Spain is commenced; for, without doubt, care ought to be taken that our right in this refpeft be acknowledged and admitted, in fuch exprefs terms, that hereafter no difputes may a rife about it, or afford pretences for fitting out guarda coftas to impede and difturb our navigation. We know and have heard, what high and loud complaints were made againft the Miniftry, in the reign of Queen Anne, for not obliging the French to reftore Cape Breton, and for not compelling the Spaniards to make fuch conceflions in favour of our trade as were neceflary for the carrying it on with fafety and advantage. But at prefent Cape Breton is ours, and the fuperiority of our naval force in the Weft Indies is fo great, that it would be certainly an unpardonable omiftion fhould there be any thing left to object on any of thefe heads for the future. The capital trade of this nation at prefent, that which employs moft fhips, moft feamen, and moft manufactures, is our commerce to our plantations; and therefore the fecuring, encouraging, and improving this commerce ought to be the principal object of our ftatefmen; who, as they
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often lay heavy burdens upon the fubjects to carry their projects into execution, fo they are in intereft and in confcience bound to pay the utmoll attention to thofe points which regard the filling again the purfes of thofe to whom they have conftant recourfe for the public fervice.
23. We have now gone through this feftion, and have fhewn when, how, and with what views our fettlements within this period of time were made. It is eafy to perceive from thence what prodigious advantages have been derived from them to the people of this kingdom. If we confider that at the death of Oueen Elizabeth we had not a fingle cottage erected in America, and that at the time of the reftoration of King Charles II. we had fettled from Nova Scotia to the utmoft bounds of Virginia, befides peopling many of the iflands, it muft appear an amazing thing, The vaft change in our circum- ftances in the fpace of fixty years, the mighty augmentation of our flapping, the vaft increafe of our coin, and all the other certain and indubitable figns of an extended and profitable commerce, fufficiently prove the value and importance of our plantations; for I make no fcruple of affirming that we owed them all to thefe. To fay the truth, the civil war which was fo ruinous and fatal to thefe kingdoms was, by the kind dif- pofition of Providence, highly ferviceable to the plantations. In the firft ferment of the nation, we have feen that New England was planted and peopled as it were at once; and in fucceeding times, when the conftitution was overturned, and the loyal nobility and gentry, who were deprived of their eftates by thofe the fortune of war had made their mafters, and had not even the liberty of ftarving here in peace, Virginia and Barbadoes were their refuge ; there the wicked ceafed from troubling, and there the weary were at reft. The fpirit and vigour with which they fet about improving the places of their exile foon changed them into habitations of delight, and where they looked only for a quiet and a bare fubfiftence, the bleffing of God upon their* induftry produced them vaft eftates.
We may fafely venture to affirm, that a little after the Reftoration the fugar colonies rofe to their greateft height, Jamaica only excepted. Since then the tobacco colonies have increafed greatly, and fo have the bread colonies likewife; for the reader is to obferve, that Jamaica, Barbadoes, and moft of the Leeward Iflands, are furnifhed with provifions from the northern colonies, and with garden fluff from the iflands of Bermudas. But it has fo fallen out, that though thefe colonies have fuch a natural dependence upon each other, yet complaints have arifen, and we have feen both fides appealing to the Britifh parliament, the one for relief, and the other for protection. The occa- fion of thefe difputes was this:
A bill was brought into the Houfe of Commons on the petition of the merchants and planters concerned in the fugar colonies in the year 1731, for feeuring and encouraging the trade of the faid colonies. The intent whereof was to enable them to fupply foreign markets with fugar as cheap as the French, which they fuggefted might be done by prohibiting the exportation of horfes, provifions, and lumber, from our northern colonies on the continent of America to the French and Dutch plantations, and by prohibiting the importation of all foreign fugar, rum, and moloffes, to our northern colonies ; for the permitting of this, they fuggefted, was giving the French and Dutch at leaft twenty-five per cent, upon the whole produce of their fugar colonies, and thereby enabled them to afford their fugar at foreign markets cheaper than our fugar colonies can. It was finding them plantation neceffaries as well as money to pay for them; that is, the foreign colonies paid our northern colonies for their horfes, provifions, and lumber, with moloffes and rum, which otherwife the French muft throw away as they did formerly. To induce the parliament to pafs this bill, the fugar colonies endeavoured

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to {hew the vaft importance thofe colonies are of to Great Britain, obferving that they produced, at an average, eighty-five thoufand hogfheads of fugar annually at leaft, which, at ten pounds a hogfhead, amounted to eight hundred and fifty thoufand pounds. This fum, or much the greateft part of it, as they affirm, is fpent here by the feveral proprietors of eftates in the Weft Indies, who live in England, or is fent out annually in the manufactures of Great Britain, either directly to the fugar colonies or to the Coaft of Guinea, to purchafe negroes for the ufe of thofe colonies.
Befides this neat produce of fugar, another vaft advantage arifing from the fugar colony trade is the large number of fhips and feamen employed and maintained in the courfe of our commerce with them ; and they calculate that there are three hundred fail of fhips fent from Great Britain (not to mention thofe from other places) every year, to our fugar colonies, which are navigated by about five thoufand five hundred feamen ; and that the freight from the fugars brought hither amounts to an hundred and feventy thoufand pounds a year; and the duties, commiffions, &c. to little lefs than two hundred thoufand pounds more, which upon the whole is a good one million two hundred thoufand pounds a year profit and advantage to Great Britain. But befides this confiderable article of fugar, they obferve that thefe iflands produce great quantities of cotton, ginger, indico, aloes, &c. which are all brought to Great Britain, where the whole profit of all our plantation product does and rnuft centre. They have been equal, they infift, to the mines of the Spanifh Weft Indies, and have contributed, in a particular manner, to the trade, navigation, and wealth of this kingdom.
But atprefent they were in a very bad and languiftiing condition; their duties high, their planters poor, their foil worn out, and their fortifications deftroyed. They obferve farther, that the French fugar iflands are much larger, more beautiful, better inhabited, pay lefs duties, and have greater encouragement from France than ours have from Great Britain. And that if our fugar iflands, for want of being put in a pofture of defence, flhould either be taken, as fome have been, or moulder and come to ruin, it would be one of the greateft blows this kingdom ever received. It would then lofe the benefit of all their product imported hither; it would lofe the exports of our woollen and other manufactures thither, to the amount of feveral hundred thoufand pounds a year; it would lofe, in a great meafure, the trade to Guinea; it would lofe the employing and maintaining of many hundred Britilh fhips, and many thoufand Britifh feamen every year; and laftly, it would lofe one of the moft confiderable and main branches of our funds, the deficiency of which muft be made good, and the Weight and burthen fall on our lands here at home.
To this bill, however, many objections were made by fuch as were employed here- in behalf of the northern colonies, and amongft them the moft material were thefe; i ft, That fuch a prohibition as was defired by the bill would put the French upon fup- plying themfelves with lumber from their own fettlements, and the Britilh colonies on, the continent would thereby lofe the trade in which many fhips and feamen were employed. adly, That the Britifh colonies could not take off their lumber, or fupply them with rum for their filheries, their trade with the Indians, and what they wanted in the harveft-time. 3dly, That the reftraining the northern colonies from difpofing of their horfes, provifions, and lumber to the French and Hollanders, might draw them mto employments prejudicial to Great Britain. 4thly, The French would diftil their moloffes themfelves, and fupply the filheries with rum, if the northern colonies did not. 5thly, If the northern colonies did not take off the French fugars, they would carry them to market themfelves. . 6thly, If the importation of French and Dutch rum a nd moloffes into New England was prohibited, and they could go to no other market

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for rum, or fell their lumber and provifions any where elfe, the Englifli fugar colonies, like other monopolies, would exaft an unreafonable price for their rum, and beat down, the price of lumber and other goods as low as they faw fit. 7thly, That the French and Dutch colonies furnifh the northern colonies with money, which they bring to Great Britain and lay out in our manufactures. Bthly, That the luxury and extravagance of the fugar colonies was the occafion of this decline. And gthly, That the trade of the fugar colonies was ftill vaftly increaiing; inftancing in Barbadoes, which, in the year 1730, imported twenty-two thoufand feven hundred and fixty-nine hog- flreads of fugar into England, valued at ££340,396.; and that this was the neat profit they infilled, becaufe it was admitted that the rum and moloffes of fugar plantations bear the charges of them; the fugar planters therefore have no reafon to complain, when fo fmall an illand as Barbadoes produced fo vaft a neat profit.
As there is nothing can contribute more to make this fubjeft thoroughly underflood, and to point out effectually what the inhabitants of the colonies take to be their refpec- tive interefts, I think it will be neceffary to add the replies or folutions given by the friends of the fugar colonies to thefe objections. As to the firft, That the French, if not fupplied from the northern colonies, would furnilh their own fettlements with lumber, they faid, That the French could not be fupplied with lumber from their own fettlements; or, if they could, it muff be at great charge and expence, fince the only places they can pretend to be fupplied from are Cape Breton and Quebec. Some indeed have gone fo far, and been fo extravagant, as to imagine that the French iflands may be fupplied with lumber from the bay of Apalachi, or the fettlement of Millifippi; but we muff confider that great fnows are neceflary for drawing down trees to the fides of rivers; and likewife (upon the fnow’s melting) for floating them down to the mills ; and, if they had fnows, thefe countries do not produce any quantity of fuch kind of wood as is proper to work into lumber; nor have they any fuch mills, which are ex- penfive to build, and the labour and time required to manufacture fuch trees into lumber, would make it extremely dear to the French; befides, the navigation to and from fuch places to Martinico, and the French iflands fo much to windward, would be fo difficult and long for fuch veffels as are proper to carry lumber, by reafon of the calms, contrary winds, and ftrong currents againft them, that fuch a project would probably end in the ruin of the people concerned in it; which would put an end to fuch endeavours of the French.
As to Cape Breton, though it has the advantage of fnows, yet it has no other con- veniency ; it produces little wood; they have few rivers, and thofe longer frozen and fooner dried than in New England; it is thinly inhabited, and is a fmall, and in that light but an inconfiderable illand, commodious only for filhing. And as for Quebec, allowing all the advantages the other places want, and all that our northern colonies have, with reipect to wood and mills; yet the navigation of the river St. Laurence (which is practicable only a few months in the year) is fo very long and dangerous, that all the lumber from thence muff be exceeding dear ; and though fame may think that thefe difficulties in time may be removed, and the navigation of the river become both fafe and eafy, it may be wiffied the French had no fupply of lumber till thefe difficulties were removed; for thofe difficulties muff always continue from the nature of the coaft, the rocks, ffioals, and funds in that river, and from the inclemency of the air and other natural caufes ; which will make that navigation for ever unfafe. If then the French cannot be fupplied with lumber, or at leaft not upon any reafonable terms, how much will this give our fugar colonies an advantage over the French ? But let us fuppofe the utmoft and word: that can be; that they can be fupplied with lumber from
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their own fettlements; yet, What mu ft the lumber be bought with ? Not with rum and moloffes, but with money. So that if this prohibition of foreign rum and moloffes takes place, fo much will be loft to the French plantations, becaufe they can have no vent for their rum, as interfering with brandy, the product of France.
But what ftronger argument can we have, that the trade carried on by fome of the northern colonies is a prejudicial trade, than the permiffion of it by the French them- felves ? They underftand the whole compafs of trade perfectly well, and fteadily pur- fue their interefts ; they know that their colonies either cannot be fupplied at all with horfes, lumber, and other neceffaries, or elfe they rnuft purchafe them at a great expence; they find they have them for rum and moloffes, which is all clear gain to them; that they fave at leaft twenty-five per cent, in having lumber and horfes fo conveniently from the northern colonies; and get twenty-five per cent, by their rum and moloffes, which elfe would be all lofs to them; and what is more, they plainly perceive that this trade mufi fhortly and effectually ruin and deftroy our fugar plantations, by inhancing the price of our plantation neceffaries, and flopping the product of our manufacture; however fpecious therefore the argument may be in favour of this trade, nothing lefs than a prohibition of horfes and lumber, as well as of foreign fugar, rum, and moloffes, will be of any real fervice or benefit to the fugar colonies.
For if you allow them to carry lumber, what muft they have in exchange for it but fugar ? And how will it be poffible, on fo long a coait as feven or eight hundred miles, as that of thofe northern colonies, where there are fo many bays, creeks, and rivers, and fo few officers to prevent the running of thefe goods, let your penalties be never fo ftriCt. But it may be faid, perhaps, that France will allow them to carry their rum to their own fettlements on the Continent; but that is altogether as improbable and as unlikely as that we fhould fuffer Ireland to fupply our plantations with woollen manufactures. Thofe colonies there are abundantly fupplied with brandy from France, very cheap, and which is a fpirit much better liked, and what they have been ufed to.
As to the fecond objection, that the Engiifh fugar colonies cannot take off the lumber they have, or fupply them with the rum they want, they anfwered, if the trade and navigation from the Britifh colonies on the Continent, to the foreign colonies, be prejudicial to the fugar colonies and to Great Britain, and if the reftraining it will effectually diftrefs the French in the fugar trade, it ought to be prohibited, though fome few traders ihall fuffer hardfhips and inconveniency by it. As to difpofing of their lumber, the fugar colonies have more reafon to apprehend that they Ihall find a want of it, than that the New England people will have much upon their hands •, at leaft, if what they fay be true and founded in fact. For we have for many years been alarmed with fcarcity of lumber in New England, and we have felt the effects of it in the advanced price we have paid for it for fome time, upon this'pretence. Thofe who were principally concerned there, in the lumber trade, complained laft year, 1730, of the great want of oak and fir near the rivers on which their faw-mills ftand; and as they are reftrained by feveral aCts of parliament from cutting the king’s trees, they will hardly be able to fupply us long with lumber, of private property, at any reafonable rate, which deferves con- fideration. The other part of this objection, That our fugar colonies are not able to fupply them with a fufficient quantity of rum, is as groundlefs as the former. A gentleman of diftinCtion, of St. Chriltopher’s, informed the committee, that himfelf made two thoufand gallons.of rum a year, but that if he had encouragement he could make twenty thoufand gallons; and the other gentlemen of St. Chriftopher’s, Nevis, and Montlerrat, who made little or no rum now, could make a very great quantity, if there
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was a demand for it. Therefore the queflion that was afked by a New England gentleman, whether we have any rum left on our hands at the end of the year, is not at all to the purpofe, though at firft fight it feems fo.
The diftillers in New England find this trade in fpirits, made of foreign moloffes, very profitable, and for that reafon raife objections which have nothing in them, in order to make Bolton the great Itaple of rum. For Ihould the prohibition take place on foreign rum and moloffes, then our fugar colonies might fend again their rum to Virginia, Maryland, Carolina, and Newfoundland, as they did before, and fave the lives of many hundred of poor wretches, who, if this trade be not flopped, will probably be deflroyed by this pernicious fpirit, made of foreign moloffes, which is very unwholefome. If we fhould admit, for argument fake, that the French fugar colonies, and Surinam (belonging to the Dutch) do take off one half of the New England lumber (which by the way is more than can be proved), the deficiency then of the demand of lumber will be one moiety. Now if it can be proved that the Britifh fugar colonies, upon a proper encouragement, might be improved fufficiently to make as much more rum and fugar as they now do, it will follow that the Britifh fugar colonies may take off all the New England lumber.
Barbadoes is allowed to be at its perfection, and perhaps incapable of being farther improved, fo as to increafe its annual product of fugar and rum. Antigua is capable of farther improvements, and may enlarge its product of fugar, according to the belt computations, at leaft, one fifth part per annum ; as to the product of rum there, it may certainly be enlarged .near one half upon proper encouragement, for the rum it now makes is not quite one half of its product of fugar ; that is to fay, if Antigua makes twenty thoufand hogfheads of fugar per annum, its product of rum is not quite ten thoufand. But it is evident from the experience of Barbadoes, that out of twenty thoufand hogfheads of fugar, there ought to be made near fourteen thoufand hogfheads of rum. And this increafe, both of fugar and rum, would certainly be made if there was proper encouragement. Montferrat, Nevis, and St. Chriftopher’s, for want of encouragement, do not make one hogfhead of rum for three hogfheads of fugar. Whereas, it is evident, by the experience of Barbadoes, that three hogfheads of fugar ought to produce two hogfheads of rum; confequently the product of rum in thefe three iflands might be, upon proper encouragement, encreafed to as much more as it now is. Add to this, the improvement to be made in thofe iflands, by which the quantity of fugar would be encreafed. It will follow ftill farther, that the quantity of rum which thofe iflands are capable of making, would be as much more as they now make, and confequently the demand for lumber would be proportionable. Jamaica, the largeft of all the Britifh fugar colonies, is yet but in its infancy; having now as much land uncultivated as would produce above three times its preient product if cultivated, as it certainly would be upon proper encouragement.
But farther it appeared by the cuftom-houfe books, that all the Britifh fugar colonies do produce about one hundred thoufand hogfheads of fugar per annum; and they ought, in proportion, to make about feventy thoufand hogfheads of rum; a quantity more than fufficient to fupply the New England fifhery and Indian trade, even according to their own computation. But the prefent product of the fugar colonies, under all the incumbent disadvantages, is more than they of New England can prove to be necef- fiary to both thofe trades; nay, on the contrary, they will have a proof fooner than defined, that their fifhery and Indian trade do not take off one half of the rum now actually made in the fugar colonies. South Carolina trades with eight thoufand Indians, and yet nine hundred hogfheads is the moft they ever imported in one year, both to
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fupply their home confumption, all their trade with thefe eight thoufand Indians, and to trade to other ports with ; and yet this is a colony that is the hotteft, has the largeft harvefl of rice, &c. and is not fo well fupplied with beer, &c. as the other northern colonies; fo let us allow this colony of South Carolina thefe nine hundred hoglheads; North Carolina one thoufand hogfheads; Virginia and Maryland three thoufand hogf- heads; New York and Philadelphia four thoufand hoglheads; Rhode Illand and New England ten thoufand; which calculations both by their refpecfive cuftom-houfe accounts, and by the greateft eftimates that ever have been made, are too large, and yet the whole amounts but to eighteen thoufand and nine hundred hogfheads; whereas the fugar colonies produce forty thoufand, and might fifty-five thoufand hogfheads. It was obferved alfo, that the New England people thus taking from the French their molaffes, rum, and fugar, and fupplying all the other northern colonies, as well as Newfoundland, Great Britain, Ireland, and Africa, with large quantities thereof, was a very great hurt to the revenue; for if thefe places were not thus fupplied, they mull be fupplied by our own fugar colonies, and then every thoufand pounds value of rum or molaffes of our own growth muff pay his majefty a duty of forty-five pounds, and every thoufand pounds value of fugar a duty of one hundred and twenty pounds. It might have been added, that it was likewife a great hurt to the trade and navigation of this kingdom, as well as to the fugar colonies, that we cannot fupply thofe places with rum, fugar, and molaffes of our own growth, and in fhips and veffels of this kingdom, without the difadvantage of paying for our rum and molaffes a duty of four and a half per cent, when New England can fupply all the markets with rum, fugar, and molaffes, of foreign growth, without paying any of thefe duties. Was it not for this advantage they have over us, a great many of our veffels that mifs a freight of fugar in the Well Indies for London, would take fome rilm, molaffes, and fugar, and go to Newfoundland and barter it for filh or oil, and then proceed to fome other market with it, and might probably employ themfelves to advantage, or might, with a little rum, fugar, and molaffes, go to North Carolina, &c. and barter them for a cargo of pitch, tar, and {kins, and bring them to Great Britain.
As to what is alledged, that the reltraining the northern colonies from the difpofing of their horfes, provifions, and lumber to the French and Hollanders, might put them upon fome employment prejudicial to Great Britain, it is anfwered, That it hath been, {hewn already, that there is more reafon to fear the illands will not be fupplied with lumber as they ought to be, than that the northern colonies will want a vent for their lumber ; but if the Britifh colonies could not take off their lumber, they might fend it to Spain or Portugal, or to Great Britain, where it might be imported duty-free. They might employ themfelves in railing naval llores; the Government hath given them a large bounty upon that trade, which would be of vail advantage to our navigation, and fave the nation three or four hundred thoufand pounds a year, which is fent out annually to purchafe naval llores with from the north. But this favourite trade with the foreign fugar colonies hath diverted them from that excellent defign, to the enriching of the French, and to the great prejudice and almoll ruin of our own. As to the fourth objection, That the French would diltil their molaffes themfelves, and fupply the filheries with rum, if the northern colonies did not; it was anfwered, That the French diltil but very little rum at prefent, and know little of the matter; worms, Hills, and other dillilling utenfils coll a great deal of money; and this, mull be a work of time and very great expence; however, a poffibility of an inconvenience that might happen, ought not to have that regard paid to it as to prevent our colonies from being
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relieved in a point fo very prejudicial to them, as well as to the malt fpirits of Great Britain, with which their filheries were formerly fupplied.
To the c;th, That if the northern colonies did not take off the French fugars, they would carry them to other markets themfelves; it was anfwered, the French do already carry many fugars to foreign markets; if fo, they may fell to advantage, and the fur- plus which foreign markets will not take off, goes to our northern colonies to purchafe what is abfolutely neceifary for them, and what they could not have conveniently from any other place ; but even here the profit of the freight is gained not by Great Britain, but by the northern colonies only; which is a very fmall advantage in comparifon of the damage done by this means to our fugar colonies, efpecially as the French can afford their fugars cheaper than ours, and as the high duties paid for fugars in our plantations, make it impoffible for us to vend any to the northern colonies.
To the next objection, That if the importation of French and Dutch rum and molafles was prohibited, and they could have none but what they bought of the Englifh fugar iflands, or fell their lumber and provifions any where elfe, then the Englifh iflands would fet what price they pleafed upon their rum, and beat down the price of their lumber and other goods as they thought fit; it was anfwered, if the cafe was as the objection ftates it, the Britifh fugar colonies would be only upon a level with New England ; for, as that place is the only market from whence lumber is imported to the fugar colonies, New England, by a parity of reafon, is a monopoly of the lumber trade, and therefore does exact in the price of its lumber. But this is not, nor ever can be the truth of the cafe, either with regard to New England or the fugar colonies ; for as in a place of fuch extent as New England, where the lumber trade is carried on by a multitude of people, with a view to each trader’s feparate intereft, a monopoly of lumber cannot properly be made; fo in the fugar colonies that lie at a vaft diftance from, and are rivals to each other, by the production of the fame commodities, a monopoly is impracticable. The New England traders have no Iefs than fix Britilh iflands to go to for rum and molafles; each of thefe iflands is as independent on the other in its polity as diftant in fituation. There is little or no intercourfe, and lefs commerce, between thofe of them which are fituated the neareft, and no intercourfe at all between the remoteft of thefe iflands; becaufe the produce of them all being the fame, there can be no exchange of commodities, and confequently no commerce or intercourfe. It follows, therefore, where there is no intercourfe there can be no combination, no monopoly. On the contrary, each ifland is a rival to its neighbour, producing the fame commodities, and will in common prudence ufe all proper means to have its full fhare of trade; to which end nothing can be more conducive than to fell its produce at the cheapeft rate poflible.
As to the feventh objection, that the French and Dutch colonies furnifli our northern colonies with money, which they bring to Great Britain, and lay out in our manufactures, they anfwered, That there is no money among the French and Dutch fugar colonies. How therefore they can bring money from places where there is not enough for the common ufes of life among the inhabitants, is a paradox which they mull explain before the world will take it upon their word. If then that aflertion be not founded on tr*ith, it follows that they do not lay out money brought from thefe places in the manufactures of Great Britain; their traffic for fiih in the Streights (a trade in which they have fupplanted Great Britain) may furnifh them with money, but we deny that fuch money is laid out by them in the manufactures of Great Britain. On the contrary, it is to be prefumed, that their money is laid out with the French and Dutch

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m Europe for Eaft India goods, French filks, and other foreign commodities ; for, as it appears by their own evidence, at the bar of the Houfe of Commons, they import fitch wares into New England ; and we muft fuppofe they pay for them in money or fiflr, till they can prove that lumber is a valuable commodity in France and Holland. But fuppofing the New England people do lay out their product of fiih in Britifh manufactures, is that a fufficient compenfation to Great Britain, for robbing her of the filh trade to the Streights ? Do not the New England people, by their confefiion, acknowledge by implication, that they reap the profit of it both in navigation and trade up the Streights, which ufed to be enjoyed by Great Britain itfelf? What advantage is it to Britain to have this money laid out in her manufactures ? Would it not be a far greater to be the carrier of thefe manufactures to the Streights, and to bring home this money in her own fiiips, navigated by her own bailors ?
The inhabitants of the fugar colonies, it is faid, are very rich and very' luxurious. That the produCt of thefe colonies are of the richeft fort, and a mine to Great Britain, is allowed, and has been fully proved; but that the proprietors of the foil and manufactures are far from being rich, is evident from the proofs already made to the parliament, that they do not clear five findings for every hundred pounds weight of fugar they make. This the New England traders would think but a moderate profit upon one of their fhort voyages ; but it is too much for an inhabitant of the fugar colonies, who runs infinitely more rifle in the heat of the torrid zone, does the duty, and is liable to run the hazard of a camp in the time of war, and in time of peace live the hardeft life of all the inhabitants under the fun. That this is truly the cafe of the planters in the fugar colonies, all mankind that are acquainted with them will atteft ; but it may be evinced from the nature of the Weft Indian eftate itfelf, which is fubjeCt to ruin by the French, to fire from the combuftible nature of the fugar-canes, which are its product; from the vaft expence of materials and edifices for making fugar and rum, and from the like bxpence in negroes, cattle and mules; from the rilk of mortality in this part of their property, which is always half the value of a well fettled plantation: and Iaftly,. the expence of feeding, the care, anxiety, and prudent conduCt of governing two or three hundred negroes, with ftriCt juftice and humanity, and with advantage to himfelf, is the ftation of a planter; and is not this aftation that requires as much fortitude, induftry, and economy, as catching filh, or buying fkins from the Indians of New England ? In fhort, without a good fhare of all the qualifications neceffary to conduct an affair, the molt complicated in its nature, furrounded with difficulties and hazards, and in which the niceft economy and order muft be obferved, it is impoffible a planter fhould reap any profit from his eftate; therefore, if planters are rich, they muft be the belt economifts, and the moft induftrious men in the world, and therefore deferve what they acquire.
To the ninth objection, that the trade of theEnglifh fugar colonies is at prefent vaftly profitable; for the little ifland of Barbadoes in the year 1730 imported twenty thoufand feven hundred and fixty nine hogfheads of fugar, of which they made ^340,396. clear profit. It is admitted to be true, when rum and molaffes bear a reafonable price; then a plantation may, with the niceft economy, pay its own charges out of thofe articles. But if the New England traders take rum from foreigners, and molaffes to be diftilled into rum by themfelves, then the rum and molaffes will be fo far from bearing fuch a charge, that on the contrary, they will bear no price at all; but the molaffes muft be given to the hogs, as the French ufed to do, until New England taught them how to make a better profit of it. Have not then the Barbadians reafon to complain ? By the affiftance of the New England traders the French now have that great advantage, and the French plantations are now increafed above one third of the annual
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value, purely by that pernicious trade. This increafe to foreigners is a proportionable diminution of our own fugar colonies, and confequently a difadvantage to Great Britain. But is the product of that little ifland Barbadoes no lefs than ££340,396. brought into the ports of Great Britain in one year, what a fountain of treafure muft this be to the kingdom, even by the confeffion of the enemies to our Briti/h fugar colonies ? Do therefore the New England traders imagine that the parliament of Great Britain will facrifice this immenfe treafure to the advantage of a few New England diftillers ; or if it was a difadvantage to all New England (from whence Great Britain derives no advantage in comparifon of that), would it not be juft policy to fupport the fugar colonies ? but when the prefent oppofition is confidered, as founded on a trade with the French, the natural and implacable enemies of this kingdom, what honeft Englilh- man will look upon it but with difdain ? efpecially after it has appeared evident from reafon, from undoubted teftimony, and even by the implicit confeffion of the New England people concerned in this oppofition, that the French have increafed one third per annum in their wealth by this very trade; that our fugar colonies have declined in proportion, as has been proved already; and to complete the misfortune, the New England traders have drained even the Britilh fugar colonies of all their current caffi, for no other purpofe but to purchafe moloffes and rum of the French. This is a fact known by all the inhabitants of the fugar colonies, who are ready to prove it in the molt folemn manner.
The two houfes having heard the feveral fads ftated, with the proofs; and confidered the arguments and inferences drawn from them, paffed an ad of the following tenor : That after the 25th of December 1738, there ffiould be paid a duty of nine-pence a gallon for all rum and fpirits made in the plantations, not fubjed to Great Britain, on the importation of them into any of the Britilh plantations ; that fixpence a gallon fhould be paid for all foreign moloffes and fyrups imported, and five /hillings for every hundred weight, Englilh money, for fugar and paneles imported ; and that no fugar, paneles, fyrups or moloffes, fhould be imported into Ireland, unlefs Ihipped in Great Britain. And an allowance of two Ihillings per hundred weight more than heretofore granted, on the exportation of refined fugars. But the importation of Spanilh or Portuguefe fugars into Great Britain is ftill permitted by the laid ad.
Since the ad, the merchants and planters concerned in the Britilh fugar colonies preferred a petition to the Houfe of Commons, fetting forth, that by two ads of parliament paffed in the 12th and 22d of Charles II. the inhabitants of the faid colonies were reftrained from fending fugar to foreign markets before they are firft landed in Great Britain. That how prudent foever this reftraint may have been at the time the fugar trade in the Weft Indies was entirely in our hands, yet now our fugar illands are in a declining condition, from the increafe of the French fettlements, it would be highly beneficial not only to them but to Great Britain, to put the Britilh fubjed in a capacity of difputing foreign markets with the French, and to permit him to carry his fugars earlier and cheaper to thofe markets than he can do, under the reftraint aforefaid. That the fugar colonies import yearly into this kingdom fugar enough for our home confumption, and alfo a large furplus for re-exportation to foreign parts ; but the demand from abroad has greatly decreafed within thefe few years, and the markets for that commodity have been foreftalled by the French, not only to the prejudice of the fugar trade but alfo of the general trade of Great Britain, which muft affed the balance thereof. That if Britilh Ihips were permitted to go to foreign markets under proper reftridions, without unloading here, the whole charge,

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and in a great meafure the rilk, of a double voyage would be faved ; and the obliging fuch fhips to return to Great Britain, unload, and take their clearance here, before their proceeding on another American voyage, would be attended with this further good effect, that they muff afford to carry freight at the cheapeft rates, or return home empty; fo that this regulation would extend our navigation, and contribute to make us the carriers of Europe, without perjudicing the revenue, all the duties on fugar being drawn back on the re-exportation of it to foreign parts. For thefe reafons the petitioners prayed that liberty might be granted of carrying Britilh fugar from our fugar colonies in America directly to any foreign markets to the fouthward of Cape Finifterre, upon the fame conditions that the people of Carolina are permitted to carry their rice to the faid markets, and alfo carrying fuch fugars to any foreign markets to the northward of Cape Finifterre, after firft touching atGreatBritain, before they proceed on another Weft India voyage. But the great tendernefs parliament has always had for the famous aft of navigation, has prevented thefe indulgences from being granted, that might otherwife perhaps have been yielded to in behalf of the fugar colonies.
But the prefent war with France will afford the beft means of coming at the truth, in refpeft to the fafts afferted in the papers before-mentioned ; and therefore, whenever a general peace fhall be made, and parliament is at leifure to look into affairs of this nature, we have all the reafon in the world to expeft that this commerce will be put upon fuch a foot as that the inhabitants both of Great Britain and the plantations,, may reap from it the greateft advantages poffible. In order to this, the intelligent reader will eafxly difcern that the following fteps are neceffary. In the firft place, due care mull be taken to give the inhabitants of the fugar colonies all the relief that, is poffible from any hardlhips of which they have, or with good reafon might have, complained ; fuch as heavy and exorbitant falaries to their governors, large fums levied upon them, without being applied for their fervice, and the difficulties they are under, in obtaining fpeedy and effeftual juftice, when perfons in public ftations are inclined to extend their power too far, with a view to promote their private intereft. They fhould likewife have ail poffible encouragement given them for recovering their foreign trade, and beating out the French and other nations who have interfered in it; fince, in regard to both heads, it ought to be confidered that the public benefit, that is to fay, the enriching the fubjefts of Great Britain by the balance of trade in general, is the great point to be held in view ; from the attaining of which, all other incidental advantages, fuch as advancing the revenue of the crown, enriching particular families, and raffing private fortunes, would certainly and neceffarily follow, without their entering at all into the motives upon which laws for the good of the plantations are enafted. For if it could be once brought about, that either the old markets for fugar were retrieved or new ones opened, there is no doubt that Jamaica and other illands, where there are lands fit for that purpofe uncultivated, would be more fully planted, the inhabitants become more numerous, and their demands from Great Britain con- fequently larger than they are at prefent. On the other hand, the lame care, the fame diligence and alacrity are requifite, with regard to the colonies on the Continent; but, at the fame time it ought to be remembered, that whatever is done to promote the welfare and trade of the fugar colonies, muft neceffarily tend to the benefit and advantage of the plantations on the Continent, which fupply the fugar colonies with lumber, and other things requifite for the carrying on their trade ; and if, befides this, ways and means could be found to open new channels for the benefit of thefe colonies alfo, it ought moil certainly to be done.
We

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We have fpent a great deal of time indeed in furveying thus far the Englifh poffef- lions in the Weft Indies ; but in a work of this nature time could not well be fpent better; they are, if I may be allowed the expreffion, the pacific conquefts of this nation. Territories acquired, and for the moft part, at Leaft, acquired without fhedding blood, which fhews that induftry is as capable of rendering a nation powerful, as a thirft of war; and that a martial is not a more noble than a trading fpirit. What is gained by one war is frequently loft by another ; and even while it is kept, the expences created by a difputed title are greater than the value of the poffeffion; but what becomes ours, by this method of planting, remains always ours, and paffes without debate to our pofterity, the very power by which we acquire it fecures its continuance, and the longer we hold fuch acquifitions the more valuable they are rendered, and the more effectually annexed to our empire. They are out-works well garrifoned, which yet put us to little or no expence; they are diftant dominions, and yet clofely connected to us by the commerce which they create; theyare continually drawing people without prejudice to their mother country, becaufe the more populous they grow the greater their demands from hence, confequently the quicker our trade here, which will always bring over hither people from other countries.
We may therefore fafely affirm, that nothing can be of fuch confequence to Britain as the improvement of her colonies ; and which, at the fame time, is a confi- deration that muft powerfully recommend this to our attention, that it lies wholly in our power. We may be difappointed in our views, with refpect to other branches of trade, by the intrigues of our enemies, or from the want of a right difpofition in our friends, but with regard to this great branch of our commerce, nothing can injure, nothing can difappoint us, nothing can abridge or defeat our fucceffes therein, if we are not wanting to ourfelves. We can, from our plantations, bring moft of thofe commodities that are requifite for the fupport of our foreign commerce ; and this is, as well, or rather better, than if we had them here at home; we can, from our colonies, fupply ourfelves with thofe neceffaries, for want of which only foreigners could diftrefs us, fuch as iron, plank, hemp, pitch and tar, and if we fo pleafed there are few things we might not fetch from our plantations; fince, it is certain, that indigo, cochineal, and filk, might be had from our fouthern colonies, and many things from our northern fettlements, that have never been fo much as talked of, but might be eaftly difcovered, ifmen well verfed in minerals and metals werefent thither. In a word, the plantations were an honour of the laft age, and it fhould be our ftudy to make them the glory of this.
' CHAP-

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CHAPTER III.
AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA, FROM THE RESTORATION OF KING CHARLES II. TO THE REVOLUTION.
r. A fuccinci Account of commercial Affairs at the King’s Return, and of the Gircumflances that favoured the fettling new Colonies. —2. The State of the Country now called Carolina, from the Time of its firfl Difcovery to the granting of it to the Lords Proprietors by King Charles II. and thence to the Surrender of that Patent .—3. A Jhort Defcription of the Country of Carolina, and the principal Places in that Colony .— 4. An Account of the Produce, People, Commerce, Shipping and Importance of this Colony to the Britiff Nation. —5. The Grant of the Ifland ofAntego to Lord Willoughby, the planting that Ifland, its Produce, Commerce and Shipping .—6. The Conquejl of Nova Belgia from the Dutch, the Grant of that Country to the Duke of Tork, whence is derived its prefent Name of New Tork, and a Defence of our Title to that Plantation .— 7. An Account of that Country, its Situation, Climate, and ProduCl .—8. Of its Trade , Interejls, and Importance to Great Britain. —9. The Grant of the Eaft and Wejl Jerfeys to feveral Proprietors, and the Extent, Product and Trade of thefe Plantations.— 1 o. The Settlement of the IJland of New Providence and the Bahama Iffands, their prefent Situation, and the Advantages that may be expected from them. —11. An Account of the Charter granted to the Hudfon’s Bay Company for facilitating the Difcovery of a North-wef Paffage, and of the Settlements that have been made wider it .— 12. The Motives upon which were founded the Grant of the noble Country of Pen- fylvania to William Penn, Efq. by King Charles II. —13. An Account of the Extent, Climate, Soil, Produce, and State of that four iff ing Colony .—14. The Cominerce, Interefs, and Importance of Penfylvania to Britain. —15. Remarks and Obfervatiom on the foregoing Events.
1. A T the time King Charles II. returned to the poffeflion of his dominions, the J\_ nature of trade and the importance of the plantations were generally underftood, and by very few better than the king himfelf, who had a head mighty well turned for the comprehending whatever related to maritime affairs ; had improved his notions on that fubjeft in Holland, and had converfed much with perfons of quality and character, who had found it neceffary to feek fhelter from their enemies in thofe parts of the World. We need not wonder, therefore, that foon after the Reltoration various fchemes were fet on foot for enlarging, and effectually peopling the colonies already planted in America, as well as for fettling new colonies in fuch places as were not already occupied by our own or any other European nation. The king was advifed by fome, and folicited by others, to grant charters to new colonies from various motives. Prince Robert, or as we ufually call him, Prince Rupert, Duke of Cumberland, who had fpent fome years in America, had great notions of railing a naval ftrength there, capable of diftreiling the Spaniards, and of obtaining a fhare of the gold and filver they bring from thence. He was likewife perfuaded, that there were very rich mines vol. xn. x x in

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in Florida, and was therefore for promoting, at any rate, difcoveries and fettlements in- that country ; theEarl of Clarendon,Lord Alhley, and feveral others of his firft miniftry, confidered things in a very different light: they thought that plantations might be made ufeful drains for carrying oil' warm and turbulent fpirits; and that by granting liberty of confcience there to all the different feels who were retrained at home, they might fecure peace in Britain, and at the fame time procure vafl profit from America; for it was a fettled maxim with them, £ that induftry was the beft cure for enthufiafm which experience fhewed was extremely well founded.
There were fome other reafons that contributed not a little to render projects of this nature acceptable to the king ; for at that time there were numbers of people that wanted fome eftablilhment of this kind for their fupport, and whom it was much eafier to difpofe of in this manner, than to find means of rendering them eafy and content at home. As, for inflance, multitudes of royalifts who were undone by the war, and who feeing the fuccefs that had attended the planters in Virginia and Barba- does, were better pleafed to feek new fortunes in the Weft Indies, than to continue in a ftate of indigence and neceffity in England. Many likewife of the army that had been lately difbanded, were alfo inclined to take the fame method for obtaining a comfortable fubfiftance ; and were not afraid of danger and fatigues abroad, to which they had been long inured at home. There were a third fort of people who, either from a difaffeftion to the government then newly re-eftablilhed, or for fear of being called to an account for what they had done in former times, were very willing to tranfport themfelves into thefe diftant parts of the king’s dominions, that they might have a chance of railing eftates there, and at the fame time be fecure from any after reckonings for what, during our long feene of public confufions they had been doing here: we need not wonder therefore, that as foon as the government was a little fettled, many propofals Ihould be made for gratifying the friends to the government, who had very high pretenfions to the royal favour, with grants in America, which coft the crown nothing, and which afforded probable means of inriching particular perfons at the fame time that it opens a fure and certain means of extending the power, increafing the trade, and augmenting the wealth of the nation. We may add, that befides all thefe reafons, expedients, and advantages, there were likewife fome of neceflity ; for it was evident even to fuch as were no great politicians, that if fome meafures were not taken to prevent it, the Dutch and other foreigners, would infallibly fix themfelves in thofe countries which belonged .of right to'this crown, and which had been hitherto negledted; and therefore it was very wifely judged, that the plantations firft fettled, Ihould be in thofe parts of the continent that were in moft danger of falling into the hands of other nations.
Upon thefe confiderations, therefore, the adminiftration liftened very willingly to a propofal that was made within two years after the king was reftored, for planting the country now known by the name of Carolina; which feemed the more worthy of being fecured, as lying indifputably in the fineft climate in the world; and thereby promifing the higheft advantages to that European nation which Ihould fettle and cultivate it. Neither was it at all improbable, that when the property of this country was once fixed by a charter from the crown, and large privileges offered to fuch as would go thither and fettle, it might be very foon peopled ; fince amongft the many things for which that country was undoubtedly fit, they were likely to fall upon fome- what that might fupport and maintain them ; it is true that many things were given out of the country at that time, which have not hitherto been verified by experience; but
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then, 3S We fliall fhew hereafter at large, it feems to be rather imputable to the want of induftry and application in the inhabitants, than to any defect in the foil or climate : but to have juft notions of this, and from thence to form a right idea of the value of this noble country, than which the globe affords not a better, it is neceffary that we fhould enter into a few particulars, that we may thoroughly apprehend by what right we poffefs it ; how it came to be abandoned by another nation that feized it while unoccupied by us ; after what manner our firft plantations were made ; what great changes have happened in the conftitution of the colony ; the ftate it is in at prefent ; the benefits which Great Britain reaps from it, and what reafonable hopes there are, that it may yet turn more to our advantage. Of all which heads we (hall treat as clearly and as concifely as it is poflible.
2. The country of Carolina is part of that vaft region of North America which was formerly comprehended under the name of Florida, a name bellowed by John Ponce de Leon, in the Year 1^12; of whofe adventures and difcoveries we have already fpoken largely : He advanced, however, no farther northwards than the river of St. Matheo, and therefore it is plain, that the Spaniards never had any juft title to Carolina : But it is, however, very true that they flattered themfelves, that his having touched upon this continent, gave them a right to it; which notion, if well founded, would give us a better right, flnce Sebaftian Cabot had been feveral years before on the northern coaft of this very country, though it is doubtful whether he advanced fo far fouth as St. Matheo. The Spaniards, who deiired to fecure it to themfelves eight years afterwards, lent Yafquez de Ayllon to make a farther difcovery of it: He came upon the north coaft, and called the north-north-weft river by the name of Jordon. He did nothing except inviting many of the natives on board his fhips, where, when he had got them, he hoifted fail, and carried them into miferable bondage. In the year 1526, Charles V. Emperor of Germany and King of Spain, fent Pamphilio Narvaez to Florida, who {laid fo long in the fouth-weit part of this country, which'is the molt barren, that his people eat one another, his crew having lpent their provifions. Ten years afterwards, Ferdinando Soto came hither in fearch of gold and filver mines, having a little army of nine hundred foot and five hundred horfe. Himfelf and three parts of his foldiers died through want, by ficknefs, and the Indians, and the reft, were led back by Lewis Mofcos to New Spain, though not without great difficulty, the natives fetting upon them feveral times in their march, and killing all that fell into their hands. This unfortunate and expenfive expedition fo difcouraged the Spaniards, that for feveral years they made no more attempts in thofe parts, and indeed they fearched no farther than that part of the continent which lies oppofite to the gulph of New Spain, and not within, and beyond the Streights of Bahama, which is the moft fertile and rich, abounding in many valuable commodities.
The French perceiving the Spaniards neglected this long tract of land, Admiral Coligny, in the reign of Charles IX. procured two of the king’s fhips to be fent thither ; the command of which he gave to Jean Ribaut, who, after a voyage of two months, arrived at the River Dolphin, between that of St. Matheo and that of May ; lying about the 30th degree. The next river to that of May he called the Seine, the next to that, the Somme, then Loire, then the Charente and Garonne, at the mouth of Albemarle River, then called the Great River. The port being fate and commodious, he built a fort, which he called Charles Fort, and gave it the name of Port Royal, in 32 degrees, bordering on Virginia, now North Carolina, where the firft fettlement was made by any European nation. The civil war raging in France, Ribaut’s foldiers mutinied for want of fupplies; the natives, it is true, were very kind to them out of
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hatred to the Spaniards ; but they could not furnifh them with many neceflaries that they wanted ; and the admiral was fo engaged in politics at home, that he had not leifure to provide for the wants of his colony, fo Ribaut, having made fome difcoveries, in the north-eaft part of Florida, returned to France ; and in his return his company were reduced to fuch extremity, that they killed and eat one of their own men, and probably would have done fo by others, had they not accidentally met with an Englilh fhip ; the mafler of which furnifhed them with fome provilions. A peace being concluded two years after in France, between the papifts and the proteflants, Coligny, who Was then in favour at court, procured other fhips to be fent to this country, which was now called Carolina, from Fort Charles, as that was from the French king.
The command of thofe fhips and men on board, was given to Lewis Laudoner, who was ordered to carry on the fettlement. He arrived here the 20th of June, 1564, with three fhips, and was kindly received by the inhabitants ; but could find no gold or filver, though he fpent much labour and time about them. His provilions being almoft all gone, and the natives either unwilling or unable to furnifh him with more, Laudoner refolved to return alfo to France ; and as he was preparing to depart, Jean Ribaut arrived with three fhips, which had fo good an effect on the Indians, that they feemed to be as welcome to them as to the French : The Kings of Homoloa, Servaratri, Almacam, Malica, and Caftri, waited upon Ribaut to congratulate his arrival, andpro- mifed to conduct him to the Apalachian mountains, which part Carolina from Virginia. The French conceived great hopes from this fettlement, but all vanifhed on the arrival of the Spaniards, who with a fquadron of fhips and land forces drove the French out of their forts, killed Ribaut and fix hundred men, after having given them quarter, and obliged Laudoner, with a few of his countrymen who remained alive, to return to France.
The French king was lefs moved with this outrage committed on his fubjetts, becaufe they were proteflants; and indeed, it is thought, Coligny intended by this fettlement to fecure a retreat for himfelf and his brethren of the reformed religion in cafe they were conquered in France. Peter Melanda commanded the Spaniards, who diflodged the French, and- fo provoked the Indians, by his cruelty and injuftice, that they were very ready to revenge themfelves when opportunity offered, as it did not long after. For Captain de Gorgues, a French gentleman, at his own cofl, fitted out three flout fhips, and with two hundred and eighty men failed to Carolina, where he took the fort, and put the Spaniards therein all to the fword. They had built two other forts, which he eafily reduced, and ferved the garrifons as he did that of Fort Charles ; he demolifhed them, and was affifted by the kings of Homoloa and Servaratri. The French travelled into the dominions of the Great King of Apalacha, near the mountains, where they converted many Indians to Chriflianity. Thefe Indians were more civil than thofe to the northward, their king’s dominions larger, and their manners, in a great meafure, refembled thofe of the Mexicans, from whom they were thought to be defcended. We do not find that Monfieur de Gorgues made any fettlement here, or that the Spaniards endeavoured to recover the country, which from the year 1567 lay deferted by all European nations until the reign of King Charles II. of England.
In the year 1622 feveral Englifh families flying from the Maffacres of the Indians in Virginia and New England, were driven upon thefe coafts and fettled in the province of Malica near the head of the river of May, where they became a kind of mifiionaries among the Malicans and Apalachites. The king of the country is faid to have been baptized ; and in the year 1653, Mr. Brigflock, an Englifhman, went to Apalacha, where he was honourably entertained by his countrymen, -who were there before him, and from his relation ofthe country ours is taken.
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Such was the fituation of things, and it had been abandoned by the French for near one hundred years, when king Charles the Second made a grant thereof, bearing date March 24, 1663, to Edward Earl of Clarendon, then Lord High Chancellor of England, George Duke of Albemarle, William Lord Craven, John Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord Alhley, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkley, and Sir John Colliton, from the north-end of the ifland called Luck Ifland, which lies in the Southern Virginia Sea, and within 36 degrees of north latitude, and to the weft, as far as the South Seas, and fo foutherly as far as the river San Matheo, which borders on the coaft of Florida, and is within 31 degrees of north latitude, and fo weft, in a direct line, as far as the South Seas aforefaid, with all royal fifheries, mines, power of life and limb, and every thing neceflary in an abfolute propriety, paying a quit-rent of twenty marks yearly. Thefe proprietors afterwards obtained another grant, which fomewhat varied the bounds of the province, by fixing its northern frontier at C.arotoch River in 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, and extending it to the latitude of 29 degrees to the fouth, within which bounds both the Carolinas and the new province of Georgia are included.
The plan of government for this new colony was ftruck out by that great ftatefman, Anthony Earl of Shaftfbury, and digefted into form by the famous Mr. John Lock ; lb that great expectations were raifed by it. But without entering into a long detail upon this fubjeft, it is fufficient to fay, that how fair foever it might appear in theory, it was found by experience impoftible to carry it into practice ; fo that after ftruggling with the inconveniences produced by it for about fixty years, to the prejudice of the planters and proprietors ; the only remedy that could at laft be found, was to get rid of this fine fpun conftitution, in which it was pretended all the errors of our own were cured, and to put the province under the protection and into the hands of his majefty, which was accordingly done ; and this remedy has anfwered all the ends that could be expected from it in fo few years.
This furrender was made by the proprietors to Edward Bertie, Samuel Horfy, Henry Smith, and Alexis Clayton Efqrs. in truft for the crown. The proprietors, in their own right, or in truft, were then Henry Duke of Beaufort, William Lord Craven, James Bertie Efq. Doddington Greville Efq. Henry Bertie Efq. Mary Danfon, Elizabeth More, Sir John Colliton, John Cotton, and Jofeph Blake Efqrs. who were pof- felfed of feven-eighths of the propriety of the province, and fold it to the crown for 17,500b Each proprietor, who had a whole lhare, having 2,500b The outftanding quit-rents, and other incomes, due to the proprietors from the people of the province amounting to fomewhat above 9,000b alfo wer.e fold to the crown for 5,000b which was paid to the above mentioned proprietors after the fale and furrender had been confirmed by a particular act of parliament, in the year 1728, entitled, “An aft for “ eftablilhing an agreement with l’even of the lords proprietors of Carolina, for furrender “ of their title and intereft in that province to his majefty.” It will appear by the following claufe in the act of parliament, that the remaining one-eighth of the propriety, and arrears of quit rents aforefaid, were referved to the right honourable John Lord Carteret, now earl of Granville, “ Saving and referving always to the laid John Lord “ Carteret, his heirs, executors, adminiftrators, and aftigns, all fuch eftate, right, “ title, &c. to one eighth-part of the faid province or territories, and to one-eighth Ct part of all arrears, &c.”
In confequence of the powers granted to his majefty by this aft, he has ever fince appointed governors of North and South Carolina, and there is a great profpeft of its. becoming a purchafe highly beneficial to the crown, which will, however, in a great
meafure

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riding when a fliip is got clofe to the town, the harbour being feeured’ by a Fort called Johnfon’s Fort, which has about twenty guns in it, level with the furface of the water. The town was regularly fortified fome years ago, and feveral of the bullions, near the water, are Hill in being, and in good repair. But the baftions, pallifadoes, and foffe, next the land, being much damaged by a hurricane, and deemed of too great an extent to be defended by the inhabitants, General Nicholfon caufed them to be demolifned. The town now contains upwards of fix hundred houies, generally well built, fome of them of brick, but more of timber, and moil of them fafhed, forming regular and fpacious ftreets ^ and their church is much the moll magnificent in Engliih America, having three illes, an organ, and gallery ail round the church.
The town of Beaufort is fituated on the illand of Port Royal, in 31 degrees 40 minutes north latitude, an hundred miles fouth of Charles Town ; the' continent and illand forming a fine capacious harbour, which might hold the Royta Navy of England. The illand on which the town Hands, confifts of near one thoufand acres, and is navigable all round for boats and pettyaugers, and one half of it for {hipping, having four fathom water clofe to the high bluff, fo that fhips may load and unload from the ihore, without the affiftance of boats. The harbour is fecured by a fort built fome years fince, on which twelve culverins are mounted, but the town and illand have no fortification ; nor is the harbour fo well fortified as a place of this importance del'erves, efpecially as it lies fo nigh Spanifn Florida, and is faid: to be demanded by the Spaniards as part of their territories. There is not, indeed, above fifty or three fcore houfes in the town of Beaufort at .prefent, but from its advantageous fituation, and the goodnefs of the harbour, it is expected that this town will one day be the capital of Carolina : It is already the llation for the Britilh fquadron in thofe feas. There is another port town: lately erected at Wingaw, about fifty miles to the northward of Charles Town, to which they have given the name of George Town, and the fociety for the propagation of the gofpel have a miffionary here.
It would be needlefs to enter into a large defeription of this country, or of the towns that are erefled in it; only it may not be amifs to fay that North Carolina is within thefe few years become quite a different country from what it was, and the number of people therein is continually increafmg ; fo that there is good reafon to believe that whenever the inhabitants are blefi'ed with a wife, adtive, prudent, and public fpirited governor, this country may be fo improved, as to become infinitely more valuable than from anv of the accounts hitherto received of it could be expected. Indeed it may juftly be affirmed that the welfare and profperity of all our colonies depend fo much upon the choice of governors, that we can fcarce conceive any thing of fo great importance as the crown’s being extremely careful to veft none with fuch authority, but men of known capacity, ellabiilhed reputation, and competent fortunes.
4. As to the produce, llrength, and commerce of Carolina, the heft account we have, is from Colonel Purry, a man of great judgment, industry, and integrity, who went thither with a view to fettle, as he did, and therefore his accounts may be very fafely depended upon. He obferves that all forts of trees and plants will grow there as well as can be wiliied; particularly vines, wheat, barley, oats, peafe, beans, hemp, flax, cotton, tobacco, indigo, olives, orange trees, and citron trees, as alfo white mulberry trees for feeding of filkworms; and that the lands are not difficult to clear, becaufe there are neither {tones nor brambles, but only great trees, which do not grow very, thick, fo that more land may be cleared there in one week, than could be done in Europe in a month. The cuftom of the country is, that after having cut down thefe great trees, they leave the Humps for four or five years to rot, and afterwards eafily
root

SETTLEMENTS
It is therefore very certain that Carolina
is in general an excellent country.
It is true the ground is fandy, but then it is a fand impregnated with fait or nitre, fo that it brings forth in great abundance, as the like foil does in divers parts of Europe. But what feems peculiar to Carolina, there are a great number of plantations that have been continually cultivated for near feventy years, which yet produce great plenty, without ever being manured by the lead: dung, for they never lay any on their grounds ; the planter only turns up the fuperficies of the earth, and all that he plants and fows therein quickly grows and thrives : Thofe who underftand ever fo little of agriculture will be obliged to own, that if the lands in Europe were not conffantly manured, their ftrength would be fo exhaufted that at length the Crops would not pay for their feed ; but a man who has a little land in Carolina, and is not willing to work above two or three hours in a day, may very eafily live there, even on fo little labour. Another confideration deferving our notice is, the progrefs of the firft colonies; their fudden advancement ; the riches of the prefent inhabitants ; the great number of public expences for which they provide ; the great trade they carry on at prefent ; and Iaftly, their misfortunes and Ioffes, which are entirely repaired. The better to comprehend thefe matters, we fhali only make the following obfervations : That there were no people in Carolina till near fourfcore years ago ; for the Englifh did not fend any thither till the year 1670 : That they had at firft a very fatal beginning ; afflicted with ficknefs, and even the plague, which daily diminilhed the number of the people: That cruel deftruttive divifions broke out amongft tham: That they had a very bad government under the lords proprietors, being alfo without juftice, order, or difcipline : That at a certain time the pirates interrupted their trade and navigation: That they have often had great droughts: That a terrible fire confumed almoft all Charles Town : That they have been at great expence in fortifications, public edifices, churches, &c. That they have often fuftained long wars with the French, Spaniards, and particularly with the Indians, who once united together to deflroy the whole province. That notwithftanding all thefe misfortunes, the people of Carolina, except thofe who give themfelves up to debauchery, are all rich, either in Haves, furniture, clothes, plate, jewels, or other merchandizes, but efpecially cattle ; which fhews the goodnefs of the country they inhabit.
Silk-worms, in Carolina, are hatched from the egg, about the midle of March ; at the fame time that the mulberry leaves, which are their food, begin to open ; being attended and fed fix weeks, they eat no more ; but have fmall bullies fet up for them to fpin themfelves into balls ; which thrown into warm water, are wound off into raw filk. Rofin, tar, and pitch, are all produced from the pine trees ; rofin, by cutting channels in the Handing green trees that meet at a point at the foot of the tree, where is placed a receiver ; the channels are cut as high as one can reach with an ax ; and the bark is peeled off from all thofe parts of the tree that are expofed to the fun, that the heat of it may the more eafily force out the turpentine, which being taken from the receiver, and melted in kettles becomes rofin. Tar is made thus : They prepare a circular floor of clay declining a little towards the center; from which is laid a pipe of wood, the upper part of which is even with the floor, and reaches ten feet without the circumference; under the end the earth is dug away, and barrels placed to receive the tar as it runs ; upon the floor is built up a large pile of dry pine wood fplit in pieces, and furrounded with a wall of earth, which covers it all over only a little at the top, where the fire is firft kindled : After the fire begins to burn, they cover it likewife with earth, to the end there may be no flame, but only heat fufficient to force the tar downward into the floor 5 they temper the heat as they pleafe, by thrufting a ftick through
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the earth, and letting the air in at as many places as they fee convenient. Pitch is made by boiling tar in large iron kettles fet in furnaces, or by burning it in round clay holes made in the earth.
Black cattle have mightily increafed fince the firll fettling of the colony. About forty years ago it was reckoned a great deal to have three or four cows, now fome people have a thoufand head; and for one man to have two hundred is very common. The cows graze in the foreft, and the calves being feparated and kept in paftures fenced in, they return home at night to fuckle them ; they are firft milked, then {hut up in a fold all night, milked again in the morning, and then turned out into the woods. Here are hogs in abundance; they go daily to feed in the woods, where they rove feveral miles, feeding on nuts and roots; but having a fhelter made at home, to keep them warm, and fomething given them to eat, they generally return in the evening. The beef and pork that are raifed here find a good market in the fugar iflands.
The trade of Carolina is now fo confiderable, that of late years there have failed from thence, annually, above two hundred {hips laden with merchandize of the growth of the country, befides three fhips of war, which they commonly have for the fecurity of their commerce ; and laft winter they had conftantly five, the Ieaft of which had above an hundred men on board. It appears from the cuitom-houfe entries, from March 1730 to March 1731, that there failed, within that time, from Charleftown, two hundred and feven fhips, molt of them for England ; which carried among other goods, forty-one thoufand nine hundred and fifty-feven barrels of rice, about five hundred pounds weight per barrel; ten thoufand feven hundred and fifty barrels of pitch ; two thoufand fixty-three of tar; and feven hundred and fifty-nine of turpentine ; of deer-fkins, three hundred catks containing eight or nine hundred each ; befides a vaft quantity of Indian corn, peafe, beans, &c. beef, pork, and other falted flefh ; beams, plank, and timber for building, molt part of cedar, cyprefs, falfafras, oak, walnut, and pine.
They carry on a great trade with the Indians, from whence they get their great quantities of deer-fkins, and of other wild beafts, in exchange for which they give them only lead, powder, coarfe cloth, vermillion, iron, flrong waters, and fome other goods, by which they have a very confiderable profit. The great number of flaves makes another part of the riches of this province, there being above forty thoufand negroes, which are worth, one with another, twenty-five pounds each. Artificers are fo fcarce at prefent, that all forts of work is very dear ; tailors, fhoemakers, fmiths, &c. would be particularly acceptable there; a fkilful carpenter is not afhamed to demand thirty {hillings a day befides his diet, and the common wages of a workman is twenty {hillings per day, provided he fpeaks Englifh, without which he cannot be underftood, and confequently not fo ufeful as others ; and when a workman has but ten {hillings per day, he thinks he labours for aim oft nothing, though he has his maintenance befides ; but this is Carolina money. Moft of their fhoes are brought from England, and generally fell for forty {hillings per pair ; not but that they have hides enough, and very cheap, an ox’s hide being fold for twenty {hillings ; neither are they deftitute of the means to tan them, for they make very good lime with oyfter-fhells, and the bark of oak trees is fo plentiful, that it cofts nothing but the trouble of gathering ; they therefore want only a fufficient number of good tanners and fhoemakers. I might fay the fame of leather- drelfers, fince they fend every year to England above two hundred thoufand deer-fkins undrefled yet Carolina produces ochre naturally, and good fifh-oil may be had from Hew York, or New England, very cheap ; fo that they might be dreffed and made up into breeches in the country, for which thofe fkins are very proper, being cool in
voL, xn. y y fummer,

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
U 6
fummer, and warm in winter. There is not one potter in all the province, and no earthen-ware but what comes from England, nor glafs of any kind; fo that a pot-houfe and a good glafs-houfe would fucceed perfectly well, not only for Carolina but for all the colonies in America. There is a kind of fand and earth which would be very proper for thofe purpofes, as alfo wood and fern in abundance, if they had but workmen to make ufe of them. *
It may feem ftrange to affirm this, in an age when it is well known, that men-are inclined to go almoft any where, and may be tempted to almoft any thing, from the hopes of money. Thefe fafts, however, are very true, neither is it very difficult to account for them ; for if without much labour and pains not only a bare fubfiftence may be gained, but in time alfo good eftates may be raifed by methods already in ufe, we are not to expect that our people in the colonies will either run hazards or give them- lelves much trouble to ftrike out new ways to wealth, even though they fhould be convinced that fuch ways, at the fame time they increafed their own fortunes, would prove beneficial to their mother-country likewife. There are indeed fome people who take a pleafure in running down the countries we have planted in America, and in making their countrymen believe that they are amufed with fine ftories, without truth, or which, at leaft, have but a fmall mixture of truth in them. They fay, for inftance, that though Englilh wheat will grow in Carolina, yet it is apt to mildew, and almoft always runs up into ftraw, and produces but a fmall grain, and that it is very difficult to keep it from the weevil. Thefe, however, are inconveniences felt in other countries, where very good wheat grows, for which many remedies have been found and applied with fuccefs, as doubtlefs they might be there, if the planters went about it. The truth of the matter is, that rice is raifed without fo much trouble, and as they can exchange this in. Pen- fylvania and New York, almoft weight for weight for flour, they are content, and indeed think it a happinefs they can have bread without being at much pains in procuring it.
The fame thing may be faid of wine, which it is now generally agreed cannot be made there, becaufe their grapes ripening in June, when their great heats and heavy rains come on, are very feldorn fit for prefling. But it is very certain, that this is no better than an excufe, fince the wild grape ripens in October, and perfons fkilful in vineyards would foon teach them the means of making ufe of thefe. The very fame objections were raifed in reference to the country about the Cape of Good Hope; and it was as pofitively faid that no wine could be made there, but the Dutch have fhewn what ftrength there’was in the objection, by their improving into a paradife a place we depifed, and thought not worth the keeping; and while Madeira is to be had fo cheap, I am convinced no grapes will ripen kindly in Carolina. As to filk, the fame objection does not lie ; for it is well known, there are woods of mulberry-trees there, upon which the worms feed and fpin as well as in any place fn the world ; I may add, that filk has been brought over from Carolina, as good, in the opinion of the belt judges, as any that comes from Piedmont, for which we pay large fums of money every year ; but it falls out unluckily, that from the end of March to the beginning of May, when the worms want mod attendance, all the hands in Carolina are employed in planting and hoeing their rice, fo that they have no time to fpare for procuring a commodity, of which hitherto they do not feem to know the true value.
. But all the faults do not lie on that fide of the water ; fince it is true, that though there comes a great deal of pitch from thence, we have but little tar from Carolina ; whereas, there have been formerly many thoufand barrels brought in a year, not at all inferior to the bell tar from Norway ; which was, by this means, reduced from three
4 # pounds

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pounds to fifteen {hillings a barrel, with which reduction, it feems, we are content to have recourfe again to the north country tar, and no longer make ufe of what might come from this plantation. We may from thefe few hints fee clearly, that as great as our trade to theie colonies is, it might {fill become much greater, and that how beneficial foever they may be to Great Britain, we are far from deriving from them all the benefits we might do ; and though confidered, in one light, this feems a little diftafteful, yet, if we view it in another, it affords us a very comfortable profpect ; finc'e, when we are difpofed to apply ourfelves heartily to the improvement of this commerce, we have a moral certainty, that our endeavours will fucceed, and that Great Britain can never feel any fenfible decay of trade, while fhe preferves and cherifhes her plantations.
5. Among other perfons of quality and diftindtion who were juftly entitled to the favour of king Charles, there were few who had a better title than Francis Lord Willoughby, who was governor of Barbadoes, and who in 1663 obtained .a grant of the ifland of Antego,. in which he fettled a colony about three years after. The country had been known before, and if 1 am not miftaken, Sir Thomas Warner had attempted to fettle it. How it came to pafs that after the death of Lord Willoughby, who removed hither, this ifland came again into the hands of the Crown I cannot fay, but without all doubt, the fact is true, and this iflarfd now makes a part of the government with the reft of the. Leeward Iflands, and is faid to owe its prefent happy fituation to the care, induftry, and {kill of Sir Chriflopher Codrington, who made it the feat of his government when he was General and Commander in Chief of thofe iflands. It was here, that in the latter end of the the late Queen’s time Governor Park was killed by the people ; an affair that will be ever remembered, both in that part of the world and this, though it does not feem to be well underftood in either ; the faff moft certainly was barbarous and bloody enough ; but, at the fame time, it is as certain the provocations the people had received were great, which was the reafon that moft of thofe concerned in this murder efcaped with impunity.
But our bufinefs lies not fo much with men as with things, and therefore we {hall proceed to the defcription of the ifland Antego, or as it is fometimes written Antigua, which lies in 16 degrees 11 minutes north latitude, and in 63 degrees of longitude weft from London. It is of a circular form, about twenty miles in diameter, and near fixty in circumference. The climate is not to be boafted of, fmce it is allowed to be hotter than Barbadoes, and very fubject to hurricanes. The foil too is fandy, and a great part of the ifland is overgrown with wood ; but the worft of it is, that there are but few fprings, and not fo much as a Angle brook in the whole ifland, fo that the people depend chiefly upon rain-water, for which they are fometimes diftreffed ; yet, notwithftanding thefe inconveniences, it is a very confiderable and very thriving plantation.
This ifland is divided into five pariflies, four of which are towns ; as St. John’s Town to the northward, and Falmouth, Parham, and Bridge Town to the fouthward ; the other parilh is St. Peter’s. St. John’s Harbour is the moft commodious, befides which there are feveral other good harbours, as Five Ifland Harbour, fo called from five little iflands to the weftward of the ifle of Carflile Bay ; Englilh Harbour, at the bottom of which is Falmouth Town, defended by Charles Fort ; next to it is Willoughby Bay ; on the eaft Ihore is Bridge Town, the Green Bay, off which is Green Ifland; then Nonfuch Harbour, a fpacious bay. On this coaft, on the north-eaft fhore, are feveral little iflands called Polecat Iflands and Goat Ifland, and more to the northward Goana Ifland, Bird Ifland, Long Ifland, Maiden Ifland, Prickle-Pear Ifland. The foits are now in pretty good repair ; Monklhill Fort is mounted with thirty pieces of ordnance, it has a magazine with about four hundred and ten mulkets, and eight hundred bayonets,
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DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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in good order ; the other fort erected at St. John’s Harbour, is mounted with fourteen pieces of cannon •, there are feven other batteries raifed for the defence of fo many landing places, in all mounted withtwenty-fix guns.
The capital of the ifland is St. John’s d own, which confifts of about two hundred houfes ; and the number of fouls in all this colony are one thoufand five hundred at prefent. It has greater plenty of cattle and other beafts, efpecially' venifon, than any other of our Caribbee Iflands ; the animals of which are much the fame, as alfo their productions. Sugar, indigo, ginger, and tobacco, were the chief growths and commodities of Antego, when it was firft planted, but now indigo and ginger are very rarely cultivated there. The fugar and tobacco were both bad of the fort ; the former fo black and coarfe, that one would fcarce have thought any art could have refined it; and, as if our fugar bakers fcorned to put fuch dirt into their coppers, it was generally fhipped off for Holland and Hamburg, being fold for fixteen {hillings a hundred weight, when other Mufcovado fugars fetched eighteen or nineteen {hillings a hundred. The planters of Antego have fince improved their art, and as good Mufcovado fugar is now made there as in any of our fugar iflands. They have alfo clayed fome fugar, which was not known to have been done in Antego forty years ago.
Though there is not much tobacco planted in this ifland, what there is now is not fo bad as was formerly, when it was fold for no other ufe but to make fnuff. The wild cinnamon tree is faid to grow in the lowlands, or favanah woods in Antego. After Jamaica and Barbadoes, this has been confidered by fome as the moft confiderable of our iflands in America; and as there is ftill a great quantity of land capable of improvement, and it is allowed the people (here might make a third more fugar than they do, we may venture to allow, that it either is, or may be fo ; and if we confider what muft have been gained by our commerce with this ifland for upwards of fourfcore years, we cannot but judge that it has been highly advantageous to this nation, and very well deferves all the care and concern that can poffibly be expreffed for its protection and prefervation.
6. The next colony in America, which our method leads us to confider, is that of New York, which is ours by a double right, viz. of difcovery and conqueft. It was undoubtedly part of the country, the coafts of which were firft viewed by Sebaftian Cabot, and as fuch made a part of the original province of Virginia, I mean the country known under that name in the reign of queen Elizabeth, and was afterwards within the limits of the country, granted by king James to the weftern company. But before it could be fettled, that is about the year 1608, the famous navigator Hudfon difcovered that river which has fince borne his name, and the country adjacent, which he afterwards fold to the Dutch who planted there; but this was looked upon as illegal, becaufe they had not king James’s licence, which it feems they afterwards obtained. There are fome Englilh writers fo very partial in favour of this republic, as to be angry that this fettlement fliould be looked upon by us as a kind of invafion, but furely this is without reafon ; for if the fubjefts of any country were at liberty to fell and difpofe of places they had but juft feen, which was the cafe of Captain Hudfon, the inconveniences would be fo great as to produce endlefs wars, and therefore this practice muft be underftood to be contrary to the law of nations.
But however that matter might be, king James was fo great a lover of peace, that very probably he was glad to rid himfelf of the prefent difficulty, by granting them a licence ; yet if we duly confider this, the granting fuch a licence was a thing very deftruftive to the intereft of Great Britain, and might have proved extremely prejudicial to our northern colonies, and have been fuch a bone of contention, as muft
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have for ever prevented any harmony between the maritime powers. Thefe reflections, which rofe naturally out of the fubjeft, have led me a little from my purpofe, which was to explain the firft fettling here, which the Dutch made a little before we planted New England ; and from their firft coming, being feated in iflands and at the mouth of a good river, their plantations were in a thriving condition, and they began in Holland to promife themfelves vail things from their new colony. The Englilh puritans in Holland, who firft removed to America, intended to fettle here, having had an inviting defcription of the river, climate and foil, from the Hollanders, who did not care however, that the Englilh Ihould be fo near their plantations, as to be tempted to encroach on them, confidering the flaw that was in their title. The Englilh that went from Holland, intended to fettle on the coaft near Fair Field County in New England, lying between Connecticut and Hudfon’s river, but the Dutch apprehended they would there be too near neighbours. Thefe Englilh as has been already related, falling in with Cape Cod, after having refrelhed a little, tacked about to the fouthward for Hudfon’s river ; but Jones, who was the matter of the Ihip they came in, having been bribed by the Hollanders to carry them and land farther to the northward, inftead of putting to fea entangled them among dangerous Ihoals, which made them willing to get alhore where they were, and give over the defign upon Hudfon’s river. The Dutch had two or three years before been infulted here by Sir Samuel Argali, in his Way from Virginia to New Scotland.
He deftroyed their plantations, and it was to prevent the like for the future, they applied to king James for his licence to ftay there to build cottages, and to plant for traffic as well as fubfiftence, pretending it was only for the convenience of their ffiips touching there for frelh water and freffi provifions in their voyage to Brazil; but they by little and little, extended their limits every way, built towns, fortified them, and became a flouriffiing colony. In an ifland, called Manahattan, at the mouth of Hudfon’s river, they built a city which they named New Amfterdam, and the river was called by them the Great River. The bay to the eaft of it had the name of Naflau given it; about one hundred and fifty miles up the river they built a fort, which they called Orange Fort, and from thence drove a profitable trade with the Indians, who came over land as far as from Quebec, to deal with them. Henry Chriftian, the mafter of a fhip, the fame who gave the name to Martha’s Vineyard, which he difcovered, as the Dutch fay, was the firft governor there, and his fucceffor was Jacob Elkin, put in by the Weft India Company in Holland, to whom the ftates-general granted this country. The firft bounds of Nova Belgia were Maryland on the fouth, the main land, as far as could be difcovered weftward, which would ftretch to the nations bordering on the Miffiffippi, the great river of Canada northward, and New England eaftward; but, as will appear hereafter, the limits of New York are not fo large atprefent.
The Dutch colonies were in a very thriving condition when they were attacked by the Englilh, which was at the opening the fiift Dutch war in king Charles’s reign. We find fome writers very willing to reprefent this as a very unjuft war, becaufe Sir Robert Carr was fent to attack this plantation before they, in that part of the world, could have any notice of the war ; but then it ought to be remembered, that it was after the Dutch Admiral de Ruyter attacked our fettlements in Africa, and therefore I cannot think that this is fo very bad as it has been reprefented, or that it can at all prejudice our title to this country. The commiffion of Sir Robert Carr, impowering him to aft againft the Dutch, was dated on St. George’s day 1664, but he did not arrive till the latter end of the year. He brought with him between two and three
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thoufand men, and offering protection to fuch of the inhabitants as fubmitted, he became mailer of the whole country without a blow ; and it does not appear that the people were at all difpleafed at changing their mailers. His majefty, after it was reduced, gave leave to fuch of the inhabitants to ilay as were inclined thereto, and Suffered the reft to depart freely with their effedls. The number of the latter was but very inconfiderable in comparifon of the former; and Colonel Richard Nichols, who was left governor of the province, and continued fo twenty years, brought the people not only to reliih, but to be in love with the Engliih government; fo that there never was the leaft difturbance among the inhabitants on the fcore of their being fubjedts to England.
The Duke of York granted away a part of this province, as will be ihewn hereafter ; but the remainder, which is what we now ftyle New York, continued a royal government, as it ftill is, but very much changed for the better ; ftnce from being one of the pooreft, it is become one of the moft confiderable that we have in America, in con- lequence of the colony’s becoming one of the moft flourifhing, and this, though it has had the misfortune of being fometimes governed by men of moft arbitrary principles, and capable of doing fuch violent things, as nothing but their diftance from Great Britain could, I think, induce them to venture upon. The laft governor of the Jerfeys, who is lately dead, felt the effects of fuch a fpirit when in another ftation, and rofe ter that government by fuffering with decency and dignity the outrages of one clothed with that authority ; but when he came himfelf to execute that office, he ffiewed, what we very feldom fee, that there are fome natures which even power cannot corrupt; for he behaved fo well as to abolilh the memory of paft grievances, and to leave a perfect model for his fucceffors in that government.
7. The country of New York, properly fo called fince it became Engliih, is thus bounded, viz. by Canada on the north, New England on the eaft, the ocean on the fouth, and the five nations and New Jerfey on the weft, and is about two hundred miles in length from north to fouth, that is, from the mouth of Hudfon’s river to the Lake of Champlain on Corlaer, and it might be extended two hundred miles farther north if we poffeffed all the country we claim, as far as the river St. Laurence ; but the French having built forts on the Lake Champlain, have in a manner, expelled us from the north part of this country ; the Engliih only poffefs the country fouth of that lake at prefent, and this is exceeding narrow in moft places ; particularly between Connecticut colony on the eaft, and New Jerfey on the weft, it is fcarce twenty miles broad. But to this we mull add the illand Manhattan, which the city of New York Hands upon, Staten Illand and Long Illand, all which lie before the mouth of Hudfon’s river, and are comprehended in New York proper.
This province is divided into ten counties, which going from north to fouth down Hudfon’s river, are Albany, Ulfter, Duchefs, Orange, King’s County, Chefter, New York County, Queen’s County, Suffolk County, and Richmond County, which are pretty well replenished with provifions and farms, but have not many great towns in them. The chief towns of New York city, Schcnectida, Albany, Wellchefter, &c. in all, or moft of which towns, are miffionaries, either minifters, fchool-mafters, or catechifts, fent over and maintained chiefly by the fociety for the propagation of the gofpel, who have taken moft laudable care in this refpedl. New York city is fituated in 40 degrees 40 minutes north latitude, and 47 degrees 4 minutes weftern longitude, at the fouth end of York County, being an illand at the mouth of Hudfon’s river, about fourteen ■miles long and two or three broad. As this town Hands upon an eminence, and contains upwards of a thoufand houfes well built with brick and ftone, with a wall and
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forts, which ferve as well for ornament as defence, there is fcarce any town in North America that makes a better, and but a very few fo good an appearance. It has alfo an excellent harbour, furnifhed with commodious quays and warehoufes, and employs fome hundreds of Ihips and veffels in its foreign trade and fifheries. The public buildings are the feveral churches belonging to thofe of the church of England, to the Swedes of the Lutheran perfuafion, to the Dutch calvinifts, the French refugees, and the Englifti fecftaries ; but the church of England may well be looked upon as the eftablilhed religion, becaufe the conftitution of the government is the fame as in England ; the reft, however, are tolerated, and capable of polls in the government, and of fitting in the Houfe of Reprefentatives, as I apprehend. The other public buildings are the Town Houfe, and that where their general affemblies and courts of juftice are held. As to their fortifications, they are not, I doubt, capable of defending them againft an European enemy, any more than thofe in the reft of the plantations, for this unanfwerable reafon ; becaufe they were fome years ago confeffed to be fo bad, that it was not fit to enquire into the Hate of them, left foreigners fhould be acquainted with our weaknefs on that fide. There are, indeed, four hundred regular troops fent from England to garrifon this, and fome other towns of this province; of which two companies always are, or ought to be, upon duty in this city ; but admitting they were always compleat, and ever fo well difciplined, this feems to be but a very inconfiderable force to defend a province of this importance againft an invafion, unlef3 their country militia be more to be depended upon than that of other places.
As New York may be looked upon to be the frontier garrifon in the fouth againft an invafion from any maritime power, fo Schenectida town and fort, in. the county of Albany, twenty miles north of the town of Albany, may well be deemed their frontier on the north againft the French of Canada, and their Indian allies, who, in the year 1688, furprifed and almoft demolilhed the town, with the works about it; but they have fince been repaired and enlarged, and fort Nicholfon and fome other forts erected ; in which, and in Albany, the reft of the regular troops are quartered, for the defence of that frontier, Albany is a confiderable town, fituated on Hudfon’s river, an hundred and fifty miles north of New York, having a fort erected for its defence; and here it is that the Sachems, or kings of the five nations, meet the governors of our northern colonies, to renew their alliances, and concert meafures for their defence againft their common enemy, as has been intimated already. South-weft of the ifland and county of New York, lies Staten Ifland, being about ten miles in length and fix in breadth, and in it are a great many good farms and plantations, but not one town that I can meet with in the accounts of this province.
Long Ifland lies eaft of Staten Ifland, and fouth-eaft of that of New York, oppofite to the colony of Connecticut,- being an hundred and fifty miles in length, and generally about twelve in breadth, and contains three of the comities above mentioned, viz. Queen’s County, Suffolk County, and Richmond County; the chief towns in Queen’s County, are Jamaica and Hempftead; in Suffolk County the chief town is Oyfter Bay. The town of Richmond gives name to Richmond County, in which alfo is the town of Southampton, in the fouth-eaft part of the ifland ; and there alfo are fituated the towns of North Caftle and New Windfor, There is a celebrated plain in the midft of Long Ifland, fixteen miles long and four broad, to which they have given the name of Salilbury Plain; having, as it is laid, as fine a turf as that on Salilbury Plain in old England ; and there being an excellent breed of horfes in the ifland, they have races here every feafon, to which the gentlemen of New England and New York refort, as they do to Newmarket with us. There are other good towns
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which lie in the county of Weftchefter, on the continent eaft of the mouth of Hudfon’s river, the chief wher&of are Weftchefter and Rye.
8. At the time we became mailers of this country it was very thinly peopled, in comparifon to what it is at prefent, and in no fmall danger from the French, who fettled at the back of it, and the Indians who were fettled on its frontiers, but at prefent, it is fafe enough from both ; the number of people being vaftly encreafed, fome fay to fifty thoufand, taking in all forts, fo that the French apprehend danger from us in their turn; and the Indians think themfelves very happy under our protection ; and fuch care has been taken to treat them with proper kindnefs, as to pre- ferve them in our intereft, as effectually as if by force they had been reduced to be our fubjeCts. They fupply the Engliih in the fummer with venifon, fifh and fowl, very cheap/ The trade from New York to the fugar iflands, particularly Barbadoes, which is very confiderable, is in corn, flour, bread, beef, pork, peafe, bacon gamons, fmoked beef, apples, onions, board and pipe-ftaves, for which they receive in return, fugar, moloffes, rum, ginger, &c.
The New York merchants drive alfo a very advantageous trade with Madeira and the Azores in pipe-ftaves and fifli, for which they load their fliips back with wine and brandy ; and, generally fpeaking, there is fcarce a more profitable trade in the Britilh commerce. I am very well warranted in faying this, by what the agents for the colony alledged upon the difpute with the fugar plantations, of which we have given fo large an account. They affirm, that their winters being fevere they take off more of the woollen manufactures of this kingdom than all the iflands put together, Jamaica excepted; and return more gold and filver to pay for them, which I never heard was denied. What they alledge in juftification of their dealing with the French fettlements is Angular enough, and deferves particular notice. They fay that they trade with what they have, with thofe who will purchafe it, and that while they do this they fhall live well, clothe themfelves in Englifh fluffs, and pay for them honeftly; but if they are deprived of this trade, the profits of which enable them to pay for Englifh clothing, they muft endeavour to make ufe of their own wool, and fupply themfelves as well as they can. If this ffiould be prohibited, they affirm, they muft abfolutely go naked.
This, perhaps, is {training the matter a little beyond the truth; but beyond all doubt, this colony is very ufeful to Great Britain, and in conjunction with the other bread colonies, as they are called, the foie fource of our foreign fugar trade, as in a few words may be ffiewn. The fugar iflands muft depend for their fubfiftence, either upon the Britifh iflands or upon thefe colonies ; fince it is very certain, that if they were to draw all their maintenance from hence, granting that to be poffible, it would make labour in thofe iflands fo dear that no fugar at all could be exported. On the other hand, if the people of New York fhould be forced to fet up manufactures of their own, this would employ fo many hands as muft neceffarily raife the price of provifions, and this confequently would have in a great meafure, the fame bad effetl in making labour dear in the iflands. It is therefore the bufinefs of Great Britain to take care of both, and not to fide haftily with either.
But it is more efpecially our bufinefs to prevent fetting up manufactures in the plantations on the continent; becaufe this would injure the trade between us and them, Ieffen the fhipping employed therein, decreafe the number of our feamen, and detach thofe colonies in a great meafure from their mother country ; which, as they are evils not to be borne, fo too much diligence cannot be ufed to avoid them. As things fland at prefent, there is not a colony in America which makes a better figure than New York, or where the people feem to have a greater fpirit of induftry, or more hearty affe&ion to
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the Britilh nation ; and it is univerfally agreed, that the city of New York is, in point of good government and politenefs, at lead: equal, if not fuperior, to any thing we poffefs in that part of the w orld ; and as for the inhabitants of the inland part of the colony, they are our bell defence againft the French, and are every day gaining upon them in point of trade with the Indians; which are certainly circumftances that deferve the utmoft confideration, and ought above all others, to recommend this plantation to the protection and favour of the Britilh government ; which no doubt they will always meet with while they continue, as they have hitherto done, to ftudy by every method to deferve it.
9. The countries now called the Jerfeys, or with greater'propriety, the Eaft and Weft Jerfeys, come next in our way. Thefe fell under the dominion of the crown of Great Britain by conqueft, at the fame time with, and as making a part of Nova Belgia; and if to this right, acquired by war, or rather vindicated by it, for I conceive that the dominion of this country, which was all that we gained by the war, we had a very juft title to before; if, I fay, there was any thing wanting to fill up the meafure of ouf claim, it was certainly made up by the peace, fince an equivalent was then given to the Dutch ; fo that both nations had very good reafon to be content. In order, however, to obtain a juft and clear notion of the hiftory and condition of this trad of country, it is neceffary to obferve, that even the Dutch were not the original inhabitants of it; the feveral voyages that had been made for the planting of Virginia, made thefe coafts very well known to multitudes of Englilh feamen, and thefe being difperfed into different parts of the world, carried the news of thefe rich and pleafant lands in America along with them wherefoever they went, which infpired ftrangers with ftrong defirefc of occupying what we feemed to have abandoned, or the fettling of which was beyond our ftrength, at leaft at that time.
The firft Europeans that fettled here were the Swedes, who had three towns in this province, Chriftina, called by the Indians Andaftaka, Elfinbourg, and Gottembourg. Their fettlements were chiefly on the fouth-fide of the river towards Penfylvania; oppofite to which there is a place, to this day called Fort Elfinbourg ; but the Swedes made very little of their plantation, and the Dutch, always induftrious for their own advantage, worked them fo far out of it, that Bergen, the northern part of the New Jerfey, was almoft entirely new planted by Hollanders. King Charles II. gave this trad, in his grant of Nova Belgia to the duke of York; but the Englilh never made any fettlement in it till feveral years after they were in the pofl'eflion of that province, and. had mightly extended their plantations.
The Duke of York having invefted this province by the name of Nova Caneria, in John Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, they or their aflignees, agreed to divide it into two parts, denominated Eaft and Weft New Jerfeys, which remained two diftinct proprieties and governments for many years afterwards, as will be Ihewn : Eaft New Jerfey, or that part of it which borders on New York, fell to Sir George Carteret j whole family being of the ifle of Jerfey, this province on that account took its name from thence. Weft New Jerfey, that part of it which borders on Penfylvania, fell to the Lord Berkeley. This whole province, containing thq two Jerfeys, is thus bounded; it has the main ocean on the fouth-eaft, the river Delawar on the weft, Hudfon’s river on the eaft, and the main land on the north ; it lies between 39 and 40 degrees north latitude; extends itfelf in length on the fea coafts, and along Iludfon’s river, one hundred and twenty miles, and is almoft as broad as long where it is broadeft. We muft now take fome notice of the province as it was under the divifion of eaft and weft, and was divided into two proprieties ; of thefe, the largeft and moft inhabited* was Eaft Jerfey, vol. xn. z % which

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which extended eaftward and northward all along the fea coaft and Hudfon’s river, from Little Egg harbour to that part of Hudfon’s river which is 41 degrees north latitude ; and fouthward and weftward was divided from Weft Jerfey by a line of partition from Egg harbour, or Crefwick river, Stony river, and the fouth branch of Raritan river; it extends in length along Hudfon’s river, and on the coafts, 100 miles; in breadth it is very unequal; it is divided into counties, for which there was little occa- fion, as Bergen County, Effex County, Middlefex on the north fide of Raritan river, and Monmouth County on the fouth. According to fome writers, Weft Jerfey is divided from the other by a line from north to fouth ; contains the like number of counties, viz. Burlington, Gloucefter, Salem, and Cape May.
Thefe two provinces are in the hands of different proprietors, who made many affign- ments of their rights, which would take up too much room to enter into the detail of here, and therefore we fhall content ourfelves with obferving, that the proprietors both oftheEaft and WeftJerfeys, on the 22d of April 1702, put them into the hands of Queen Anne, and they have been ever fince governed by the royal authority, having a governor, council, and affembly; which governor has power of appointing a deputy. We muft alfo remark, that fometimes this government has been granted by a feparate commiflion to the fame perfon intrufted with that of New York; but at prefent they are in different hands. The chief towns in the Jerfeys are Perth Amboy, the capital of the county of Middlefex, and of all Eaft Jerfey, pleafantly fituated at the mouth of Raritan river, and, had it been built according to the intended model, would have been one of the fineft towns in North America; but planters have not reforted to it, as was expedited; notwithftanding, it is fo commodioufly fituated for trade, that fhips of three hundred tons may come up in one tide, and lie before the merchants doors; but the town of Elizabeth, fituate to the north of it, flourifhes much more, and may ftill be deemed the moft confiderable town; in the county of Bergen, the capital of the county of the fame name; Elizabeth town, capital of the county of Effex, and formerly of Middlefex; Middleton, Shrewfbury, and Frehold, in the county of Monmouth; Burlington or Bridlington, the capital of the county of Burlington, and of all Weft Jerfey; this town is fituate 40 degrees 40 minutes of north latitude, on an ifland in the middle of the river Delawar, to the northward of Philadelphia in Penfylvania, and on the oppofite fide of the river; the houfes are handfomely built of brick, and laid out into fpacious ftreets, with commodious quays and wharfs, to which fhips of two or three hundred tons may come up ; it has alfo a handfome market-place, a town-houfe or guildhall, where the courts of juftice were heretofore held, and two good bridges over the river; the one called London-bridge, and the other York-bridge, and having an eafy communication with Philadelphia and the ocean, by the river Salem, which falls into Delawar bay, it is faid to be one of the belt towns in Weft Jerfey, whether we confider its fituation, building, or trade.
The trade of the two Jerfeys, as alfo the foil and conveniences of rivers and creeks, are much the fame, except thab Weft Jerfey, by its fituation on Delawar river, abounds more in the latter. The country yields plenty of all forts of grain, and the inhabitants are faid to have been fo fcrupulous, that they would not enter upon a new plantation before they had purchafed it of the Indians, which they did at no very dear rate. It is computed that they are about fixteen thoufand fouls, and about three thou- fand men fit to bear arms. There are not two hundred Indians in this province, indeed neither here or elfewhere in the Britifh empire, are the Indians of any force, unlefs in conjunction with the French at Canada, or the Spaniards in Florida. The Indians are now rather an help than an hurt to the Englifh, and here efpecially they wifh there
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•were more of them than there are, fo ufeful have they found them. Befides provlfions for the fugar iflands, the inhabitants drive a trade in furs and ikins, and a little in tobacco ; but it would be well if the colonies cultivated that lefs and provifion more, or any other commodities that are fit for foreign markets, which are much clogged by the product of our tobacco plantations; they fhip off train-oil, fifh, corn, and fome other provifions for Portugal, Spain and the Canaries •, fhips may be built at Perth, but New England engroffes that trade, and has thebeft and the molt materials for it; and it muft be owned that New York is the belt market New Jerfey has, for the buying and felling any confiderable quantity of goods of any kind.
This may poffibly keep the Jerfeys a little under, but notwithftanding the difficulties they have had to ftruggle with, it is. very certain that within thefe twenty or thirty years paft they have increafed prodigioufly, and nothing can give a check to it except fome fudden fufpicion of their dealing in commodities and fetting up manufactures which may interfere with thofe of their mother country. I do not deny, that if there were any juft grounds for fuch a fufpicion care ought to be taken and fome remedy applied, but then this requires great caution. In former times, when we were lefs ufed to trade we encouraged all j and provided our people were but employed, and traders bufy, we took it for granted that profit muft enfue, and fo very probably it did. But the prefent age is fo unacquainted with the caufe of the increafe of our riches, that they rather interrupt than encourage it, and inftead of inlarging lay hold of fome fmall trifling things which they think may touch their private intereft rather than promote the general good ; and if they think any commodity from the plantations interferes with fomething we have at home, fome hafty ftep is taken to prevent it j fo that for the fake of faving one penny we often debar ourfelvesof things of a thoufand times the value. This misfortune will happen to any trading nation, if the perfons who have the regulation of the commerce do not underftand it well enough to diftinguifh nicely between thofe channels by which riches flow in upon them and thofe that carry them away ; and therefore, when things are carried into a wrong channel by fome of the planters, merchants are afraid to mention thofe diforders for fear the remedy lhould prove worfe than the difeafe. The gentlemen that would judge of thefe things ought to inform themfelves what this nation was one hundred and fifty years ago, how we have increafed in riches fince that time, what price corn, cattle, and land bore then, and what now; and what concurring circumftances have put us in fo flourifhing a condition, who were then fo inconfiderable in trade, that even London, the metropolis of this kingdom, made but a fmall figure to what Bruges, Antwerp, and other Hanfe Towns did, as well as the great cities in the Mediterranean.
If we examine into the circumftances of the inhabitants of our plantations and our own, it will appear that not one fourth part of their product redounds to their own profit j for, out of all that comes here, they only carry back clothing and other accommodations for their families, all which is of the manufacture and merchandize of this kingdom. If there is any thing to fpare it is laid up here, and their children are fent home to be educated; if there is enough to fupport the family they come here, and only an overfeer is left upon the plantation to direct, and the whole produce is remitted home, and if enough to purchafe an eftate, then it is laid out in Old England. All thefe advantages we receive by the plantations, befides the mortgages on the planters eftates, and the high intereft they pay us, which is very confiderable; and therefore very great care ought to be taken in regulating all affairs of the colonies, that the planters be not put under too many difficulties, but encouraged to go on cheerfully. They are born with us, or the defendants of fuch, and we know nothing but the want
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of the means to live at home keeps them abroad. There are very few trading or mamrr fatturing towns in the kingdom but have fome dependence on the plantation trade. It is true, thefe, and in general all the northern colonies, have not commodities and pro* dufts enough to fend us in return for purchafing their neceflary clothings, &c. but are under very great difficulties, and therefore any ordinary fort fells with them; and when they are grown out of falhion with us they are new-falhioned enough there; and befides thofe places are the great markets we have' to difpofe of fuch goods, which are generally fent at the rifk of the fhopkeepers and traders of England,, who are the great exporters, and not the inhabitants of the colonies, as fome have imagined. As the colonies are markets for thofe forts of goods, fo they are receptacles for young merchants who have not ftocks of their own, and therefore all our plantations are filled with fuch who receive the confignments of their friends from hence; and when they have got a fufficient ftock to trade with they return home, and other young men take their places, fo that the continual motion and intercourfe our people have into the colonies may be compared to bees in a hive, which go out empty, but come home loaded; by which means the foundations of many families are laid.. The numbers of failors, and other tradefmen, who have all their dependance upon this traffic, are pro- digioufly great.
Our fadtors, who frequent the northern colonies, being under difficulties to make returns for fuch goods as they difpofe of, what gold, filver, logwood, and other commodities they trade for upon the Spanifh coaft is fent home to England, as alfo oifo whale-fins, and many other goods ; likewife another great part of returns is made by ihips built there, and difpofed of in the Streights, and other parts of Europe, and the money remitted to us. Now all thofe Ihips are called New England Ihips, and our factors, after they undertake any bufinefs, are no longer called Englishmen, but New Englanders, and the Ihips they build, we are informed, are regiftered as New England- ihips. I fhall therefore humbly recommend it to fuch gentlemen as are guardians of the trade of the nation, that our own interelt is not miftaken for thofe of the planters for every reftraint and difficulty put upon our trade with them makes them have recourfe to their own products, which they manufacture, a thing of great confequence to us,, and ought to be guarded againlt; for if they are fupplied with their own manufactures,, a great part of the advantages wefhould otherwife receive is cut off; and therefore, as it is elfewhere obferved, if care is taken to find them employment, and turn their induftry another way, now they are in their infancy, this may with a very little trouble be avoided.
There is another advantage we receive by our plantations, which is hardly fo much as thought of; I mean the prodigious increafe. of our fhipping by the timber trade, between Portugal, &c. and our plantations, which ought to have all poffible encouragement, for by it we have crept into all the corners in Europe, and become the common carriers in the Mediterranean, as well as between the Mediterranean, Holland, Hamburg, and the Baltic, and this is the caufe of fo great an addition to our flapping, and the reafon why the Dutch, &c. are fo exceedingly funk. But if ever a flop fhould be put to the building of fhips in New England, &c. and carrying our timber from thence, we fhould foon fink in our navigation, and that of the Dutch flourifh in its former height and grandeur. The numbers of Englifh fhips, we fo often read of, that are at Lifbon, or the Streights, is a fufficient demonflration of the truth of this •, doubt- lefs a great many of thefe fhips are laden upon account of the Dutch, for nothing is more common than their hiring our fhips (which difcharge their loading in the Streights), to tranfport their goods from Spain, &c. to A miter dam, and other places.

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We have a great many young men who are bred to the fea, and have friends to fup- port them; if they cannot get employment at home they go to New England, and the northern colonies, with a cargo of goods, which they there fell at a very great profit, and with the produce build a fhip, and purchafe a loading of lumber, and fail for Portugal, or the Streights, &c. and after difpofing of their cargoes, they frequently ply from port to port in the Mediterranean, till they have cleared fo much money as will, in a good part, pay for the firft colt of the cargo carried out by them; and then, perhaps, fell their fliips; come home } take up another cargo from their employers; and fo go back and build another Ihip. By this means multitudes of feamen are brought up, and upon a war the nation is better provided with a great number of failors, than hath been heretofore known. Here the mafter becomes merchant alfo, and many of them gain, by this lumber trade, great eftates ; and a vaft treafure is thereby yearly brought into the kingdom, in a way new and unknown to our forefathers, and, indeed, it is gaining the timber trade (heretofore carried on by the Danes and SwedesJ, our plantations being nearer the markets of Portugal and Spain than they are. Thofe advantages have made fome people think that though we efleem New England, and the northern colonies, of fmall advantage to us, yet if things were truly ftated, they are as profitable as moll other of our plantations, or, which amounts to the fame thing, the caufe of the profits we reap from thofe other colonies, which, howeyer, coming to us immediately from thence, feem to enrich us more than they really do, at the fame time that they hide from us the true fources of their own wealth. But,
We will now quit this fubject, in order to follow the thread of our hiftory, which leads us next to fpeak of the fettling the Bahama Illands, places that have not hitherto anfwered in any proportion to the great expectations that were raifed upon the firft grant of them; though this is certainly fo little to be afcribed to them, that about twenty-five years ago there was a general difpofition in the molt knowing people of this kingdom to attempt a new fettlement there, which degenerating into a bubble, all hopes of that kind feem to be loft. Our bufinefs, however, is not with the modern, but with the antient, ftate of thefe iflands; of which, and of the motives for fettling them, u'e fhall give the cleared account we can.
io. The Lucayos, or Bahama Iflands, are fituated in the Atlantic Ocean, and to the north of the illand of Cuba, ftretching from the north-eaft to the fouth-weft, between 21 and 27 degrees of northern latitude, and between 73 and 81 degrees of weftern longitude. The illand of Bahama, which communicates its name to the reft, is feated in the latitude of 26 degrees 30 minutes, at the diftance of about twenty and thirty leagues from the continent of Florida. It is about fifty miles in length, but very narrow, fcarce any where fixteen, and in many places not half fo broad, but very pleafant and fruitful; the air temperate and ferene; the foil remarkably rich, and the country every where abounding with brooks and fprings of frelh water.
Though thefe iflands were the firft fruits of the new world, Columbus arriving firft at Guanahani, which is one of them, and to which he gave the name of St. Salvador, yet the Spaniards never thought of fettling there, but contented themfelves with extirpating the native inhabitants; a moft barbarous proceeding furely, fince at this time they were the belt people of any part of all America; fo that they wantonly murdered many thoufands to no purpofe in the world. As thefe iflands lie pretty much out of the courfe of Ihips bound to the continent of America, it was long before we had any notice of them; but in 1667 Captain William Sayle, being bound to Carolina, was; forced by a ftorm amongft thefe iflands, which gave him an opportunity of examining
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them carefully, particularly a large ifland, to which at that time he gave his own name, and is that which has been fince known by the name of New Providence.
Upon his return to England, he acquainted the proprietors of Carolina with the fituation and circumftances of thefe iflands; obferving, that in cafe they were fettled, they might prove a great benefit to this nation, and at the fame time a conflant bar and check to the French and Spaniards, in cafe of a breach with either or both of thofe nations. Thefe reafons being fuggefted to King Charles the lid. his majefty was gra- cioufly pleafed to make a grant of the Bahama iflands, between the latitudes of 22 and 27 degrees, to the following proprietors; viz. George Duke of Albemarle, William Lord Craven, Sir George Carteret, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Afhly, and Sir Peter Colliton, whofe heirs or affigns are, as I take it, poffeffed of thefe iflands at this day; by which I mean the foil and property, for as to the government, it has been for fome time in the hands of the crown; upon a fuppofition that this change would render thefe iflands more beneficial to the nation, as in procefs of time it very probably may ; but hitherto they have not been of any great fervice to the proprietors, the crown, or the nation; as we fhall fhew, by entering a little into their hiflory, from their firfl fettlement to the prefent times, for reafons that in this hiflory will appear.
Providence Ifland lies in the center of fome hundreds of iflands, fome of them many miles in length, others no bigger than knolls or little rocks, riling above water; fo that one may imagine it mufl be very dangerous for fhips to be forced amongft them in tem- pefts. The moll confiderable profit made by the inhabitants of Providence was, by the misfortune of fuch as were fhipwrecked, or fuch as, in a winter voyage for the continent of America, were driven to the Bahama Iflands, and put into Providence for provifions; for want of which, after they had lain a long while beating off the iflands, they ufed to be in great diflrefs. It is true, this ifland had little or none but what came from Carolina; however, the traders here kept ftore-houfes to fupply thofe that wanted, and they were a great relief to the unfortunate mariners, of whom we are fpeaking. The Ifle of Providence lies in 25 degrees north latitude, is twenty-eight miles long and eleven miles broad, where it is broadeft.
It had the name of Providence given it by Captain Sayle, after he had a fecond time been driven upon it, when he was bound for the Continent. The firfl governor that was fent thither by the proprietaries, was Mr. Chillingworth; the time of his going there was about the year 1672 ; feveral people went from England, and the other colonies, to fettle there, and living a licentious life, they were impatient under government; Mr. Chillingworth endeavouring to bring them to reafon, they affembled tumultuoufly, feized him, and fhipped him off for Jamaica, and lived every man as he thought befl for his own pleafure and intereft. The proprietaries found they had got an unruly colony to deal with, and it was a very fmall encouragement for any man to put himfelf into their hands after the treatment Mr. Chillingworth met with from them.
However, fix or feven years after, the lords proprietaries made Mr. Clark governor, whofe fate was worfe flill than his predeceffor’s; for the Spaniards, at that time, being jealous of every new colony of the Englifh towards the fouth, came upon them in Providence, deflroyed all their flock which they could not, or would not, carry off $ and burnt feveral houfes that were upon the place. The inhabitants deferted it after this, and removed to other colonies. Mr. Trott, one of Governor Clark’s fucceffors, always afferted, that the Spaniards roafled Mr. Clark on a fpit, after they had killed him $ but perhaps that is faid to increafe the terror of the flory; but it is certain they killed him, and that after this invafxon the ifland was uninhabited till about the time of the
Revolution,

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Revolution, when feveral perfons removed thither from Europe and the Continent; among whom was Mr. Thomas Bulldey, who has printed a large account of his fuffer- ing there, during the arbitrary government of one Cadwallader Jones, whom the lords proprietors made governor upon this fecond fettlement of Providence in the year 1690, where he arrived on the 19th of June ; but his adminiftratien proved very unfortunate both for himfelf and the colony, in which there arofe fuch troubles and diffenfions, that he was once depofed and made prifoner, and again reftored.
Nicholas Trott, Efq. fucceeded Mr. Jones in his government, and he built a fort in the town of Naffau ; notwithstanding which, the famous pirate Avery, forced the inhabitants to let him have what victuals he wanted ; but fome time after, governor Trott put the ifland of Providence into fo good a condition, that though the French made feveral attempts, yet they were always obliged to retire with lofs. In 1697 Nicholas Webb, Efq. wa3 fent to fucceed Mr. Trott, and he held the government about three years; in which time thefe iflands were in a better condition than they have ever been fince; and there was, in his time, in Providence and the adjacent iflands, near one thoufand inhabitants; fome tobacco was planted, a fugar mill fet up, and other improvements made 5 but, as we fhall fee hereafter, thefe were foon delbroyed.
To Mr. Webb fucceeded Elias Hafcott, Efq. who was fo little liked by the inhabitants, that they took upon them to feize him, and put him in irons ; and, having fent him away, aflumed the liberty of chufing a governor for themfelves, one Elias Light- good, Efq. in whofe time the fettlements were deftroyed ; for, in July 1708, the Spaniards and French, from Petit Guaves, landed, furprized the fort, took the governor prifoner, plundered and ftripped the Englifh, burnt the town of Naffau, all but Mr. Lightgood’s houfe, together with the church, fpoiled the fort, and nailed up the guns ; they carried off the governor, and about half the blacks, the reft faved themfelves in the woods ; but in October they came again, and picked up molt of the negroes. Mr. Lightgood having procured his liberty, by exchange or ranfom, came to Carolina, and going off thence in a veffel, on fome adventure, was never fince heard of. The Englilh inhabitants of the Bahamas, after this fecond invafion, thought it in vain to ftay longer; fo they removed, fome to Carolina, fome to Virginia, and fome to New England, and other places.
The proprietors having appointed one Mr. Birch to go over governor to Providence, who, not having heard of the defertion of the inhabitants, went thither ; but finding it a defart, he did not give himfelf the trouble to open his commiflion ; he remained there two or three months, and was all that while forced to fleep in the woods; after which he returned back, and left the place uninhabited. This and the other Bahama Iflands, were looked upon to be fo neceffary for the fecurity of our trade in the Weft Indies, that the parliament of England have not thought them unworthy of their care, as well to have them cleared of pirates, as to defend them.againft both Spaniards and French, who find their fituation very convenient to annoy or befriend their commerce. In Queen Anne’s war both Spaniards and French over-ran and plundered the Bahama Iflands twice. Upon which, in March 1714, the Houfe of Lords addreffed her Majefty, that the Ifland of Providence might be put in a pofture of defence. Their lordlhips obferving it would be of fatal confequence, if the Bahama Iflands fhould fall into the hands of an enemy, they therefore prayed her Majefty to take the faid iflands into her hands, and give fuch order for their fecurity as in her royal wifdom Ihe Ihould think

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fit; but nothing was done. And for the future guidance of fuch as have it in their power to do good offices for our American colonies, it is not improper to remember, that their lordlhips, four years after, took notice of that neglect in an addrefs to his late Majefty King George; in which they fay there were not any the leaft means ufed in compliance with that advice, for fecuring the Bahama Iflands, and that then the pirates had a lodgment with a battery on Harbour Illand; and that the ufual retreat, and general receptacle for the pirates, was at Providence. Hereupon his Majefty was pleafed to give directions for diflodging thefe pirates, and making fettlements, and a fortification for its fecurity and defence.
Purfuant to this addrefs, Captain Woods Rogers was appointed governor, the fame perfon which went with the Duke and Duchefs of Briftol to the South Sea, and made a profperous voyage, eight years before. He failed for Providence in 1718, taking with him a naval force for l'ubduing the pirates ; in the mean time Colonel Bennet, governor of Bermudas, fent a {loop to that ifland, requiring them to furrender them- felves, purfuant to the late proclamation. The pirates who were then on the illand, very gladly accepted of the mercy offered them thereby, and promifed to furrender themfelves as foon as they could get paffage to the Engliffi colonies ; adding that they did not doubt but their fellows, who were at fea, would gladly do the fame after their example. Accordingly, Captain Henry Jennings, and fifteen others, immediately followed the {loop to Bermudas, and furrendered themfelves ; and Captain Laffie, and Captain Nichols, with a good number of their pirates, fent word that they would alfo furrender. The above-mentioned proclamation was brought hither by Captain Peers, in the Phoenix frigate, then lately ftationed at New York ; befides the above, Captain Hernigold, Captain Burges furrendered, and in the whole as many of their men as amounted to one hundred and fourteen, which were followed by many more ; however piracy was not fuppreffed, nor did Captain Rogers anfwer the expectations of thofe that employed him; though at his arrival here he feemed very zealous in the fervice he was fent for.
He arrived at Naffau, in Providence, in July 1718. Vane, one of the captains of the pirates, knowing what errand he came upon, to reduce thofe robbers by the proclamation or by force, caufed a French {hip of twenty-two guns, which he had taken, to be fet on fire, intending to make ufe of her as a fire-fhip, to burn the Rofe frigate, which came with governor Woods Rogers; and, indeed, the Rofe would have been in much danger, had {he not got off in time, by cutting her cables. But Vane’s bold and ,ralh attempt could not have fecured him ; for befides the Rofe, there was at hand the Milford man of war, and another, aboard which was the governor. Thefe were foon after feen Handing in for the harbour of Naffau, upon which Vane, and about fifty of his men, made off in a {loop. The governor fent a {loop of fufficient force after them, but the pirates got off; and the Milford, and the other man of war run aground. The 27th of July Mr. Woods Rogers came on ffiore, took poffeffion of the fort, and caufed his Majefty’s commiffion to be read in the prefence of the officers, foldiers, and about three hundred people, whom he found there at his arrival; which had been almoft daily exercifed in arms for their defence, in cafe of attack by the Spaniards or French. As for the pirates, they were not in fo great fear of them, moft of them having been themfelves of the fraternity, who had furrendered and made their peace with the government. Woods Rogers brought with him above one hundred foldiers, and this joint force which was, and might have been ftill further, recruited, being fufficient to fecure the Bahama Iflands againft any enterprize of the French and
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Spaniards’; Mr. Rogers fet himfelf to regulate the government, and reftore order in it, which had been negle&ed leveral years pall.
Of the adventurers who came with him, fix were nominated to be of the council, as alfo fix of the inhabitants, who had never been pirates themfelves; and thus the appearance of government was renewed. As foon as the governor and council had fettled the board, about two hundred oi thole that had been pirates furrendered themfelves to them, had certificates of their furrender, and took the oaths of allegiance, as did, voluntarily, the great eft part of the inhabitants of Providence ; wherein, a few years after, were computed to be one thoufand five hundred fouls, out of thefe were formed three companies of militia, under officers of their own iiland; thefe companies took their turn every night in the town guard at Naffau, and the independent company was. always upon duty in the fort here, and another of eight guns erected at the eafternmoft entrance into the harbour.
It was by thefe methods that the face of affairs, in this part of the world, was entirely changed; the town of Naffau rebuilt; a regular force eftablifhed in Providence, and plantations fo laid out, that the country looked like an Englilh fettlement. Within a fhort time after, the neighbouring iiland of Eluthera was fettled likewife, upon which, about fixty families fixed themfelves, erected a fmall fort for their defence, and raifed a company of militia under their deputy governor, Mr. Holmes, by whofe prudent management matters were chiefly brought to bear ; the like was done in Harbour Iiland, where the plantation foon grew more confiderable, and a larger fort was built for the protection of the inhabitants. Captain Woods Rogers returning to England, was iucceeded in his government by Captain Fitzwilliams, in whofe time an independent company, that had been fent thither mutinied, which had like to have produced fome very fatal confequences, but was happily fuppreffed ; and by the moderation of the governor, only few of the moll guilty were made examples.
This happened in the year 1736, from which time thefe illands have been improving, though llowly. It may well be wondered at by confiderate perfons, that confidering the number of poor people and men out of employment, which before the war peltered the ftreets of this city, and of all the great towns in the kingdom ; fome methods were not taken for fending them over to thefe illands, which would have been a relief to the people here, afforded them a comfortable fubfiftence, and have contributed to augment the ftrength and increafe the riches of this nation. I (hall content myfelf with juft hinting this as it falls in my way, and proceed to the next corporation formed for enlarging our commerce within the period of time alligned to this fection.
11. This was the Hudfon’s Bay Company, erected by King Charles the lid. upon the following occafion; Monfieur Radifon, and Monfieur Goofelier, two Frenchmen, meeting with fome favages in the lake of Alfimponals, in Canada, they learnt of them that they might go by land to the bottom of the bay, where the Englilh had not yet been; upon which they defired them to conduct them thither, and the favages accordingly did it. The two Frenchmen returned to the upper lake the fame way they came, and thence to Quebec, the capital of Canada ; where they offered the principal merchants to carry Ihips to Hudfon’s Bay, but their project was rejected;' thence they went to France, in hopes of a more favourable hearing at court; but after prefen ting feveral memorials, and fpending a great deal of time and money, they were anfwered, as they had been at Quebec, and their project looked upon as chimerical. The King of England’s ambaffador at Paris, hearing what propofal they had made, imagined he fhould do his country good fervice by engaging them to ferve the Englilh, who had already pretences to the Bay, perfuaded them to go for London, where they vol. xn. 3 a met

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met with a favourable reception from fome men of quality, merchants and others, whcf employed Mr. Gillam, a perfon long ufed to the New England trade, to perfect this difcovery.
He failed in the Nonefuch ketch, in the year 1667, into Baffin’s Bay, to the height' of 75 degrees, and from thence fouthwardto 51 degrees, where he entered a river, to ■which he gave name of Prince Rupert’s River ; and finding the favages difpofed to a, friendly commerce, he erected a fmall fortrefs there, which he ftyled Charles Fort. The fuccefs of this expedition was fo remarkable, that the perfons concerned in fitting out this veflel, upon the return of Mr. Gillam, applied themfelves to King Charles the lid. for a patent, who accordingly granted them one, dated the 2d of May, in the 22d year of his reign, A. D. 1670. The firft directors of what was called the Hudfon’s Bay Company, were Prince Rupert, Sir James Hayes, Mr. William Young,. Mr. Gerrard Weymans, Mr. Richard Cradock, Mr. John Letton, Chriftopher Wren, Efq. and Mr. Nicholas Playwood.
The bay lies from 64 degrees north latitude, to 51 degrees, and is 10 degrees or fix hundred miles in length. The mouth of the ftreights lies in about 61 degrees north latitude, and is fix leagues over. At the mouth is an ifland called Refolution; Charles Ifland, Salifbury Ifland, and Nottingham are in the ftreights, and Mansfield- Ifland is in the mouth of the bay, Hudfon’s Streights, which leads to the bay, are about one hundred and twenty leagues in length; the land on both fides inhabited by favages, of whom we have little or no knowledge. The fouth coaft is known by the name of the Terra de Labrador, the north by as many names as men oft feveraf nations have been there, and pretended to- the difcovery. On the weft fide of the bay the Englilh made a fettlement, built a fort at Port Nelfon, and all that country- goes by the name of New South Wales. The bay here is called Button’s and Hudfon’s’ Bay, which is broadeft in this place, and may be near one hundred and thirty leagues. On the other Ihore, or the coaft of Labrador, lie feveral iflands, called the Sleeper’s Ifles, and the Baker’s Dozen. The bottom of the bay, by which we underftand all that part of it from Cape Henrietta Maria, in New South Wales, to Redonda, below Prince Rupert’s River, is about 80 leagues long, and all the way between 40 and 50 leagues over. Here are feveral iflands to which the firft adventurers gave the names of lome great men in England, or fome that employed them; as Lord Wefton’s Ifland,, Sir Thomas Roe’s Ifland, Charleton Ifland, and others.
The two oppofite fhores are called the EaftMain and Weft Main; the former is Labrador, and latter New South Wales. The Continent at the bottom of the bay is, by the French pretended to be part of New France; and, indeed, to crofs the country from Saint Margaret’s River, which runs into the river of Canada, to Rupert’s River, at the bottom of Hudfon’s Bay, is not above one hundred and fifty miles. At Rupert’s River the Englifh built their firft fort, which they called Charles Fort. They never had any towns or plantations here, but live within their forts in little houfes or huts, wherein the builders confider nothing, but how to defend them from the cold and rains, though they are not fo much difturbed by the latter as by the former. There is an ifland about five or fix leagues from the Weft Main called the little Rocky Ifle, it being a mere heap of rocks and ftones, with fome fmall bruffi-wood growing upon it; it is fuppofed to overflow with great north- Weft winds, which make a high tide all over the bay; in this ifle is plenty of gulls and fea fwallows ; about three miles from the f®uth-fouth-eaft part of the ifland lies a dangerous reef of fand, which is dry at low water. Charleton Ifland is a dry white fand, covered over with a white mofs, full of trees, juniper and fpruce, though not yery large. This ifland affords a beautiful profpect to fuch as are near it in the fpring,
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dfter -a long voyage of three or four months, in the moft uncomfortable feas in the world, occafioned by the vaft mountains of ice which drive in the bay and. {freights; againft which, if {hips happen to ftrike, they are daflied in pieces, as certainly if they ran againft rocks; for, indeed, they are rocks petrified by the violence of the continual frofts. To fee one day the fhore on the Weft Main bare, the mountains covered with fnow, and nature looking as if frozen to death ; and the next to behold Charleton Ifland lpread with trees, and the branches making, as it were, a green tuft of the whole, is a change capable of giving the greateft pleafure, after the fatigues of an intolerable winter voyage.
The air, even at the bottom of the bay, though by the latitude it is nearer the fun than London, being in 51 degrees, is exceffive cold for nine months ; the other three months very hot •, but on a north-weft wind the foil on the Eaft Main, as well as the Weft, bears no manner of grain; fome fruits, goofeberries, ftrawberries, and dewberries, grow about Prince Rupert’s River. The commodities for trade here are guns, powder, fhot, cloth, hatchets, kettles, tobacco, &c. which the Englifti exchange with the Indians, for furs, beavers, martins, foxes, moofe, and other {kins and furs. The great profits acquired by this trade, and the profpect of ingrafting it, wholly engaged the new company to profecute their meafures vigoroufly, and to do all that lay in their power to fettle a good correfpondence with the natives, whom they found very tractable in that point, and willing to do any thing they could expect from them upon reafon- able terms ; for the Indians about Rupert’s River, and other places in the bay, are more fimple than the Canadans, who have had longer commerce with the Europeans; they are generally peaceable, and not given to quarrel, either amongft themfelves of others, except the Nodways, a wild, barbarous people on the borders of Hudfon’s* Streights, who fometimes, in flight parties, make incurfions on the other Indians, and having murdered eight or ten, return in triumph.
The Indians of certain diftrifts, which are bounded by fuch and fuch rivers, have each an okimah, as they call him, or captain, over them, who is an old man, con- fidered only for his prudence and experience; he has no authority but what they think fit to give him upon certain occafions ; he is the fpeech-maker to the Englifti, as alfo in their own councils, when they meet every fpring and fall to fettle the dif- pofition of their quarters, for hunting, fowling, and filhing; every family have their boundaries adjufted, which they feldom quit, except they have no fuccefs there in their hunting, and then they join in with fome family who have fucceeded. Their notions of religion are but very {lender; they fay there are two Monetoes,or Spirits, the one fends all the good things, and the other all the bad. Their worfliip confifts in fongs and dances at their feafts, in honour of their Monetoes that have favoured them; but if they are fick or familhed, they hang fome little bauble which they fet a value upon, on the top of a pole near the tent, to pacify the fpirit offended, as they conceive.
But to return to our hiftory : in the year 1670 the company fent over Charles Bailey, Efq. as their governor, who with Mr. Radifon, fettled, at Rupert’s River, and another factory was eftablifhed at Fort Nelfon. Some years after William Lydall, Efq.. was fent to fucceed Mr. Bailey, and one Mr. Bridger was fent to Fort Nelfon. In 1683 Henry Serjeant, Efq. was made governor at Rupert’s River, with orders to be very careful of the French, who began now to {hew themfelves very jealous of the trade carried on by the Englilh company with the natives ; and at the fame time they were not a little perplexed by fome bad practices among their own fervants ; who confider- ing the hardfhips they endured in that miferable cold country, thought they might
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make bold with fome part of the profits, which were entirely owing to their labour and negociations with the natives; for the company by their governors and agents, made' fuch contracts with the captains, or kings of rivers, or territories where they had fettlements for the freedom of trade there, exclufive of all others, that the Indians could not pretend they had encroached upon them. Thefe contracts were as firm as the Indians could make them by fuch ceremonies as were molt facred and obligatory among them.
In the year 1686 we find the company in pofTeffion of five fettlements, viz. Albany River, Hayes Ifland, Rupert’s River, Fort Nelfon, and New Severn; their trade at each of them was very confiderable. From Albany River they had generally three thoufand five hundred beavers a year, and by Mr. Serjeant’s great care and fidelity, their commerce increafed fo much, that the French began to be afraid all the upland Indians might be drawn down to the bay. They knew they could do any thing with King James II. who then reigned in England ; and therefore they refolved to drive the Englifh out of all their places in the bottom of the bay. Firft they took Hayes Ifland, and then the fort on Rupert’s River. The French company at Canada procured a detachment of foldiers to be fent, under the Chevalier de Troyes, who came over land from Quebec, and in a time of profound peace committed thefe a£ts of hoftilities. It is worth obferving, that the French have fo good an opinion of their American colonies, as to take not only all lawful, but even unlawful means, to preferve and enlarge them, as contemptible as they are in themfelves ; whereas theEnglifh, who, next the Spaniards, have the richefl plantations in this part of the world, have been as negligent of them as if they were not worth keeping.
The 8th of July, the Chevalier de Troyes came before the fort at Albany River, where the governor Mr. Serjeant, then refided. Two Indians having informed him of their having furprized the forts at Hayes Ifland and Rupert’s River, and had brought with them the great guns from thefe places, the governor did all that was in his power to defend the place, but was not able to keep it above a week, as appears by the articles of his furrender, dated July the 16 th, 1686, which articles were but indifferently kept. In 1693, the Hudfon’s Bay Company, being aflifted by the government, retook all the forts and factories of which the French had deprived them in time of peace; but they were foon after driven out of them again by the French.
In the year 1696, the Company applied themfelves to King William, reprefenting their own incapacity to maintain themfelves againft the French, and praying the affift- ance of the crown for their fupport; upon which two men of war were ordered to their affiftance, under the command of Captain Allen, who coming into the River Hayes, fent to fummon all the forts to furrender ; and the French governor, finding he could not defend them againft the Englilh, capitulated; and on the 2d of Auguft, in. the fame year, furrendered Albany Fort upon certain articles, the chief of which were, that all thofe in the fort, as well French as Indians, and one Englifhman, the governor’s fervant, fhould have their lives and liberties ; and that no harm or violence fliould be done to their perfohs, or any thing that belonged to them ; that they fhould march, out with their arms, drums beating, colours flying, match lighted at both ends, ball in mouth, and carry with them the two guns brought from France ; that they fhould all embark with their clothes, and goods, without being vifited or pillaged in any thing; and, if they met with any French veffels, there fliould be a truce between the Englifh and them ; and the faid French veffels fhould be permitted to take aboard the perfons that came out of the fame fort, with all that belonged to them. Thefe conditions ' ' were

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Nvere a little too honourable to grant, though they were complied with. Captain Allen took the governor, and fome of his men, aboard his own fhip, the Bonadventure; fome he put aboard the Seaford, and the reft aboard a merchant-man, called the Doring.
In his return he fought the Mary Rofe frigate, then a French privateer of fifty guns, and was killed in the engagement; which gave the Frenchman an opportunity' to bear away. As to the other two forts, they followed the fate of Albany, and Mr. Knight was reftored to the government of Fort Nelfon. Mr. Knight had ferved Mr. Sergeant while he was governor of Fort Albany, and was acquainted with the trade. In the year 1697, the Hamplhire frigate, and Owners Love firefhip, two of the king’s fhips, were loft in this bay, and all the men drowned. Indeed the ice rendered it fo dangerous, that the commerce feemed not to be worth the rifk that was run for it. Whether thofe two fhips run againft thofe frozen mountains that float in the fea, or foundered, is not known; but it is certain they were loft, and that all the men perifhed; which was the caufe of fome inconvenience. After this time it appears very clearly, that the trade of the Hudfon’s Bay Company declined extremely, but whether from any advantage gained in trade by the French, or from any ill management of their affairs at home or abroad, I cannot pretend to fay. This, however, is certain, that in the next general war the French had renewed their attacks upon the fettlements of the Hudfon’s Bay Company, and this with fuch effect, that they foon left them nothing but Fort Albany, which very well accounts for the low ftate of their trade to the end of the war, and fome time after. At the making the treaty at Utrecht, great care was taken of this company, who by the 10th and nth articles' have every thing reftored to them that had been taken from them, and an equitable fatisfacbion ftipulated for their Ioffes. Since which time the trade of the company has wonderfully encreafed, infomuch that it became, at leaft, treble to what it was at the time that peace was made, and is ftill in a very flourifhing condition.
It is very natural for fuch as reap the benefit of any branch of trade, to be as filent and fecret about it as poffible, which is the reafon that till within thefe few years both the country and the commerce of Hudfon’s Bay were very little, and indeed fcarce at all known here, though carried on entirely by this nation. As for the French, they had fo little notion of it that they treated all Mr. Iberville’s projects upon this fubjedt as mere chimeras ; and when a memorial was prefented to the Regent Duke of Orleans, fetting forth the great dangers theFrench fettlements in North America mult run, if the Englifh fhould ever lay open this trade, or think of tranfporting their felons into this part of the world, it was looked upon as a mere vifion. But fince that time they are become much better acquainted with this part of America, as appears from the account I have already given from one of their authors.
But as to the product and prefent condition of this country, the beft account I ever faw of it, is that publifhed by Mr. Dobbs, from the mouth of one experimentally acquainted with it, and from whom I lhall borrow as much as I think may fuffice to give the reader a general notion of its nature and importance. “ The Indians being obliged to go aihore every day to hunt for provifions, delays them very much in their voyages; for their canoes are fo very ftnall, holding only two men and a pack of one hundred beaver fldns, that they cannot carry provifions with them for any time. If they had larger canoes, they would make their voyages Ihorter, and carry many more beavers to market, at leaft four times as many, befides other ikins of value, which are too heavy for their prefent canoes ; this, and the high price of the European goods, by the company in exchange, difcourages the natives fo much, that if they were not
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abfolutely under a neceffity of having guns, powder, and fliot, hatchets, and other iron tools for their hunting, and tobacco, brandy, and fome paint for luxury, they would not go down to the fadtory with what they now carry. At prefent they leave great numbers of furs and lkins behind them. A good hunter among the Indians can kill fix hundred beavers in a feafon, and can carry down but one hundred; the reft he ufes at home, or hangs them upon branches of trees, upon the death of their children, as an offering to them, or ufe them for bedding and coverings. They fometimes burn off the fur, and roaft the beavers like pigs, upon any entertainments, and they often let them rot, having no further ufe for them. The beavers, he fays, are of three colours, the brown reddilh colour, the black, and white ; the firft is the cheapeft, the black is moft valued by the company in England, the white the moft valued in Canada, giving eighteen fhillings, when others give five or fix fhillings; it is blown upon by the companies factors at the bay, they not allowing fo much for thefe as for the others, and therefore the Indians ufe them at home, or burn off the hair, when they roaft the beavers like pigs, at an entertainment when they feaft together. He fays thefe fkins are extremely white, and have a fine luftre, no fnow being whiter, and have a fine long fur or hair. He has feen fifteen taken of that colour out of one lodge or pond.
“ The beavers have three enemies, man, otters, and the carcajon, or quecquehatch, which prey upon them, when they take them at advantage ; the laft is as large as a very great dog, it has a fhort tail like a deer or hart, and has a good fur, valued at a beaver and a half in exchange. The beavers chiefeft food is the poplar, or tremble, but they alfo eat fallows, alders, and moft other trees, not having a refinous juice. The middle bark is their food; in May, when the wood is not plenty, they live upon a large root which grows in the marfhes a fathom long, and as thick as a man’s leg, the French called it volet; but the beavers are not fo good food as when they feed upon trees. They will cut down trees about two fathoms in girth with their teeth, and one of them obferves, when it is ready to fall, and gives a great cry, and runs the contrary way, to give room for the reft to get out of the way. They then cut off all the twigs and fmaller branches, two or three fathoms in length, and draw them to their houfes, which they have built in their ponds; after having raifed or repaired their pond head, and made it ftaunch, and thruft one end into the clay or mud, that they may lie under water all the winter, to preferve the bark green and tender, for their winter provifion. After cutting off the fmall branches, they cut and carry away the larger, until they come to the bole of the tree. The beavers are excellent food, but the tongue and tail the moft delicious parts of the whole. They are very fat from November until the end of March ; they have their young in the beginning of fummer, at which time the females are lean by fuck- ling their young, and the males are lean the whole fummer, when they are making or repairing their ponds and houfes, and cutting down and providing timber and branches for their winter ftore. They breed once in a year, and have from ten to fifteen at a litter, which grow up in one feafon, fo that they multiply very fall; and if they can empty a pond and take the whole lodge, they generally leave a pair to breed, fo that they are fully ftocked again in two or three years. The loup corvier, or lynx, is of the cat kind, but as large as a great dog j it preys upon all beafts it can conquer, as does the tiger, which is the only beaft in that country that will not fly from, a man. The American oxen or beeves, have a large bunch upon their backs, which is by far the moft delicious part of them for food, it being all as fweet as marrow, juicy and rich, and weighs feveral pounds.
“ The

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cf The Indians weft; of the bay, living an erratic life, can have no - benefit by tame fowl or cattle ; they feldorn flay above a fortnight at a place, unlefs they find plenty of game. When they remove, after having built their hut they difperfe to get game for their food, and meet again at night, after having killed enough to maintain them that day-, they do not go above a league or two from their hut. When they find fcardty of game, they remove a league or two farther, and thus they traverfe through thefe woody countries and bogs, fcarce miffing one day winter or fummer, fair or foul, in the greatefl ftorms of fnow, but what they are employed in fome kind of chace. The finaller game, got by traps or fnares, are generally the employment of women and children, fuch as the martins, fquirrels, ermins, &c. The elks, flags, rein deer, bears, tigers, wild beef, wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, corcajon, &c. are the employment of the men. The Indians, when they kill any game for food, leave it where they kill it, and fend their wives next day to carry it home. They go home in a direci line, never miffing their way by obfervation they make of the courfe they take upon their going out, and fo judge upon what point their huts are, and can thus direct themfelves upon any point of the compafs. The trees all bend towards the fouth, and the branches on that fide are larger and flronger than on the north fide, as alfo the mofs upon the trees. To let their wives know how to come at the killed game, they from place to, place break off branches, and lay them in the road, pointing them the way they ihould go, and fometimes mofs, fo that they never mifs finding it.
“ In winter when they go abroad, which they muft do in all weathers to hunt and flioot, for their daily food, before they drefs they rub themfelves all over with bear’s greafe, or oil of beavers, which does not freeze, and alfo rub all the fur off their beaver coats, and then put them on ; they have alfo a kind of boots or ftockings of beaver’s Ikin, well oiled, with the fur inwards, and above them they have an oiled fkin laced about their feet, which keeps out the cold, and alfo water where there is no ice or fnow, and by this means they never freeze or fuffer anything by cold. In fummer alfo, when they go naked, they rub themfelves with thefe oils or greafe, and expofe them, felves to the fun without being fcorched, their fkins being always kept foft and fupple by it, nor do any flies, bugs, or mulketoes, or any noxious infecl ever molelt them. When they want to get rid of it they go into the water, and rub themfelves all over with mud or clay, and let it dry upon them, and then rub it off. But whenever they are free from the oil, the flies and mufketoes immediately attack them, and oblige them again to anoint themfelves.
“ The Indians make no ufe of honey ; he faw no bees there but the wild humble- bee ; but they are fo much afraid of being flung with them, as they go naked in fummer, that they avoid them as much as they can. Nor he did not fee any of the maple they ufe in Canada to make fugar of, but only the birch, whofe juice they ufe for the fame purpofe ; boiling it until it is black and dry, and then ufmg it with their meat. They ufe no milk from the time they are weaned, and they all hate to talle cheefe, having taken up an opinion that it is made of dead men’s fat; they love prunes and raifins, and will give a beaver fkin for twelve of them,' to carry to their children, and alfo for a thrum or jew’s harp.
“ He fays the women have all fine voices, but have never heard any mufical in- ftrument. They are very fond of all forts of pictures or prints, giving a beaver for the leafl print, and all toys are like jewels to them. When he got to the natives, foufh- ward of Pachegoia, he had about thirty cowries left, and a few final! bells, lefs than hawks-bells. When he ffiewed one of them, they g^tve him a beaver’s fkin for it, and they were fy fond that forne gave him two fkins, or three marten fkins, for one, to

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give their wives to make them fine. The martens they take in traps, for if they flioot them their fkins would be fpoiled ; they have' generally five or fix at a litter. lie fays the natives are fo difcouraged in their trade with the company, that no fkins are worth the carriage-, and the fined: furs were fold for very little, when they came to the faftory in June 1742. The prices they took for the European goods were much higher than the fettled prices fixed by the company, which the governors fix fo to flieW the company how zealous they are to improve their trade, and fell their goods to advantage. He fays they gave but a pound of gunpowder for four beavers; a fathom of tobacco for feven beavers ; a pound of fhot for one ; an ell of coarfe cloth for fifteen ; a blanket for twelve ; two fifh-hooks or three flints for one ; a gun for twenty-five; a piftol for ten; a common hat, with white lace, for feven; an axe for four; a bill-hook for one; a gallon of brandy for four •, a chequered fhirt for feven ; all which were fold at a monftrous profit, even to two thoufand per cent. Notwith(landing this dif- couragement, the two fleets which went down with him, and parted at the Great Fork, carried down two hundred packs of one hundred each, twenty thoufand beavers ; and the other Indians who arrived that year, he computed, carried down three hundred packs of two hundred each, making thirty thoufand; in all fifty thoufand beavers, and above nine thoufand martens.
<c The furs there are much more valuable than the furs upon the Canada lakes, fold at New York; for thefe will give five or fix fhillings per pound, when the others fell at three fhillings and fixpenca. He fays that if a fort was built at the Great Fork, fixty leagues above York Fort, and a factory with European goods was fixed there, and a reafonable price was put upon the European goods, that the trade would be wonderfully increafed ; for the natives from the fouthward of Pachegoia, could make, at Ieafl, two returns in a fummer, and thofe at greater diftances could make one, who cannot now come at all; and above double the number would be employed in hunting, and many more fkins would be brought to market, that they cannot now afford to bring, for the expence and low price given for them. The ftream is fo gentle from the Fork to York Fort, on either branch, that large veffels and lhallops may be built there, and carry down the bulky goods, and alfo return again againfl: the ftream ; and the climate is good and fit to produce grain, pulfe, &c. and very good grafs and hay for horfes and cattle ; and if afterwards any fettlement were made upon Pachegoia, and veffels built to navigate that lake, which is not more northerly than the latitude of 52 degrees, the trade would be ftill vtrftly inlarged and improved, and fpread the trade not only up the river and lakes, as far as the Lake du Bois and du Pluis, but alfo among the Affinibouls, and nations beyond them; and the nation de Vieux Hommes, who are two hundred leagues weftward of Pachegoia. He fays the nations who go up that river with prefents, to confirm the peace, are three months in going, and fay they live behind a range of mountains beyond Affinibouls; he faw feveral of them, who all wanted a joint of their little finger, which they faid was cut off foon after they were born, but gave no reafon for it.
“ Whilft he was at York Fort he got acquainted with an old Indian who lived at fome diftance from Nelfon r s Bay to the weftward, being one of thofe they call the home Indians, who had about fifteen years ago, gone at the head of thirty warriors to make war againfl: the Attimofpiquais, Tete Plat, or Plazcotez de Chiens, a nation lying northward, on the weftern ocean of America ; he was the only one that returned, all the reft being killed, or perilhed through fatigue or want of food; upon their return, when they went they carried their own families with them, and hunted and fiihed from place to place for two winters and one fummer, having left their country in
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autumn, and in April following came to the fea fide on the weftern coaft, where they immediately made their canoes ; at fome fmall diftance they faw an ifland, which was about a league and a half long; when the tide was out, or water fell, they had no water betwixt them and the illand, but when it rofe, it covered all the paflage and the ifland, as high as the woods upon the Ihore. There they left their wives and children, and old men to conduct them home, and provide them with provifions by hunting and fhooting for them upon the road $ and he with thirty warriors, went in queft of the enemies of the TetePlat.
“ After they parted with their families they came to a {height which they pafled in their canoes; the fea coaft lay almoft eaft and weft, for he laid the fun rofe on his right-hand, and at noon it was almoft behind him, as he pafled the ftreight, and always fet in the fea. After palling the ftreight, they coafted along the fea for three months, going into the country and woods as they went along to hunt for provifions. He faid they faw a great many large black fifli, fpouting up water in the fea. After they had thus coafted for near three months, they faw the footfteps of fome men on the fand, by which they judged they were not far from their enemies; upon which they quitted their canoes, and went five days through the woods and bulhes, which were but very low and lhrubby, and fo clofe they could with difficulty make way through it ; and then came to the banks of a river, where they found a large town of their enemies ; and, after making their ufual cry, they difcharged their arrows and guns againft thofe who appeared ; upon which they fled ; but finding how few they were, they returned and killed fifteen of them, and wounded three or four more; upon which they fled to the woods, and from thence made their efcape to their canoes before their enemies overtook them ; and, after a great deal of fatigue got to the {freights, and after getting over they all died one after another of fatigue and famine, except this old man; leaving him alone to travel to his own, country, which took him up about a year’s time, having left his gun when his ammunition was fpent, and, and loft all his arrows, and upon his return had not even a knife with him ; fo that he was reduced to live upon herbs and mofs growing upon the rocks, and was almoft familhed when he reached the river Sakie, where he met his friends, who relieved him when he defpaired of ever again feeing his own country.”
This, fays Mr. Dobbs, is the account fo far as Jofeph la France could inform me of thofe countries fouthward of York Fort, which may be brought to trade there in time. It muft be allowed, that this relation is equally inftructive and entertaining; it makes us at once acquainted with the country, and with the reafons which Ihould induce us to think it worth our while to enquire about it; it fliews us, that thefe countries are far from being unhofpitable, or uninhabitable; that, on the contrary, there are many nations already known, and many more of whom the Europeans have had notice ; all of whom are l'ufficiently in want, and have it at the fame time abundantly in their power to pay us for fupplies. This, I fay, is evidently made appear, fince it is affirmed, and the fad is fo true as not be dilputed, that the French carry on a great trade with thefe Indians, and that they are very well able to bear the rigour of the l'eafons in thofe parts ; and if they can bear it, furely fo may we.
It may indeed be objetted, that the French are very apt to boaft of much more than they perform, and therefore we ought not to give an implicit credit to their relations, efpecially in their own favour.
But this is eafily anfvvered, fince Mr. Dobbs has alfo furnifhed us with- Englifli memoirs that prove the very fame thing; and therefore I {hall quote from him what is fufficient for that purpofe, and which is no lefs entertaining than the account given
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us by Jofeph la France, and of no lefs authority than his, fince it is given us by an Englifhman of credit, who reports nothing but from his own experience and obfervation :
“ Mr. Froft, who has been many years employed by the company in the bay, both at Churchill and Moofe River factory, and who was their interpreter with the natives, and travelled a confiderable way into the country, both north-weft of Churchill and fouthward of Moofe River factory, and has refided at Moofe River, fince the factory was made there in 1730, gives a very good account of that climate and country there, and up the river fouthward of it: he fays the factory is built near the mouth of the river, in latitude 51 degrees 28 minutes, upon a navigable river, which, at twelve miles- diftant from the fort, is divided into two branches ; one comes from the fouthward, the other from the fouth-weft. Upon the fouthern branch, all fort of grain thrives, as barley, beans, and peafe do at the factory, though expofed to all the chilling winds which come from the ice in the bay. Upon the fouthern part, above the falls, there grows naturally along the river, the lame kind of wild oats and rye mentioned already upon the lake of Sieno, the hulk being black, but the grain within perfeftly white and clear, like rice ; the Indians beating it off when ripe into their canoes, as they pafs along the river, it growing in the water, like rice. In their woods, at the bottom of the bay, at Moofe and Albany, as well as at Rupert’s River, are very large timber trees of all kinds ; oak, alh, &c. as well as pine, cedar, and fpruce ; they have exceeding good grafs to make hay, which improves every day, as they cut and feed it, and may have every where within land all forts of pulfe and grain, and ail forts of fruit trees, as in the fame climate in Europe ; for all the forts they have tried. thrive very well.
“ The ice breaks up at Moofe factory in the beginning of April, but higher up in the country in March. It is navigable for canoes a great way up among the falls ; at a confiderable diftance there is one fall of fifty feet, but above that it is deep, and navigable for a great way ; the climate above the fall is very good, and the river abounds with that wild rice. The French have got a houfe, or fettlement for trade, near the fouthern branch, above one hundred miles above the factory, where they fell their goods cheaper than the company do, although it be fo difficult to carry them fo far from Canada, and very expenfive ; and give as much for a marten’s ikin as they do for a beaver, when we infill upon three for one ; fo that the French get all the choice Ikins, and leave only the refufe for the company. The French have alfo got another houfe pretty high up upon Rupert’s River, by which they have gained all the trade upon the Eaft Main, except a little the company get at Slude river.” He fays, “ That upon the fouth fide of the great inland fea, upon the Eaft Main, which has lately been difcovered, there is an exceeding rich lead mine, from which the natives have brought very good ore, which might turn to very great advantage, as well as the furs upon that coaft, which might be vallly increafed if the trade was laid open, and fettlements made in proper places. He fays, when he was at Churchill, he travelled a confiderable way in the country north-weftward of the River of Seals,, that near the river and fea-coalt there were fmall Ihrubby woods ; but for many miles, at leaft fixty farther into the country, they had nothing but a barren white mofs, upon which the rein-deer feed, and alfo the moofe, buffaloes, and other deer ; and the natives told him, farther weft- ward, beyond that barren country, there were large woods. He was acquainted when there, about fifteen years ago, with an Indian chief, who traded at Churchill, who had been often at a fine copper mine, which they ftruck off the rocks with fharp ftones.. He faid it was upon iflands at the mouth of the river, and lay to the northward of that country where they had no night in fummer.
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ct As to the trade at Churchill, it is increafing ; it being at too great diftance from the French for them to interfere in the trade ; in the year 1742, it amounted to twenty thoufand beavers. There were about one hundred up-land Indians came in their canoes to trade, and about two hundred northern Indians, who brought their furs and Ikins upon fledges ; fome of them came down the River of Seals, fifteen leagues northward of Churchill, in canoes, and brought their furs from thence by land. They have no beavers to the northward of Churchill, they not having there fuch ponds or woods as they choofe to feed upon ; but they have great numbers of martens, foxes, bears, rein- deer, buffaloes, wolves, and other beafts of rich furs, the country being moflly rocky, and covered with white mofs, upon which the rein-deer, or cariboux, feed.
“ There is a great deal of fmall wood, of the fpruce or fir kind, near the old factory • but the wood improves, as it is farther up the river from the bay ; where they have juniper, birch, and poplar. And more foutherly the timber is larger, and there'are great variety of trees ; they are under great inconveniences at the new fort, which is upon an elevated fituation, upon a rock without fhelter, clofe by the fhore, furrounded with fnow and ice for eight months in the year, expofed to all the winds and ftorms that happen ; where they can have no conveniency of grafs or hay, or gardening, and yet they had four or five horfes there, and a bull, and tw'o cows, near the factory ; but they were obliged to bring their hay from a vnarfhy bottom, fome miles up the river, to feed them in winter ; but if a fettlement was made higher up the river fouthward, fome leagues from the bay, in fhelter, without the reach of the chilling winds, they would have grafs and hay fufficient, and might have alfo gardens and proper greens, and roots, propagated there. They fay there is a communication betwixt that river and Nelfons River, at a grpat diftance within land, or a very fhort land-carriage betwixt them ; for the Indians who trade here tell them, each feafon, what chiefs, with their followers, go down that year to Nelfon or Albany river.”
We may juftly wonder that we never had before any clear account of thefe matters, confidering how long we have had factories in thefe parts; and that on the contrary all the accounts hitherto given reprefent the coafts of Hudfon’s Bay, as the moft forlorn and dreadful part of the univerfe, hitherto difcovered; as regions freezing and frightful, almoft beyond all defcription, and which it would appear dreadful and cruel to fend even malefactors to inhabit. But for this the fame gentleman has fully accounted ; and it is rcquifite that the public fhould be very well acquainted with the account that he has given ; for fince the great council of the nation has thought fit to encourage an attempt to difcover a paflage this way into the South Seas, it is very reafonable to fuppofe that endeavours wall not be wanting to pufh that attempt to the utmoft ; to facilitate which there is nothing of fo great importance as the proving that the difcouragements which have been hitherto reprefented as infuperable, have been over-rated, and that not- withftanding all that has been faid of them, it is not only poflible but probable, that they may be overcome ; towards which nothing furely can contribute more than the pointing out the motives, upon which they have hitherto been conftantly reprefented, in fo ftrong a light, which is very effectually done jn the following paflage from the fame author ; who, as he has ftudied this point, fo it muft be allowed he has made it as clear as with reafon could well be expected.
“ The company avoid all they can making difcoveries to the northward of Churchill, or extending their trade that way, for fear they Ihould difcover a paflage to the weftern ocean of America, and tempt, by that means, the reft of the Englilh merchants to lay open their trade, which they know they have no legal right to ; which, if the paflage was found, would not only animate the reft of the merchants to purfue the trade
3 b 2 through

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throiig}i diat paffage, but alio to find out the great advantages that might be made of the trade of the rivers and countries adjoining to the bay, by which means they would Jofe their beloved monopoly. But the profpect they have of gain to be made by trading with the Elkimauk Indians, for whale-fin, whale and fea oil, and fea-horfe teeth, induces them to venture a Hoop annually, as far as 62 degrees 30 minutes, to Whale Cove, where thefe Indians meet them, and truck their fins and oil with them. But though thev are fully informed of a fine copper mine on a navigable arm of the fea, north-well ward of Whale Cove, and the Indians have offered to carry their floops to it, yet their fear of di(covering the paffage puts bounds to their avarice, and prevents their going to the mine, which by all accounts is very rich. Yet thofe who have been at Whale Cove, own that from thence northward is all broken land; and that after paffmg fome iflands, they from the hills fee the fea open, leading to the wellward. And the Indians who have been often at the mine fay it is upon a navigable arm of the’ fea, of great depth, leading to the fouth-weft, where are great numbers of large black nfh fpouting water, which confirms the opinion that all the whales feen between Whale Gove and Wager River, all come there from the weftern ocean, fince none are feen any where elfe in Hudfon’s Bay or Streight. All along this coalt from the latitude 62 degrees to 65 degrees, a very beneficial filhery of whales may be carried on with thefe Elkimauk Indians ; who, even without the ufe of iron, can harpoon and kill whales, and if they, were fupplied vrith iron harpoons, and proper cordage, they might be brought to kill great numbers of them. At prefent all their nets, lines, and fnares, are made of whale-bone, and molt of their boats and other neceffaries of the feal-ikins, frill-bones, and fea-horfe teeth, and in making all things neceffary for them, they are very neat and ingenious.”
The fame judicious perfon, from whom we have borrowed fo much already, has taken the pains to give, from very authentic relations, a very clear, as well as a very copious account of moll of the Indian nations that lie at the back of our northern colonies, and between the French fettlements in Canada, and on the Miffiffippi River ; with the countries they inhabited, and the product of thofe countries, which I efteem a thing of very great confequence, and as material a fervice to this nation, as has been rendered for many years ; the account is too long for me to infert, but the inferences he draws from it are fo jult, and of fo high confequence, that I think it would be an injury done the reader not to report them, as it would certainly be doing both him and the fubjeft great wrong, to report them in any other than his own words, which without farther preface I fhall ufe ; only it is neceffary to premife at the time this gentleman, publifhedhis book, the war with France was not actually broke out.
“ How glorious, fays he, would if be for us at the fame time to civilize fo many nations, and improve fo large and fpacious a country, by communicating our conftitu- tion and liberties, both civil and religious, to fo many numbers, whole happinefs and pleafure would increafe at the fame time, that an increafe of wealth and power would be added to Britain.
“ There is, at prefent, a beginning of this fcheme, by the zeal of Mr. Barclay, who Is inftruQang and civilizing the Mowhawks, among the Iroquefe, who from a warlike nation have embarked in trade, and entered into alliances with all nations round the lakes Huron and Errie, and to the weftward as far as the Miffiffippi, which is firmly eftablifhed by the gain they make by the trade. The Englifc, from New York, have fixed at Ofwega, in their country, upon equitable terms with all the Indians, who come now from a great diftance to trade at that town; Indians coming now to trade there, whofe names were never before known to the Englilh. This therefore feems to be the
*2 critical

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critical time to begin this fettlement, on the banks of Conde River, If there be a war with France, as we are at a great expence to fave the liberties of Europe, and fupport the Houfe of Aultria, fince we can have nothing in Europe beneficial for us ; in cafe we are fuccefsful at the conclufion of the war, we ought to ftipulate for fomethmg advantageous in America ; and the Ieaft we ought to claim is our right to the American lakes, and fecuring the navigation of them. The French have, at prefent, two little forts, and about thirty men in each ; at Niagara, and the Freights of St. Jofeph ; and a few men at Miffiliackinac, and at the bottom of the Illinefe Lake. Thefe we ought to have from them, either by force or treaty, which would fecure the inland trade to us, and prevent their future incroachments, either there or in Hudfon’s Bay ; and to do this effectually, would be to make a fettlement near the lake Errie, which may be done with little or no expence, confidering our prefent barrier and alliance, and trade with the natives ; and whenever our troops are dilbanded, fome of them may be font over upon half-pay, to fix in proper places and make good our pofleffions, which would be a fine retreat to our foldiers, who cannot, fo eafily, after being dilbanded, bring themfelves again to hard labour, after being fo long difufed to it.
“ By thefe fettlements, and thofe adjoining to Hudfon’s Bay, and by opening the trade to the bay, many thoufands more would be employed in trade, and a much greater vent would be opened to our manufactures ; whereas, all the trade we have at prefont, whilft it is thus confined to the company, is the employment of one hundred and twenty men in all their factories ; and two or three Ihips in that trade, manned perhaps with one hundred and twenty men in time of war, to enrich nine or ten merchants at their country’s expence, at the fame time betraying the nation, by allowing the French to encroach upon us at the bottom of the bay, having given up by that means the greateft part of their trade there to the French. It is therefore humbly fub- mitted to the government, whether it is not juft, as well as prudent, to open the trade to all the Britilh merchants, and refume, at the fame time, the charter, fo far as to take from them all the lands they have not reclaimed or occupied, after feventy years pofieffion, leaving them only their factories, and fuch lands as they have reclaimed, adjoining to them; and to give grants, as ufual, in other colonies, to all who fhall go over to trade, and make fettlements in the country ; for no grant was ever intended to be made to them, to enable them to prevent other fubjeCts of Britain from planting thofe colonies, which they themfelves would not plant or occupy ; for fuch a power, inftead of being beneficial, would be the greateft prejudice to Britain. It is therefore become a general law in all the colonies, that thofe who take grants of land, and do not plant them in a reafonable limited time, forfeit their right to thofe lands, and a new grant is made out to fuch others as fhall plant and improve them ; and if this grant be not immediately refumed fo far-, and the trade laid open, and fome force be not font to fecure our fouthern plantations in the bay by the government, in cafe there fhould be a French war, we fhall fee the French immediately difpoffefs the company of all their factories but Churchill, and all thefe countries, and that trade, will be in poffoflion of the French.
“ To the making fuch fettlements fome objections have been made by the friends of the company, as the great difficulty of getting people to go to fettle and plant in fo cold a country, and the difficulty and danger attending the making fettlements higher up upon the rivers, and navigating them, as they are fo full of falls and rapids; that can only be navigated by the natives in fmall canoes, made of birch bark, which cannot contain above two men with any cargo ; and in thefe they are often overfet, and are in fuch danger of being _drowned, and of fpoiling their goods, that they are often obliged to
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carry their canoes and cargo from place to place, which obftrucls greatly and delays the navigation ; and that fcarce five men out of one hundred and twenty, which the company now have in the bay, will venture themfelves in, or can conduft fuch canoes, without imminent danger of being drowned, and confequently thefe hard/hips and difficulties will counterbalance the profit to be made of fettling higher up in the country, upon the rivers, in pleafanter and warmer climates.
“ To this I anfwer, that by the accounts already given here of thefe climates and countries, by impartial perfons, who do not want to difguife the truth, it appears that the cold is tolerable, even at thefe difadvantageous fettliments at prefent in the bay ; and that upon palling only five or fix leagues up the rivers into the country, the climate is fo altered, as to be equal to thofe of the fame latitudes in Europe ; and that thefe prodigious accounts of the effects of cold, are calculated only to ferve the company, in order to prevent people from going there to fettle, and encroach upon the company’s monopoly of trade. And to the difficulty they make about navigating thefe rivers in thofe fmall canoes, and the l'mall number employed by the company, who will venture in them, or can conduft them, I anfwer, that their fervants being at prefent no gainers by trade, will not endeavour to learn to navigate thefe canoes, where there is any rifk, and care neceffary to prevent the danger. Befides, the company allows them no time to learn, by confining them to their fa&ories, whilft the Indian trade continues, and the navigation is open ; and at other times keeps them employed in cutting wood for firing, bringing it home, fhooting, fifhing, and digging in their gardens, to fupply themfelves with provifions, to leffen the company’s expence, fo that they are allowed no time to learn to navigate thefe boats, or to go up the rivers to obferve the foil and climate, or what improvements might be made in the country. But if they were mafters of their own time, and could advance their wealth by trade, and found a confiderable profit to arife to them by their dexterity in managing thefe canoes, and the great pleafure and fatisfa&ion they would have by living in a fine climate among thefe lakes and rivers, they would be as enterprizing and dexterous as the Cureur de Bois, and be as able to navigate among thefe water-falls, as the French. Neither is it impracticable to prevent even thofe canoes from overfetting, by outlagers or blown bladders fixed to their fides, or other kind of boats may be ufed, fuch as are made at Torneo in Sweden, upon the rivers falling into the Bothnic Gulph, and Laplanders might be prevailed upon to go there to teach them how to make and manage thefe boats, and train up rein-deer to draw in fledges in winter, and alfo to ufe Lapland fhoes, which are better .than thofe ufed in America.
“ If the trade was once made free, the profit made upon it would induce many to go and fettle upon thofe rivers, when hot only horfes and other conveniences would be had near the water-falls, to affift the land carriage in fummer, but alfo horfes and reindeer to draw their fledges in winter, as in Ruffia, which is almofl as cheap a carriage as by water, when the proper roads are made through the woods, fo that objection rnuft be of no force to prevent our opening the trade, and fettling thefe countries. But fup- pofing the worft, that we could not manage thefe canoes, that could not prevent our fettling to advantage upon thefe rivers and lakes above the falls, for the natives might flill be our carriers, in navigating thofe dangerous places, and taking our goods from one fettlement to another, whilft we fhould be employed in navigation and trade among the lakes and rivers where there are no falls, in larger vefiels, and puffi our commerce fouthward into better climates and richer foils, and put the natives upon improvements in trade, by civilizing and inftru&ing them in building convenient houfes, and afibciating 8* in

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m towns,, making gardens, and tilling their lands ; providing them with horfes and tame cattle, and fowl, for their ufe, and proper tools which our trade would furnifh them with.
“ Another objection is, that it is a difficult and dangerous navigation into the bay, and the trade is not worth the rifk. To this I anfwer, that the navigation is not l'o dangerous as it is apprehended to be, but appears to be more fo by the infinuations and report of the company and their friends, who gave it out in order to deter others from venturing and interfering in their trade, and for that reafon they oblige their captains, under a penalty, not to publiffi any charts of the bay and ftreight. Captain Middleton, who was in their fervice, made above twenty voyages to different parts of the bay, and never loft a fliip, nor had any accident in thefe voyages; nor have I heard that the company, in about twenty-three years, have loft any fhips in that trade, but two, and the men and cargo were faved by Captain Middleton. Where captains are careful in the ice, there is not much danger; it is of great advantage to them that there is no, night at that feafon they enter the bay, where the quantity of ice is greateft ; and when they return in September, or even in October, all the ice is in a manner diffolved or paffed out of the ftreight into the ocean, and none feen that can hinder their paflage.
“ It is probable, that during the whole winter, from October to March, there is no ice in the ftreight to obftruct their paflage into or out of the bay; for a fhip which chanced to be clofed up with ice in an inlet, by breaking of the ice got out, and came through the ice at Chriftmas, without finding any ice in the ftreight to prevent her paflage; for the ice which is formed in bays and rivers, in winter, does not break up and get into the channel or ftreight until it begins to thaw upon the fhore in March or April; at which time it is carried by the winds and tide into the ftreight, and obftrudts the paflage in May or June, until it is diffolved; yet, even then, good pilots know how to avoid it and get into the eddy-tide, out of the current; where the ice is more open, and not drove together by the winds and current, as it is in the channel. But thefe difficulties would leflfen every day, if the trade were opened and the.voyages more frequent, by the great number of fhips, which would make many more experienced pilots. And as there is now a more accurate chart publifhed of the ftreight and bay, by Capt. Middleton, with the iflands, foundings, tides, and variation, the navigation will become lefs dangerous daily, and coves, and places of fhelter for fhips, will be found out, by the number of fhips which would then pafs, and be tracking in thofe feas which are now unknown. I therefore apprehend, that the danger of the ice is more in imagination than reality, when care and judgment are employed; for fhips are moftly inclofed in ice in calm weather and fogs, when the ice prevents the motion of the fea ; flormy weather difperfes and breaks the ice, unlefs they get under the lee of a large ifland of ice ; and then they fallen to it, and drive along with it, whilft the fmaller ice to leeward is drove from them by the wind, and the large iflands, being many fathoms deep in the water, come on ground before the fhips are in danger of being forced on fhore in fhallow water.
“ The greateft danger and delay from the ice is in the entrance into the ftreight; for the firft forty leagues from thence the quantity is lefs, and they pafs on with lefs difficulty ; and after getting into the bay, the north-weft fide is the freeft from ice; the bottom of the bay is full of low flat ice, which is all diffolved in the latter end of fum- mer. Upon the whole, except two fhips, which were loft in King William’s reign, and a French fhip, after an engagement with our fhips when they attacked Fort Nelfon,
I have heard of none, except the fhips already mentioned, which have been loft in the voyage. The two fhips which went out with Barlow, in 1719, to find the north-weft
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376 DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
paffage, contrary to the inclinations of the company, if they did not make the paffage were probably, in the winter, furprifed by the natives, and were not loft in the ice; for they fay, that the natives, in about latitude 63 degrees, where they fuppofe they were loft, are fhyer ftnce that time in trading with the company’s floops which they apprehend to be from a confcioufnefs of guilt, fearing that if it were known they fhould ftill be punifhed for it. Since, therefore, the greateft danger from the ice, is in palling the ftreight, and fo few accidents have happened in fo many years, the navigation, I think, cannot be called dangerous, though it has been fo apprehended, and not equal to the whale-filhers, who go annually to Spitlberg and Davis’s Streights to latitudes 78 and 80 degrees, without any objection to that navigation, either by the Dutch, Ham- burghers, Danes, Bifcayners, or Englilh.”
He concludes from thence, that the opening the trade and fettling in the bay, would prove a great benefit to, and great improvement of, our trade, which might be vaftly increafed, as well in refpect to furs as to mines, and the whale-filhery; all which might be carried on with the afiiftance of the Indians, and would turn to a very high profit, even fuppofing that no paffage to the north-weft Ihould ever be found; but ihould future experience demonftrate that this gentleman’s notions are, in this relpect, well founded, and this long fought for paffage Ihould actually be difcovered, it would then certainly follow that this country, fo little known and fo much defpifed till very lately, would become of more confequence to us than almoft any colony in America. Here let me take the liberty of obferving what hitherto, as far as I know, has never yet been confidered; that if fuch a paffage to the north-weft Ihould be difcovered before thefe countries are tolerably planted, the French would have a fair opportunity of fupplanting us in the advantages expected from that important attempt; and perhaps we Ihould then be forced to fight for the poffeflion of countries that are now thought not worth the having.
It may likewife deferve fome thought, whether it be not better to attempt fuch fet- tlements without lofs of time, as mull at all events be highly ufeful and ferviceable to this nation, by dividing the French fettlements in Canada, and on the Mifliflippi, from each other, than to wait till the importance of fuch fettlements lhall appear in fo glaring a light, as they muft immediately do if fuch a paffage Ihould be difcovered; for we ought to remember, from the famous inftance of our being difappointed in our defign of fettling the iflands ef St. Lucia and St. Vincent, that it-is a very difficult matter, in a time of full peace, for us to acquire any advantage in point of commerce, at the expence of the French, who, in fuch a cafe, would not fail to take the fame vigorous meafures that they did in the cafe before mentioned. I have taken the more pains to place this matter in a fair and true light, becaufe I am perfuaded this is the time in which only it can be confidered to advantage; for if the cafe now in view (I mean, the difcovery of a north-weft paffage) Ihould ever come, as I am convinced, fooner or later it will come to be the cafe in fa£t, the face of affairs will be quite changed, and this new route to the South Seas and Eaft Indies will produce fuch an alteration in the whole commercial fyftem of Europe, that things will be feen to be then of the utmoft confequence, which at prefent moft people look upon as dreams and vifions, notwithftanding the late fanction given them by the wifdom of the parliament.
But it becomes a prudent and fenfible people, and above all, it imports a maritime power, to confider things in time, and while what is propofea for their benefit is eafy, or at leaft practicable; and not to defer and delay things till from being troublefome and difficult they come to be abfolutely impoflible. We know what {harp and cutting remarks have been made on the meannels of King James’s fpirit, in fuffering the Dutch
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to defpoil us of the fpice trade: we cannot but remember the fevere reflexions on Queen Anne’s miniftry, for not fecuring to us Cape Breton, and therefore we fhould be cautious of falling a third time into the fame miftake, and of running the hazard of making a great difcovery, fuch as all the world allows that of the north-weft pafiage would be, rather for other people’s benefit than our own, fmce it muft pafs for a blunder, greater than ever was made by our anceftors, and would render us effectually ridiculous in the eyes of lateft pofterity.
12. The method we have taken in defcribing the acquifitions of our nation in America, leads us next to fpeak of the noble country of Penfylvania; the beft projected, and one of the moft flourifhing of our colonies on the continent of North America. We have before mentioned Admiral Penn, who in conjunction with Col. Venables, conquered the ifland of Jamaica for this nation; he became afterwards Sir William Penn, and flood in as high a degree of credit with King Charles II. and his brother the Duke of York, as any feaman of that time, as indeed he very well deferved; for, with abilities fuperior to moft, he had as great modefty as any man, and was ready, upon all occafions, to ferve his country in any ftation that was found practicable. It was this excellent difpofition of mind that fecured him from danger under one government, and recommended him to preferment under another; for when the Duke of York propofed to take the command of the Englifh fleet upon himfelf in the Dutch war, as Lord High Admiral, he made choice of Sir William Penn as the moft experienced, and the moft capable officer to ferve under him, which he did with equal fatisfaXion to his Royal Highnefs, and credit to himfelf; eftablifhing thereby fuch a reputation at court, as lafted during his life, and proved no lefs ufeful to his fon.
But Sir William Penn did not long enjoy his high ftation, and dying in the weft country where he was born, was buried in Redcliff church in Briftol, having, in reward of his l'ervices, had a promife of the grant of this country from King Charles the lid. Sir William had a kinfman who was one of the firft planters in New England, and it is, doubtlefs, from him that he had exaX and particular information of the advantages that might be made of lands and fettlements in this continent of America. But young Mr. Penn did not for fome years apply himfelf ftrenuoully to folicit the promifed grant, till at laft finding his friends, the Quakers, were haraffed all over England by fpiritual courts, he refolved to put himfelf at the head of as many as would go with him and remove to this country, of which he obtained the grant in the year 1679.
He gave it the name of Penfylvania fome time before he was aXually inverted with it, and fo it is called in the original patent, bearing date March the 4th 1680. “ It contained all that traX ot land in America, with all the iflands belonging to it, from the beginning of the 40th degree of north latitude to the 43 d degree, whofe eaftern bound, from twelve Englifh miles above Newcaftle, alias Delawar town, runs all along upon the fide of Delawar river.” So that it is bounded on the eaft by that bay and river, and the eaftern fea; on the north by Weft New Jerfey, or rather New York, for it runs a great way above the Jerfeys; on the weft by the Indian nations, about the heads of Sufquahanaugh and Delawar rivers, by which we fee it ftretches far within land, that river running through it about two or three hundred miles; on the fouth it is bounded by Maryland, and reaching from Penfbury near the falls of the river to Han- lope, near the mouth of the bay, above one hundred and fifty miles direXly; but it is narrow all along, being very much crowded in the breadth by Maryland.
The bounds and extent we have mentioned are in the original grant ; but Mr. Penn having afterwards obtained part of Nova Belgia of the Duke of York, it was added to the country in the firft grant, and both together called Penfylvania, which is divided
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into three upper and three lower counties; the three upper counties, Buckingham, Philadelphia, and Chefter, are the Penfylvania, fo called in King Charles’s grant. The three lower counties, Newcaftle, Kent, and Sufiex, are taken out of Nova Belgia, or the province of New York. The upper counties end at Marcus Hook, four miles below Chefter Town; the lower run along the coaft one hundred and twenty miles, and are forty miles deep towards Maryland. Thus the whole province of Penfylvania, from the Falls Townlhip, to twenty miles below Hanlope or Cape William, is in length three hundred and thirty miles, and in breadth two hundred. The river Delawar, above and below the Falls, for a good length, is called the Frefhes, and near the mouth are the marlhes, very fertile and profitable. ,
As foon as Mr. Penn had got his patent, he invited feveral perfons to purchafe lands under it. Though he did not fatisfy himfelf with the title granted him by Charles the lid. and his brother. He alfo bought the land of the Indians. The Swedes, who had encroached upon the Dutch, the firft planters here, as well as at New York, fettled upon or near the Frefhes of Delawar. The Fins, or inhabitants of Finland, part of the kingdom of Sweden, applied themfelves chiefly to hufbandry. The king of Sweden appointed a governor here, who had often difputes with the governor that prefided over the Dutch. The latter applied themfelves moftly to traffic, living upon, or near, the bay, and by the neighbourhood of New York. The Dutch alfo were too powerful for the Swedes, who, finding they could not maintain their ground, fubmitted to their ftronger neighbours. Accordingly John Rifeing, the Swedifh governor, made a formal furrender of the country to Peter Styerfont, governor for the States General, after which this province continued fubject to their Republic till the Englifh drove the Dutch out of New Amfterdam or New York, which made the poffeffion of thofe territories the more eafy to Mr. Penn.
There were a few Englifh here before Mr. Penn fent over the firft adventurers under his patent, over whom he placed, as governor, Colonel William Markham, his nephew, to whom both Dutch and Swedes fubmitted. Thofe that went over, were generally diflenters, from London, Liverpool, and efpecially Briftol, for the weft of England abounded with diflenters more than other counties; they Ihipped themfelves at Briftol In great numbers for Penfylvania. Mr. Thomas Gouldney, and Mr. Duddleftone, two tobacco merchants of that city, about this time fitted out the Unicorn, a fliip of three hundred tons, for this voyage; which putting into Start, took in a great many from Bridgewater. Mr. Penn had fold twenty thoufand acres of his property to Mr. James Claypool, Mr. Nicholas Moor, Mr. Philip Ford, and others, who formed a company, and had a ftreet, and a fide of a ftreet, fet out for them in Philadelphia, with four hundred acres of land in the city liberties. They fet up a tannery, a faw mill, a glafs houfe, and a whalery ; of the two latter, I fuppofe, they never made any great profit. The proprietors conditions of fale were thel'e: Buyers purchafed after the rate of twenty pounds for one thoufand acres, fo that he put four hundred pounds in his pocket immediately, but that was a trifle to what went out of it for the grant and experiments to people and fettle the country; the quit-rent was twelve pounds for every hundred acres. This w^s cheap enough, but I think the renters were not fo well ufed, for they were to pay fo much an acre yearly. Thus thefe twenty thoufand acres which he fold the company, would, if rented, have brought him one thoufand pounds a-year. Since that time the value of land is fo much rifen, that I have been credibly informed it has fold for twenty years purchafe, at feveral miles diftant from Philadelphia; and that near it has gone at a pound an acre, and in fome places ac more than a pound an acre yearly.
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We have mentioned near four thoufand acres to be at this time parcelled out for fale, fome at fixty miles diftant from Philadelphia; but none of thefe parcels will fetch a tenth part of fuch rates as thefe. Servants, men and women, were to have fifty acres when their times were out, and owners of land fifty acres a head for fuch fervants, men dr women. In the year 1681 Mr. Penn went himfelf to Penfylvania, and carried with him, and there went after him, two thoufand fouls; a prodigious augmentation in lefs than a year ! And he might with reafon fay as he did, it was made at once a country. As foon as he arrived he took the government into his own hands, and entered upon treaties with the Indian kings, for purchafing his patent-lands, and others, as is before hinted. One may affure one’s felf he gave but little for them, and if the French and Spaniards fcorned to pay fuch a compliment to natural right, and chofe rather to feize the lands of the Indian natives by violence, it was what might have been expected from the religion and tyranny of the countries from whence they came. Twenty miles of territory were thus bought of the Indians for lefs than an acre of the belt ground about Philadelphia would be valued at now.' But the Indians, in a little time, obferving wffiat profit the Englifh made of the land they fold them, and that by the coming over of fuch numbers every year, it would be more and more wanted, they raifed the price ten times as much as it was at firft, and yet it w r as unconfcionably cheap, and for a long time purchafed by the mile, and not by the acre. Indeed they knew' not what to do with it, they had not hands enough to cultivate a hundredth part ; and if they could have raifed fuch a product there was no body to buy it. The" pur- chafe was all clear gains to them ; and by the coming of the Englifh, the peiltry trade became fo profitable, that they were foon in a condition to better their manner of houfing, clothing, and living, as they did very much, and are now in thefe articles as well accommodated as the European peafantry, in many places.
When the province began to be planted, almoft to the mouth of Delaware, it was laid out into the before-mentioned counties, in order to choofe reprefentatives, and eflablifh courts for the diftribution of juftice. The original draught of the conftitution for this province was made by that great lawyer Sir William Jones, and by it the governor and people have a legillative power. Sir William Jones had too much under- llanding, virtue, and honour, to throw the people out of the queftion, w r hen their religion, their liberty, their well-being in this world and the next, were fo nearly concerned in it. No law can be here made, nor money raifed, but by confent of the inhabitants. The rights and freedom of England were to be in force. They were to make no law againft allegiance, and then they might enact .what laws they pleafed for theprofperity and fecurity of the province. Mr. Penn held two General Affemblies while he was in the country, and with fuch unanimity and difpatch, that though they made laws by fcores, no lefs than feventy, yet they had done their bufinefs in three weeks time. They prefented the proprietary with an import on certain goods, but he remitted it; which was artful enough, to have a thing given on purpofe to give it away again to thofe that gave it. He eftablifhed courts of juftice in every county, with proper officers, to prevent law-fuits and contentions. Among thefe paffive people there are alfo three peace-makers, chofen by every county court, in the nature of common arbitrators, to hear and end differences between man and man. Every Spring and Fall there is an orphans court in each county, to infpcct and regulate the affairs of widows and orphans.
Mr. Penn was vifited by the kings, and queens, and great men among the Indians, of whom the greateft did not think himfelf too good to go on the proprietaries errands, if he had thought fit to fend him. _ Both the Dutch and the Swedes, within this jurif-
3 c 2 dittion,

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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didtion, were very well pleafed with his coming, and his conduct; and there were, at that time, almoft as many Swedes and Dutch in Penfylvania as Englifh. Mr. Penn ftaid here above two years, till he had fettled things to his own and the people’s liking; he then returned to England, to forward the affairs of the propriety there, as he had done here. He was generous and free of his thoughts and expreffions, which were not always fufficiently guarded; and after the Revolution he became fufpected, from his credit with King James. That we may form fome idea of the manner in which this truly great man acted in this part of the world, and eftablifhed his government upon the folid bafis of a perfect agreement with the natives, let us hear what he himfelf fays upon this fubjeft: Mr. Penn, in a letter to his friends in England, on the fituation of his affairs at that time, relates, That he had attended the Indian kings and their councils In feveral treaties, for the purchafe of their lands, and for adjufting the terms of trade between them. And that their order was thus: “ Their king (fays Mr. Penn) was feated in the middle of an half moon, or femi-circle; his council, the old and wife, fitting on each hand; behind them, at a little diftance, fat the young men, in the fame figure: having refolved their bufinefs, the king commanded one of them to fpeak to me. Pie flood up, and came to me, and in the king’s name faluted me; taking me by the hand, and telling me, he was ordered by his king to fpeak to me, and that now it was not he, but the king that fpoke, becaufe what he fhould fay was the king’s mind. He firft prayed me to excufe them, that they had not complied with me in a former meeting ; he feared there might be fome fault in the interpreter, being neither Indian or Englifh ■, befides, it was the Indian cuftorn to deliberate before they refolved ; and that if the younger people, and owners of the land, had been as ready as he, I had not met with fo much delay.” Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land they had agreed to difpofe of, and the price. During the time this perfon fpoke, not a man of them was obferved to whifper or fmile ; the old were grave, the young reverend in their deportment; when they fpoke, which was but feldom, it was warmly and elegantly. I have never feen more natural fagacity, confidering them without the help of tradition; and he will deferve the name of wife that is too hard for them in any treaty about a thing they underhand. When the purchafe was agreed, great promifes palled between us, of kindnefs and good neighbourhood ; and that the Indians and Englifh mufl live in love as long as the fun gave light. After which another made a fpeech to the Indians, in the name of all the fachems, or kings; firft, to tell them what was done; next, to charge and command them to love the Chriftians, and particularly to live in peace with me, and the people under my government; that many governors had been in the river, but that no governor had come himfelf to live and ftay there before, and having now fuch an one that had treated them well, they fhould never do him or his any wrong. At every fentence of which they fhouted, and faid Amen, in their way.
This conduct of his had fo good an effect upon the Indians, that they had hint always in the higheft veneration, as they ftill have to his memory, of which the reader will find an exemplary proof in the following fpeech, made to Sir William Keith, governor of this country in 1722; only it may not be amifs to obferve, that Onas fignifies, in the Indian language, a Pen; and therefore this is the name the Indians have given to our proprietor and all his fucceffors, or reprefentatives.
“ Brother Onas, you told us how William Penn, that good man, did, on the firft fettlement of the province of Penfylvania, make leagues of friendfhip with the Indians, and treated them like brethren; and that, like the fame good man, he left it in charge to all his governors who fhould fucceed him, and to all the people in Pen-
*8 fylvania,

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA.
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fylvania, that they Ihould always keep the covenant and treaties he had made with the five nations, and treat them with love and kindnefs. We acknowledge that his governors and people have always kept the fame honeftly and truly to this day. So we, on our part, always have kept, and for ever lhall keep peace and friendlhip with a good heart, to all the people of Penfylvania. We thankfully receive and approve of all the articles in your propofition to us, and acknowledge them to be good, and full of love: we receive and approve of the fame with our whole hearts ; becaufe we are not only made one people by the covenant chain, but are alfo people united in one head, one body, and one heart, by the ftrongeft ties of love and friendlhip.
“ Brother Onas, you defire there may be a perpetual friendlhip between you and the five nations, and between your children and our children; and that the fame may be kept as long as the mountains and rivers endure. All which we like well, and on our parts defire, that the covenant and union made with a true and clean heart between you and us, may laft as long as the fun and moon lhall continue to give light. And we will deliver this in charge to our children, that it may be kept in remembrance with their children and childrens children to the laft ages : and we delire that the peace and tranquillity that is now eftablilhed between us may be as clear as the fun Ihining in its luftre without any cloud or darknefs, and that the fame may continue for ever.
“ Brother Onas, we have well confidered all you have fpoken, and like it well; becaufe it is only the renewing former leagues and treaties, made between the government of Penfylvania, and us of the five nations, which we always believed we were obliged to keep. And as to the accident of one of our friends being killed by fome of your people, which has happened by, misfortune, and againft our will; we fay, that as we are all in peace, we think it hard that the perfons who killed our friend and brother Ihould fuffer ; and we do in the name of all the five nations forgive the offence, and defire you will likewife forgive it; and that the men who did it may be releafed from prifon, and fet at liberty to go whither they pleafe; and we fhall efteem that as -a mark of regard and friendlhip for the five nations, and as a farther confirmation of this treaty.” Upon thefe principles, which are more likely to be obferved in this than in moft of our colonies, the friendlhip of the Indians may' be preferved as long as they remain a people; which fhews how poffible it might have been to have maintained a like correfponaence with them in other places, which would not only have faved a great deal of blood-lhed, and have contributed to the quick growth of the colonies fettled in the countries, inhabited by fuch Indians, but would have been very ufeful in many other rel'pects ; fince it is allowed where the Indians are treated as in Penfylvania, with ftrift juffice and humanity, they are as firm allies as any in the world; and in that quality more capable of doing fervice than if reduced to be either Haves or fubjects; becaufe living as they do, they preferve their ftrength and activity, and enjoy all the liberty they can defire, and are very willing to fight for thofe under whofe protection they enjoy it. . -
13. We will now proceed to a more particular defcription of this famous fettlement, having before given an account of the fituation of the country in general, and of its divifion into counties. The chief rivers in Penfylvania are, the river Delawar, which rifing far north in the country of the Iroquois, takes its courfe to the fouthward, and dividing this province from that of NewJerfeys, falls into the Atlantic ocean, between the promontories of Cape May and Cape Hanlope, being navigable for two hundred miles and upwards with large veffels} but has a catarad or fteep fall in it above Briftol,
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which renders the navigation impracticable to the northward of the county of Bucks. The fecond river in this province, is that of Sufquahanaugh, which, riling likewife in the country of the Iroquois, runs fouth through the middle of Penfylvania, and falls into the bay of Chefepeak, being navigable for large drips. The third river is School- kill, which, having its fource in the country of the Iroquois, runs fouth almoft parallel to the rivers Delawar and Sufquahanaugh, and at length turning to the ealtward, falls into Delawar, at the city of Philadelphia. This river is alfo navigable for large drips as far as the city of Philadelphia, and for boats above an hundred miles higher. Thefe rivers, and the numerous bays and creeks in the bay Delawar, capable of containing the larged fleets, render this country admirably lituated to carry on a foreign trade.
In the county of Buckingham, the mod northerly of any in this province, the chief town is Briftol, fituated on the river Delawar, oppofite to Burlington in New Jerfey, and twenty miles north of the city of Philadelphia. In this country alfo lies the manor houfe of Penlbury, elegantly built by Mr. Penn, the fil'd proprietor, and fltuate on an eminence which commands the country, being alrnod furrounded by the river Delawar. The country of Philadelphia lies fouth of that of Bucks, and in it is the celebrated city of Philadelphia, the capital of the province, fituated in 40 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, being one of the fined plans of a town that was ever formed. It is an oblong of two miles, extending from the river Delawar to the river Schoolkill, the ead end fronting the river Delawar, and the wed the river Schoolkill, each front being a mile in length. Every owner of one thoufand acres has his houfe in one of the two fronts, facing the rivers, or in the high dreet, running from the middle of one front to the middle of the other ; and every owner of five thoufand acres, has an acre of ground in the front of his houfe, and the red half an acre for gardens and court yards. In the centre of the town is a fquare of ten acres, furrounded by the town-houfe, and other public buildings, and each quarter of the city is a fquare of eight acres. The high dreet, which runs the whole length of the town, is an hundred feet wide, parallel to which run eight dreets, which are eroded by twenty more at right angles, all of them thirty feet wide, and feveral canals are let into the town from each river, which add to the beauty and conveniency of the place. There is alfo a fine quay two hundred feet fquare, to which {hips of four or five hundred tons may come up, with wet and dry docks for building and repairing of {hips; magazines, warehoufes, and all manner of conveniences for importing and exporting of merchandize; there are already fourteen or fifteen hundred houfes in the city, mod of them well built with brick, but are dill a great many more wanting to" complete the plan: however, more could not have been expended than has been done in fo fliort a time, the ground not having been laid out much above fifty years.
The town of Oxford is fituated likewife in the county of Philadelphia, where a miffionary is maintained by the Society for propagation of the Gofpel. Germain Town, fituated to the northward of the city of Philadelphia, alfo is faid to be a thriving populous place, inhabited chiefly by the Dutch, or thofe of Dutch extraction. In this county is the city of Radnor, fituated on the fouth-wed fide of Schoolkill river, being the capital of a large country, planted by the Welch, and extremely well improved by them. _ To the fouth of the county of Philadelphia lies that of Cheder, the capital whereof is the town of Cheder, fituate on the river Delaware, which is about three hundred miles broad at this place ; and to the fouthward of Cheder lies the town of Chicheder; either of thofe ports are capable of receiving and harbouring the larged fleets, fecure from dorms. The county of Newcadle lies fouth to that of Cheder, the capital town being of the fame name 5 this is faid to be a town of the brifked trade in

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the province, next to that of Philadelphia, and has an iron mine in the neighbourhood * of it. The town of Apoquinemink lies upon the river Delawar, fouth of Newcaftle, and is a place of good trade. The county of Kent lies fouth of that of Newcalile, the chief town whereof is Dover, being a commodious port. The mod; fouthern county is that of Suflex, the capital town whereof is Lewes, being a fecure harbour and a town of trade.
The air here is fweet and clear ; the fall begins here about the 20th of October, and lafts to the beginning of December; frofty weather, and cold feafons are frequent; but as in molt countries where are fuch feafons the air is dry and hungry ; the river Delawar is fometimes frozen over, notwithftanding its breadth. The fpring lafts from March to June, but the weather then is more inconftant than in the other feafons, which it generally is in other countries. The heats are extraordinary in the fummer months, July, Auguft, and September, but alleviated by cold breezes, which make them very tolerable. The wind is fouth-weft during fummer, but generally north-wefterly, fpring, fall, and winter ; which blowing from the frofty and fnowy mountains, and lakes oft he Terra Canadenfis, is, doubtlefs, a mam real'on of the ex- ceffive cold here in winter. The foil in this tract of land is in fome places a yellow and black fand, and in others a loomy gravel, in others a fat earth, like the vales in England; efpecially by inland brooks and rivers, where the lands in this country are moftly three to one richer than thofe that lie by navigable rivers. There is alfo found a black hazle mould, on a ftony bottom. The earth is fruitful, fat, and eafy to be cleared, becaufe the roots of the trees lie almoft on the furface of the ground. Some allowance mult be made for Mr. Penn’s property in the tempting defcription he gives us of the country. We have faid enough of the rivers and creeks in it, and Ihewn how commodious they are for navigation and communication ; but among other waters Mr. Penn mentions mineral waters ; tliefe fprings are about two miles from Philadelphia, at a happy diftance from water-drinkers, but the number of them is, fince that, leffened extremely, and we need not infill: on their virtue.
Here are trees of almoft all forts, oak, red, white, and black aft, beech, Spanilh chcfnuts, cedar, wall-nuts, cyprefs, and fwamp ; the molt durable of all are poplar, gum wood, hickery, falfafras; and as for ft rubs, fnakeroot, farfaparilla, falop, fpruce, and cranberries ; wheat, barley, oats, rye, peas, beans, water melons, mufmelons, apples, pears, cherries, apricots, carrots, turnips, parfnips, onions, cucumbers, quinces, &c. are in great plenty here ; as alfo Indian corn, hemp, flax, &c. It is common for one buflici of com fown here to yield forty, often fifty,fometimes fixty bufliels. One Mr. Edward Jones had for one grain ofEnglift barley feventy Italics and ears of that corn, in his plantation on the Schoolkill. Of living creatures there are for food and trade, deer, the elk as big as a fmall ox, rabbits, raccoons, beaver ;> plenty of oxen, cows, andfteep; of the latter it is common for farmers to have four or five hundred in a flock. Elorfes, fome very good, and handfome enough. Of fowl here are very fine buftards forty or fifty pounds weight, pheafants, heath birds, pigeons, partridges, clouds of blackbirds, fwans, geefe, braindes, tucks, teal and fnipe. The fi(h here are fturgeons, herring, eels, fmelts, and perch ; the latter caught in abundance in Delawar Bay ; and the river above the frefhes, oyfters, crabs, cockles, and mufcles. There are alfo rock, ftat, catftead, fheeplhead, and other fifh, not worth our particular regard.
We need not wonder that in a country fo fruitful and fo pleafant, and where there was fo clear a prolpect of living happily, with moderate induftry, people fhould refort in fuch numbers. At lirft, without doubt, religion was a ftrong motive, and the
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DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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quakers willingly followed Mr. Penn, from a country where they were perfecuted, to i land of plenty and peace. But in time, and indeed in a little time, this argument ceafed, and people reforted thither as they did to the other colonies, upon the ordinary motives of gain and trade ; we may, however, venture to affert that Mr. Penn’s original contract, for fo the firft conftitution drawn by him was {tiled, had a very great influence in procuring inhabitants, fmce it muft be allowed there never was a more beneficent fcheme of government devifed by the wit of man.
By degrees, however, this alfo has been fomewhat altered, not by the proprietor or thofe acting under his authority, but at the defire and on the requeft of the people, with refpeCt to whom it may poffibly be true, that fuch alterations, in procefs of time, might become necelfary. The fpirit, however, of Mr. Penn’s inftitution is {till pre- ferved, and the people here are as free, and as well, and as cheaply governed as in any part of the known world. A very ftrong proof of this may be drawn from the greateft error in government that was ever committed there,which was laying a tax of fivelhillings a head upon all new comers ; which {hews, that they were once in fome apprehenlion of being over-ftocked ; but this law was very foon repealed, as it ought to be. At prefent it would be a very difficult thing to pretend to compute the number of people in this flourilhing colony, but we may form fome notion of it from the following in- ftance, which is very certain, viz. that the inhabitants of Philadelphia in x 740 were full fifteen thoufand.
14. As to the commerce of Penfylvania with refpect to Europe and America, the cafe, according to the bell accounts we have, {lands thus ; their merchandize confifts of horfes, pipe-ftaves, pork, beef and fiffi, falted and barrelled up, {kins and furs 5 all forts of grain, viz. wheat, rye, peafe, oats, barley, buck-wheat, Indian corn, Indian peafe and beans, pot-affies, wax, &c. and in return for thefe, they import from the^Caribbee Iflands and other places, rum, fugar, moloffes, filver, negroes, fait and wine; and from' Great Britain houffiold goods and cloathing of all kinds, hard-ware, tools and toys. They have alfo fome rice, but no great quantities, and a little tobacco of the worft fort. Their trade with the Indians confifts but in a few articles ; they receive of the natives chiefly {kins and furs of their wild beafts, for which they give them clothing, arms, ammunition, rum, and other fpirits in return. This, as well as other northern colonies, has alfo a clandeftine trade with the Spaniards upon the coaft of Terra Firma, &c. furniffiing them with European goods and merchandize, for which they receive chiefly dollars in return ; and they alfo trade to the bays of Honduras and Campeachy for logwood, by connivance, as the Spaniards fay ; but the fubjeCts of Great Britain infill that they have a right to that trade, and as we have already {hewn, that they do not infift upon this, without juft grounds, in the opinion of thofe who are the beft and propereft judges of that matter. But after all it muft be admitted, that Penfylvania has no ftaple commodity, which, however, is not juftly chargeable upon the inhabitants of this colony 5 who, notwithstanding this, have never fet up any manufactures of their own.
But the point to be enquired into is, whether they might not have fuch a ftaple commodity if they went about it themfelves induftrioufly, and received from hence proper encouragement ? It is a point out of difpute, that no country in the world is more proper than Penfylvania for producing hemp and flax; and with refpeCt to thefe, we ought ferioufly to confider, that there is nothing plainer than that hemp and flax are fo ufeful in navigation and trade that we cannot do without them ; the firft for cordage of all forts, the latter for making fail-cloth, as well as for the linen manufactures carried on in this kingdom. The neceflity we are under for thefe commodities ought to put us
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upon all Imaginable care how to provide them, that we may not fall under the fame neceffity for them that we did in the year 1703 for pitch and tar, when the government of Sweden abfolutely refufed to let us have them for our ready money, otherwife than in their fhipping, from their tar company here, at their own price, and only in fuch quantities as they thought fit. Upon that difappointment, the government, by allowing a confiderable encouragement for carrying on the manufactures of pitch and tar, had fufficient quantities from our own plantations; and it is greatly to be wifhed the like encouragement was given for raifing hemp and flax; and as all forts of naval ftores may be raifed with fo many advantages to this kingdom, it would be unaccountable to leave us dependent, and at an uncertainty for them. It is very well known, that our land is too dear for hemp and flax, and what does grow here (though it is tough, and makes ftrong linen) neither dreffes fo kindly, nor whitens fo well as that which grows in hotter climates. In Ruflia the bell hemp and flax grow in the fouthermofl: parts of the empire, where the fummer is hot and the air clear, and yet the flax is not accounted fo good as that which grows in Egypt or Italy. Egypt has always been efteemed for its linen, and even now fupplies' Leghorn with large quantities, and the coaft of Syria, Afia Minor, Smyrna, Conftantinople, and other great cities, have a fupply of hemp and flax from thence.
All our colonies (which run twelve or fourteen hundred miles in length, all the way bordering upon the fea) have very hot fummers, the fouthermofl parts of them lie near the fame latitude with Egypt, and the north part much about the fame with Ancona or Bologna in Italy, where hemp and flax grow; therefore, we have the greateft prof- pect to receive mighty fupplies of heino and flax from them. Part of the land in the colonies is very rich, and of fo fmall value, there will be opportunity of breaking up frefh as often as there is occafion to change the ground, which if laid down will recover itfelf again without the charge of manuring, as we do here, to the very great damage of our ploughing lands. Nothing impoverilhes land more than hemp and flax; and though it is manured, that alone will not do fo well, for the land ought to be changed after three or four crops, and generally the fineft and fajtteft pieces are converted to that ufe. Thofe great conveniences of having land fo very cheap, and fo fine a climate, which we know produces excellent hemp and flax, fo commodioufly fituated along the fea coafts, with fuch numbers of large rivers running up the country to the molt inland fettlements, where provifions may be raifed at fo fmall a charge, and where work may be done by the labour of Haves, almoft as cheap as in India, gives ground to hope, that we may manufacture linen here cheaper than any part of Europe can import them upon us, and the colonies be as profitable to us, by raifing rough materials to carry on the linen manufacture, as the Suffex and other downs are, for fupplying wool for that manufacture, the profits of which we have valued ourfelves fo much upon, that we have fet the reft ol Europe upon being our competitors therein.
Now as the woollen manufacture, efpecially the coarfe part, has fpread itfelf of late into feveral parts of the kingdom, which has exceeded the demand, and caufed great flocks to remain on hand, if thofe rough materials of hemp and flax were prepared in our plantations, the people in North Britain, &c. would foon find the advantage of falling upon that manufacture j the laborious and coarfe part being performed abroad, the reft would invite not only the poor and neceffitous, but people of better circum- ftances to employ their time in it. If thefe propofitions are fufficiently confidered, and heartily put in practice, we may hope that by providing the aforefaid rough materials, we fhall have the delightful profpeCt of feeing trade flourifli; for as the filk and linen manufactures, where brought to perfection, are altogether as profitable to thofe nations vol. xii. 3D as

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as the woollen is to us; and as we increafe in our linen manufactures, thofe of Silefia and all the hereditary countries of the Houfe of Auftria, whence we take fuch quantities, mull abate of courfe ; their people alfo will refort to us, and help to carry them on ; for it has always been obferved, where new manufactures are fet up, the manufacturers will likewife remove. This was the cafe with the Flemings when Queen Elizabeth gave fuch great encouragement to have the woollen manufacture remove hither; and ours, when we had that inundation of China and India wrought filks, our weavers went to Holland, Flanders, France, &c. fo that feveral ftreets in Spittlefields were almoft defolate; but when thefe lilks were prohibited, the manufacturers returned again.
It is fuppofed the Ruffians exported to England, and all other parts, in hemp and flax, above the value of a million a year. If hemp and flax be lo valuable a produCt for merchandize with them, there feems to be a much greater profpect of its being fo to ourfelves, by raifing them in our plantations, becaufe they will not be fubjeCt to any land carriage, but flapped immediately from the place of growth ; becaufe land is much cheaper in our plantations than in the fouth parts of Ruffia. The climate, being equal with that in Egypt and Italy, is fuppofed to produce hemp and flax preferable to theirs. "We have before Ihewn, that in the cafes of fugar and tobacco, every white man employs four at home, that is to fay, finds them work to fupply him with utenfils requifite for his. if fugar and tobacco employ fuch a number of hands at home, certainly every perfon employed in the plantations, in raifing and dreffing hemp and flax, mull by his labour there, return more than twice the advantage that can be produced by fugar and tobacco, for they are manufactured in the plantations; the refining the fugar and cutting the tobacco, with the little quantity that is rolled excepted. Whereas flax and hemp are materials for employing all idle hands; and of confequence the poors rate will foon be abated, and the nation will find in a little time what they fave yearly thereby, will be more than fufficient to encourage the people to begin that employment. And if once we come to be employed with hemp and flax by the aforefaid methods, every place wall be filled with flax-drelfers, and the overfeers of the poor of every parilh where the wool-fpinning trade is not carried on, may very eafily come at hemp and flax, which they will find as profitable to them as the woollen is to the other ; and the'more diftant the employment is, the better ; for many inconveniences have attended one manufac-- ture interfering with another ; befides there will be an intercourfe of trade created, by one part of the kingdom fupplying the other with their diftinCt manufactures. This will give full employment to the whole kingdom, and an univerfal cheerfulnefs to every body; for the poor are never happier, nor their minds eafier, than when they have full employment; and when they are employed, riches is diffufed throughout the whole nation.
It is a common opinion, that we have above a million of people in the three nations deftitute of work ; but if thofe rough materials (fo often mentioned in this difcourfe) fhould come to be raifed in our plantations, there need not be cne idle perfon • now, fuppofe one million of people were put upon manufacturing thofe rough materials, and each perfon earned but one penny a day, and allowing but three hundred working days in the year, it would amount to one million two hundred and fifty thoufand pounds ; a prodigious advantage to the nation, which is ftill greatly heightened by confidering that thefe people would be then employed, at leaft in part, and fo far as they were employed, would be the better fubjeCts. That all this might be brought about with lefs trouble than has been given the nation by one Baltic or Mediterranean expedition, and at the tenth part of the expence of a campaign in Flanders, is a thing will be acknowledged

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kftcnvledged by all who are capable of judging of this fubjecl; and therefore that it ought to be done, is a point that cannot be difputed. I would not miflead my reader by the comparifon, into a bad opinion of fuch expeditions or campaigns *, that is not my bufinefs or my intention ; the juftice of my comparifon turns upon this, that the motives to fuch expeditions and campaigns are, comparatively fpeaking, near and at hand; whereas we are lefs acquainted, or at leaft lefs affected by the connexion between our interefts and thofe of the plantations ; though, from what has been faid, I think it will plainly appear, that they concern us as much and as nearly, as any interefts can do without the limits of our own ifland.
15. But it is now time to bring this chapter to a clofe, and after having given the reader, from the bell authorities I could find, as clear an account as I was capable of giving of thefe noble fettlements, I come next to add a few general remarks, not upon this or that plantation, but upon the whole body of our American fettlements taken together. We have flrewn how the outlines were drawn, fo early as in the reigns of King Henry VIL and Henry VIII. We have taken notice of the fchemes and preparations that were made for fettling the countries we had a title to in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. We have given an account how far thefe were carried into execution in the fucceeding reigns. And in this chapter we have plainly exhibited the manner in which this laft plan was fully accomplifhed. By this means the reader fees that the difcoveries of the Cabots, though treated by fome unfkilful writers as trifling things, and matters of no great moment, were in reality the grounds of our pretenfions, now converted into the adtual pofleffion of that vaft trad! of country from the northern coaft of Hudfon’s Streights, down to the fouthern limits of the new colony of Georgia, or of the old colony of Carolina ; for the limits are the fame. As for the iflands, I take the fettlement of them to have been occafioned by the old route to Florida, which has been fo much ridiculed; but which, notwithhanding, feems to have been the true fource of our acquifitions in the Leeward Iflands. Jamaica is ours by conqueft, and which is another circumftance worth remembering, became fo in a great meafure by a force raifed in our plantations. Whether it be our intereft to think of making fuch expeditions for the future, I Ihall not determine ; but care ought furely to be firft taken of the colonies we have ; which it never can be till the importance of our plantations in general is thoroughly underftood by the bulk of this nation. This is the point I have principally laboured in this work, and I fhall clofe all I have to fay with the confideration of three points; which I hope will make the matter plain to every underftanding.
The firft of thefe points is, ‘ What the condition of this country was before we had any plantations ?’ In regard to this, I think I may fafely affirm that it was very low and defpicable. In the victorious reign of Edward the Hid. there was a balance of trade ftruck, and delivered into the exchequer, by which it appeared that the exports of one year exceeded the imports by two hundred and fifty-five thoufand two hundred and fourteen pounds thirteen fhillings and eight-pence, which for that time was a great deal. At the time Queen Elizabeth entered upon the government, the cuftoms produced thirty-fix thoufand pounds a year ; at the Reftoration they were let to farm for four hundred thoufand pounds ; and produced confiderably above double that fum before the Revolution. The people of London, before we had any plantations, and but very little trade, were computed at about one hundred thoufand ; at the death of Queen Elizabeth they were increafed to one hundred and fifty thoufand, and are now about fix times that number. In thofe days we had not only our naval ftores, but our fhips from our neighbours. Germany furnifhed us with all things made of metal, even to
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nails ; wine, paper, linen, and a thoufand other things came from Trance. Portugal furnifhed us with fugars ; all the produce of America was poured into us from Spain ; and the Venetians and Genoefe retailed to us the commodities of the Eaft Indies at their own price. In lhort, the legal intereft of money was twelve per cent, and the common price of our lands ten or twelve years purchafe. We may add, that our manufactures were few, and thofe but indifferent ; the number of Englifli merchants very fmall, and our fhipping much inferior to what now belongs to the northern colonies. Thefe are plain and certain facts; but as foon as we began to extend our trade, and to make fettlements abroad, the face of our affairs changed; the inhabitants of the City of Lonaon were doubled by the end of the laft period, and were again doubled before the end of this; our fhipping encreafed in a ftill greater proportion; we coined within twenty years after that queen’s death about five millions at the tower, in twenty years after that feven, and 'in the next twenty years eight, which are indubitable proofs that we had gained a prodigious balance of trade in our favour.
The next point I fhall confider is, ‘ What our condition has been fince ?’ and, with refpccf to this, I may boldly affirm that it has altered for the better, almolt to a degree beyond credibility or computation. Our manufactures are prodigioufly increaied, chiefly by the demand for them in the plantations, where they at leaft take off one half, andfurnifh us with many valuable commodities for exportation. Inftead of taking the quantities we were wont to do of goods from other nations, we actually export thofe very goods, and fometimes to the very fame nations ; fugar, rum and tobacco, are the fources of private wealth and public revenue, which would have been fo many drains, that would have beggared us, had they not been raifed in our plantations. It is no longer in the power of the Ruffians to make us pay what they pleafe for flax and hemp. The Swedes cannot compel us to pay their own price, and that too in ready money, for pitch and tar, nor would it be in their power to diitrefs us, fhould they attempt it by railing the price of copper and iron. Logwood is funk feventy-five per cent.; indigo, and other dyeing materials, are in our power, and at moderate prices. In lhort, the advantages are infinite that redound to us from our American empire, where we have, at leaft, a million of Britifh fubjecls, and between fifteen hundred and two thoufand fail of fhips conftantly employed. Such have been the fruits, fuch is the condition of our plantations, and let any man doubt of the benefits refulting from them to this nation if he can; or when he refle&s on the numbers maintained here by their in- duftry, and even by their luxury, let him deny or envy their wealth if it is in his power.
When our plantations were in their infancy, they were fome burthen and charge to this nation, and then it was that fome wife and public-fpirited perfons took upon them to become advocates for a thing which they forefaw would prove highly ufeful and advantageous. I have read many of their difcourfes with great pleafure, becaufe I confidered them as written with a kind of prophetic fpirit, in which their authors have exhibited to the eye of the ages in which they wrote, a very juft picture of what has palTed in fucceeding times ; but with this remarkable circumftance, that though feveral of them were men as remarkable for bold flights of imagination, as for penetration and judgment, yet in this cafe they have not reached the truth ; the prefent ftate of the plantations exceeding, vaftly all that they promifed, or even hoped from them; the reafon of which I conceive to be their framing conje&ures from the ftate the nation was then in, and our' trade was at that time fo inconfiderable in comparifon of what it is at prefent, that I think there is no wonder the writers who flouriflied in thofe

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days fhould fall fo much Ihort in their expectations from our fettlements in America. But, perhaps, it may be objected, that though they did not forefee many things that have fince fallen out in thofe parts of the world, yet it is very evident that they believed many advantages would arife from .thofe colonies that have never yet come to pafs; which leads me to the third point I propofe to mention in thefe remarks.
This third point is, c The improvements and additional benefits that may be {till made in, and accrue from our plantations.’ We ought, in this refpect, to confider of what a vaft extent that country is, which we actually poffefs in the new world, to which I will be bold to fay this ifland does not bear a greater proportion than the county of Norfolk, to the whole kingdom of England; whence we may eafily conceive what room there is for making new improvements in fuch a vaft trad of country. It is, indeed true, that fome of our fettlements on the continent, fuch as New England, New York, Penfylvania, Maryland and Virginia, are already tolerably well peopled; but then Nova Scotia is fcarce fettled, New Britain is a vaft country, and capable of being turned to our advantage; is fo far from being fettled, that it is fcarce known to us; and the fame thing may be faid of all the country bordering upon Hudfon’s Bay. As to the fouthern colonies, by which I mean the two Carolina’s and Georgia, they are very thinly peopled, and very little improved, though beyond all comparifon the moft valuable poffeflions we have in thofe parts. In regard to the iflands of Bermudas and Barbadoes, they are thoroughly peopled, and moft of the Leeward Iflands tolerably inhabited; but then there are feveral iflands to which we have as clear and as good a title, as to any of thefe, that are not fettled at all, though from the nature of their climate, foil, and fituation, they are not inferior to any, but on the contrary, fuperior to moft of thofe of which we are pofiefled, as will be hereafter fhewn. The noble ifland of Jamaica, which of itfelf might ferve to inrich any country to which it belonged, is not a third part cultivated, fo that there is every where room for us to exert our induftry, for the honour and advantage of the Britifli nation ; which as it has already drawn fuch immenfe profits from its fettlements in America, fo beyond all queftion we may ftill draw much greater, if we proceed with the fame fpirit and vigour that our anceftors did, having much more power in our hands, much fairer opportunities than they had, befides the light and authority of experience, to guide, encourage, and fupport us.
In order to this, and that we may actually add thefe advantages in profpeft to thofe which we at prefent poffefs, the fteps neceffary to be taken fall under the two following heads: the firft is, improving fuch of our colonies as are already well fettled; and the next, providing for the thorough planting fuch as are tp prefent but very indifferently, or fcarce at all peopled. It would require a large treatife to expatiate fully on thefe heads, and therefore I (hall content myfelf with only a few hints as to each of them. In refpect to the firft, I cannot conceive that any thing would be more advantageous than providing every colony with fome ftaple commodity, which would infallibly produce the following definable confequences; it would make the inhabitants of thofe colonies perfectly eafy, and at the fame time it would vaftly inrich us. As for Virginia and Maryland, they are poffeffed of the tobacco trade, in which, if any eafe, encouragement, or advantage can be granted them, they moft certainly deferve' it; but with refpect to New England, Penfylvania, New York, and the Jerfeys, ways and means might be found to increafe their commerce with England directly, by promoting their inclinations to furnilh us with all kinds of
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DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
naval {lores, and with iron. There was, as to pitch and tar, a confiderable bounty given, and it is very remarkable for many years this produced no effect, which might poffibly countenance an opinion, that the friends to the plantations were too fanguine in their notions on this head; but experience afterwards fhewed the contrary. For the circumftances of the public making it neceffary to try how far this might be practicable, it very foon appeared that the thing could be eafily done; and upon fending over perfons well acquainted with the methods of making pitch and tar, the people in the colonies foon fell into it, and fuch quantities were imported, as not only fupplied our wants, but enabled us alfo to fupply thofe of our neighbours; and then upon a fuppofition that the trade was effectually eftabliflied, the bounty was difcondnued. The confequence of this was, that the importation of thefe commodities from Ruffia, Sweden and Norway, was revived; for the people of thofe countries building large bulky {hips, peculiarly proper for tranfporting thofe commodities, by navigating thefe {hips cheaper than we can do ours, are thereby able to underfell our countrymen in the colonies, by three or four {hillings in a barrel; fo that to keep this trade there grew a neceffity of granting a new bounty upon pitch and tar from America, or laying a new duty upon what was imported from, the north.
We may fay the fame thing with regard to iron, of which, at prefent, we import very near double as much from Sweden as is fold to all the reft of Europe, for which we pay moftly in ready money; and yet no queftion can be made of its being very practicable to bring the belt part of the iron we want from our plantations, which has- been hitherto prevented by notions fo frivolous, that I do not care to mention them. Hemp and flax have been fufficiently infilled upon already, and to thefe we may add' pot-aflies ; fo that the reader will eafily difcern, that there is no difficulty at all in the way of enabling the northern colonies to pay us for our manufactures, and prevent their fetting up manufactures themfelves, but our fetting heartily about it. The fame thoughts may, in a great meafure, ferve for our fouthern colonies,, in which tar may certainly be made as good as any in the world ; but then, there- are other things peculiar to thofe colonies, fuch as the planting coffee, tea, cocoa,, indigo, and the fhrub that produces cochineal; but above all, we ought to think of filk, for reafons that {hall be given when we come to treat of the colony of Georgia; at prefent we fhall only fay, that there is this great and extraordinary conveniency' attends the cultivation of the laft mentioned commodity, that as it is proper for the fame foil and climate, as hemp and flax, fo they may be both carried', on together; the filk. harveft, as they call it, being over before hemp and flax are ripe.
As to the fugar iflands, though they have already a ftaple commodity of very great- value, yet this fliould not hinder us from confidering how that commodity may be' Itill rendered more ufeful, I mean to the planters and to us ; and how far other things are capable in the fame countries of being improved. It was the opinion of Sir Joflah Child (and I think the fubjedl well confidered, it is not eafy to produce a better opinion) that fugar may be as much made the commodity of this nation, as the gold and filver of Peru and Mexico are the peculiar treafures of Spain. The reafons he gives are very ftrong, but it is very certain that we have not fallen upon the right method of bringing his doCtrine into practice ; fxnce inftead of exporting one half of the fugar we bring home, as we formerly did, we do not now export above a fixth, and this not from falling off of the demand, but becaufe new markets have been found,,
at

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tit which foreigners can buy cheaper. To alter this all heads Ihould be fet to work, and all arts tried ; and till thefe fucceed, it may not be amifs that the inhabitants of the fugar colonies would try to bring fome other goods to market.
Thus much for the firft head, now for the fecond :—it has been computed, by fome, that there is a million and a half of white people in our plantations, which computation has been judged by others fomewhat of the higheft ; perhaps it may be fo, but without all doubt itwould be our intereft to have two millions of white people there; nor do I think that there is any reafon to fear that this would either drain the Britifh dominions, or at all endanger the dependancy of the colonies. I am, on the contrary, very firmly per- fuaded, that the increafe of people in the colonies, as it would certainly increafe our trade, fo it mull neceffarily increafe the number of our people at home; and that the methods proper to be taken for the better peopling our colonies, and improving them, would infallibly render them more dependant.
But to come clofely to the point, and fhew how this may be done. Give me leave to obferve, that though the general propofition that the number of the people is the riches of a country, be true, yet it is true only of induftrious and ufeful people; and it is in this fenfe, that the number of the people in Holland is quoted as an example ; fo that if there be in any country numbers of people ufelefs, they are fo far from contributing to the wealth of that country, that, they are in fadt the caufes of its poverty. Now, it is certain, that though this nation might become more powerful and more rich, by being more numerous than it is; yet there is not any more probable method of bringing this about than by employing our ufeful hands, which perhaps may be eafier done abroad than at home. We have vaft numbers of vagabonds throughout the kingdom, who many of them live by pity, but mod of them by the folly of better people than theinfelves; there cannot therefore be any cruelty in fending thefe people where they mull work, and confequently maintain themfelves, and be ufeful to others. We have many people convidted of frnall crimes, and from the ignominy of the conviction and punifhment rendered defperate; it would certainly be a great charity to provide for thefe. We find multitudes releafed from time to time out of prifons by adts of grace, which fet them at liberty, it is true; but, at the fame time, leaves them at little better more than the liberty of darving; and who can fay, that it would not be highly laudable to find out fome means for giving thefe people bread as well as freedom ? I humbly conceive, that if a proper fund was affigned for fending thefe people abroad, not like tranfports or negroes, but like unhappy Englilhmen, with due provifion for their comfortable maintenance in their paffage, and a proper reception in the places they are fent to, this might be found an effectual way of eafing our poors-rates, flocking our colonies, and enlarging the trade of the nation.
But in doing this, great confideration is to be ufed, there ought to be nothing in it of fhame, and as little of force as may be. The terms ought to be fuch as may encourage people in diflrefs to accept them, and the accepting them might be in the nature of a fuperfedeas to all criminal profecutions, not of a capital nature. They fhould be fent abroad for a term of years, or till they could repay a certain fum of money to the corporation intruded with the management of this fchente, and confiderable rewards fhould be given to fuch as behaved well, and gained a competent fettlement during the time limited for their remaining abroad ; and if to this certain honorary preferments were added, it would be fo much the better. Thefe are the outlines only of a great defign, worthy the attention of the legiflature, who perhaps may think a tax
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on public diverfions a reafonable fund for fuch a fervice, there being nothing more jufl than that luxury lliould contribute to relieve necelfity, and that thofe who are able to be idle fhould be made willing to help thofe that mull work.
Such, at leaft, are my notions of thefe matters, and of the means by which our plantations might be improved, and the advantages we derive from them increafed and extended. If what I have faid be rational and practicable, or without much difficulty may be altered in fuch a manner as to become fo, I hope it will be thought worthy of confideration ; but if otherwife, let fome perfon better verfed in thefe things, and more capable of treating this fubjeft arife, and let it in its true point of light. For this is the critical time, the feafon when the friends of trade and the plantations fhould exert themfelves before a peace takes place, and a new fcene opens, of which it will be im- polfible to give our judgment immediately, and as impolfible to think of executing thofe ichemes then, that are eafy as well as practicable now.

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CHAPTER IV.
THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN AMERICA,
FROM THE REVOLUTION TO THE DEATH OF HIS LATE MAJESTY KING
GEORGE I.
i. The Artifices of the French, under the Reign of James II. defeated by the Probity of Colonel Dungan, Governor of New Tork .— 2. The Indians, by their Injligation, and with their AJfiJlance, attack the People of New England in 1690, and are repulfed with Lofs. — 3. An Account of Sir William Phipps’s unfortunate Expedition againft Quebec. — 4. The Hiflory of the Indian War continued to its Clofe, with other remarkable Occurrences. — 5. The Society for the Propagation of the Gofpel incorporated by King William III. and the many Advantages flowing from that excellent Eflablijhment. — 6. The Affairs of the Britifh Colonies, during the Reign of Queen Anne, briefly conftdered. — 7. The unfortunate Expedition againjl Canada, under General Hill and Sir Hovenden Walker. — 8. The Methods taken by the French for the Benefit of their own Commerce, at the Expence of ours to the Treaty of Utretcht. — 9. An Account of his Grace the Duke of Montague’s Scheme for fettling the Iflands of St. Lucia and St. Vincent. — 10. The Hiflory of the Expedition for that Purpofe, under Captain Uring, and his Relation of its Mifcarriage. — 11. Colonel Braithwaite’s Report of his being forced to abandon the Settlement of St. Vincent. — 12. The mdubitable Title of the Crown of Great Britain to thofe Iflands afferted, and the Importance of maintaining it demonflrated .— 13. Remarks and Obfervations on the mofl remarkable Paffages in the foregoing Chapter.
I T is generally agreed, that the very worft part of King James’s government was the inclination that he had to French counfels, and his falling too readily into French ineafures, which is the more extraordinary in matters relating to commerce; becaufe never any prince underftood them better than King James. It mull therefore have been his violent zeal for promoting the popilh caufe, that induced him to go the lengths he did, in favour of France ; contrary molt certainly to the intereft of this nation, as he would have feen fooner than any body, if that zeal of his had not hindered him. But from hence we fee the difference between Englifh and French popery. Our deluded prince, though he underftood trade, was inclined to faerifice it, in fome meafure, for the fake of his religion ; the French King, though of the fame religion, and pretending to be as zealous for it as King James, made ufe of it as a colour to promote his own ambitious defigns, and the trade of his fubjefts at our expence. I know that this is a delicate fubjeft to handle, and I Ihould not have mentioned it at all, but from a juft fenfe of its confequence, and a fincere love for truth and the intereft of my country.
The French, in the beginning of King James’s reign, finding their colony of Canada in the utmoft danger from the Iroquois, a very warlike Indian nation, jealous of their liberties, and very capable of defending them by force of arms, refolved, fince force had hitherto failed, to try what might be done towards fubduing them by the gentler method of converfion ; in order to which they not only employed a multitude of artful jefuits, but contrived likewife, under pretence of extending the Chriftian faith, to engage King James to countenance and aflift this projeft. In order to this an Irifh gentleman, vol. .xii. 3 e ' Colonel

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Colonel Dungan, fon to the Earl of Limerick, was made Governor of New York ; and he was directed, by his mailer, to permit the French jefuits to preach to, and convert, the Indians under the protection of his government. The fcheme was certainly well laid, and one would wonder how it came not to take effeft ; which if it had done, mull have proved the ruin of that colony at leaft, the conqueft of which had been for a long time the obje£t of the French policy. But this Colonel Dungan, unfortunately for the French, was a man of very good fenfe, and of ft rift honour; he obeyed his mailer’s commands, though unwillingly, but he kept fo Uriel an eye upon the French jefuits, that he very foon faw to the bottom of their defigns; and, finding them incompatible with the welfare of the colony he governed, he obliged them to retire; telling them that they came to promote the commerce, rather than the religion of their nation ; and that if his good friends the Indians were fo much in love with jefuits, that they could not be without them, he would fupply them with thofe who Ihould make them good Chriltians and good Englilhmen at the lame time.
This greatly provoked the French governor of Canada, Mr. Denonville, who threatened him with the difpleafure of his own mailer, and of the Moll Chrillian King but this had no effeft upon Colonel Dungan, who would not be either cheated or bullied ; and therefore when the French governor had trepanned fome of the Indian chiefs, and fent them over to be made Haves in the French gallies, by the moll notorious breach of faith that ever man was guilty of; the colonel affifted them in a war occafioned thereby, which brought the French colony within a hair’s breadth of ruin. This llory r which is very remarkable, we have from French as well as Engiilh authors, and which is no lefs extraordinary, they agree in every circumltance of it. Only the former are fo partial, as to treat the colonel’s character very ill, becaufe he would not facrifice the interell of his country, his own honour, and confcience to their views. After the revolution, when he was become Earl of Limerick, King William, who was very well Informed of his proceedings, procured an offer to be made him of a very confiderable command in the Spanilh fervice, but he declined it; and though he liked not the meafures, chofe to follow the fortunes, of his mailer King James.
The French, by the fame kind of artifices had very near difpoffeffed the Hudfon’s Bay company of that country entirely ; and, as foon as the war broke out, they actually did fo, as we have already Ihewn. They alfo made a bold attempt upon the colony of New York, with the affiltance of the Indians in their interefts, but were repuifed; and Colonel Peter Schuyler, with three hundred Engiilh, and the fame number of Iroquois, bravely marched from Fort Albany to Ouebec, which is four hundred miles ; and finding the French Governor with feven hundred regular troops, and as many Hurons, an Indian' nation always at their devotion in the field, they boldly attacked them, and killed three hundred men and thirty officers, with very little lofs to themfelves; but having no artillery, and the French retiring into their forts, the colonel made a very honourable retreat, fatisfied with the blow he had Itruck, and fecuring his own country from any farther depredations. But it was not only on this fide that the French attacked our colonies at that time, on the contrary they had framed a defign of greater confequence again!! the people of New England, of which, as it is a matter of great importance, we will give as full and clear an account of it as we can ; for though their intrigues began fomewhat earlier than the period affigned for this chapter, yet as our expedition was not made till after the revolution, it comes in very properly here,
2 . The French, in a time of full peace, and when, as we have obferved, they were foliciting and obtaining favours from King James, excited the Indians on the frontiers of New England, to furprife feveral out fettlements, where they committed feveral great
8 * barbarities $

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barbarities ; of this, complaints were made to the French governor at Quebec, who gave very good words, pretending that he knew nothing of what had happened; but promifed to interpofe, and check the defigns of the Indians as far as was in his power, which promife was very indifferently performed. The Engiifh thereupon tried what fair means, and a peaceable negotiation with the Indians, would do ; in this likewife they were deceived and amufed, while their enemies full perfifted in their depredations, though they continued to treat, and pretended that all difputes fhould be amicably fettled, well knowing that the colony would take any meafures rather than engage in an Indian war. During thefe tranfaftions, the French and Indians entered into further engagements againft the Engiifh, who did what they could with honour and juftice, to bring matters to a peaceable iffue, which was rendered very difficult by the intrigues of the French, who upon King James’s withdrawing to France, reprefented the Engiifh nation as in a rebellious and perilous condition, which was fufficient encouragement for the Indians to continue the war, having the promife of powerful affiftance from Quebec.
They furprifed the garrifon of Quachecho, by the treachery ofMefandonit, a Sachem, whom Major Waldern, who commanded there, had generoufly entertained the night before; and that traitor lying in his houfe, opened the gates in the morning to a party of fayages that lay in ambufh not far off, and rufhing in killed the major and twenty-two men, burnt four or five of the beft houfes, and carried away twenty-nine perfons into captivity, lulling Mr. Broughton in their retreat. The government ordered Captain Noyes, with a ftrong party, to march to Penocook, and clear the country of the favages ; but they cleared it themfelves by running away as foon as they heard news of his coming. Captain Noyes purfued them, cut down all their corn, burnt their wigwams, and laid every thing wafte. A party from Saco was furrounded by a great body of Indians, and efcaped with difficulty, having loft fix of their number ; they afterwards mattered Pemmaquid Fort, by help of intelligence given them by one Mr. Starkey, who falling into their hands thought to get out of them by that fervice, and told of the weak condition the fort was in by the abfence of Mr. Giles, and part of the garrifon ; upon whom they fell at Giles’s farm, and killed him and fourteen men. They then got upon a rock, when they miferably galled the Engiifh, and obliged the governor, Capt. Weems, to furrender on promife of life and liberty. But the favages brdke the capitulation, and butchered the greateft part of them, as alfo Capt. Skinner and Capt. Farnham, who were coming to the relief of the garrifon, and Mr. Pediffiali, as he lay in his floop in the Barbran. Thefe Ioffes caufed the inhabitants of Sheepfcot and Kennebeck to abandon thofe places, and return to Falmouth.
It was time for the government of New England to look about them, and think of oppofmg vigoroufly thofe murders and depredations of the Indians : They fent Major Swayne with five hundred men from Maffachufet, and Major Church, one of their beft officers, from Plymouth, with five hundred more, againft the enemy in the eaft, where they had intercepted Lieut. Hutchin, who had drawn off a garrifon he had in thofe parts, tofet them to work in the field. The favages coming unexpectedly upon them cut them to pieces, being feventeen in number, and then came to the fort, where were only two boys, and fome women and children; the boys defended it againft them, wounded feveral; and when they found that the barbarians were about to fet fire to the houfe that was in the fort, and to burn them out, they would not yield but on terms of life ; which thefe inhuman wretches granted, and afterwards killed three or four of the children, with one of the boys ; the other made his efcape. Capt. Garner purfued the enemy, but they were too nimble for him. Another party of them affaulted Cano,
2 e 2 killed

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killed Capt. Brooks, and had put the whole town to the fword, had not Capt. Hall come opportunely with relief. The defigns of Major Swayne and Major Church were fruftrated by the treachery of fome Indian confederates, who being fent out as fcouts, difcovered all that they knew to the enemy ; who underftanding the number of the Englilh fled to their inacceflible woods and fwamps ; fo Major Swayne, having gar- rifoned Blew Point, retired to winter quarters. I enter not into the particulars of the barbarous treatment the Englilh captives met with from the favages, there being nothing in it but what might be expected from their rage and cruelty, and there was no likelihood of their learning humanity towards the Englilh, by lelfons from their new allies the French, who were very active in inftructing and difciplining them for the better management of the war.
It is plain they had improved in it, both in arms and in aftion, and had continual afliftance from Quebec, without which the Englilh would foon have chaftifed them for their infolence, and taught them to be quiet. To make the French fome returns for the many mifchiefs the Englilh had fuffered by their means, it was refolved in New England to carry the war home to them. In purfuance of this refoiution, Sir William Phipps, who commanded the fleet and forces, failed from New England the 28th of April 1690, and on the nth of May following arrived before Port Royal. The French had then a very flourilhing colony in Acadia, or, as we call it, New Scotland, con- fifting of no lefs than fix thoufand people, who got a living at lead by their trade in lumber, filh, and lkins ; but for all that the place was fo miferably provided for defence, the town being covered only by a flight palifade, and a little fort of no force,, that it was very foon reduced ; and Sir William Phipps had the honour of recovering this country to the crown of Britain. The people in Nova Scotia had leave by the capitulation, either to retire to Canada, or remain in the country ; and about two thoufand chofe the latter ; fo that Sir William not only acquired a country, but a a people ; yet we did not keep the pofleflion of either, for any length of time. To revenge thefe Ioffes, Monfieur Artel, a French officer from Canada, and one Hoop- hood, a leader among the Huron Indians, confederates with the French, with men of both nations, affaulted Salmon Falls, killed thirty perfons, and carried away fifty into- captivity ; which terribly alarmed all New England, it being the firft time that the French had afted openly with the.barbarians. And as Quebec was thought to be the fource of all their calamities in this war, it was therefore refolved to attack that place, which being reduced, the French would have no city to reft in, and carry on their ill defigns againft their Chriftian neighbours.
3. Thefuccefs Sir William Phipps fo lately had, recommended him to the chief command in this expedition; but it feems to have been as ill laid and managed as the other was well contrived; for it is certain, he had a ftrength with him fufficient to have driven the French out of Canada, had it been well ufed ; he had thirty-two fail of fhips, and they had aboard two thoufand men, a prodigious armament for fuch a colony, and failed, from Hull near Bolton the 9th of Auguft; but came not within fight of Quebec till the 5th of October. Thus, they were eight weeks in a voyage, that with good winds and; weather, might have been made in two or three. The Englilh were fo long making up the river of St. Laurence, that the governor, Count de Fontenac, had time enough to prepare for his defence by drawing all the ftrength of the colony to Quebec, which Sir William expected would have been divided by an army marching over land, and. attacking Mount Royal Fort on the frontiers of Canada, while he fell upon the capital. This army was to confift of two thoufand men from New York, Connecticut, and Plymouth colonies, and one thoufand five hundred Indians, to whom the French gave the
name

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name of Iroquois ; but the Englifh diftinguifhed them by the names of their feveral nations. The Englifh marched as far as the great lake of Canada; but as there were no canoes provided for them to pafs it, they returned; and it is very flrange that there fhould have been no provifion for their paifage fecured, fince the fuccefs of the enterprize fo much depended upon it.
When Sir William arrived within fight of the place, he fancied that the conquefl: would have been as eafy as that which he had made of Nova Scotia, and therefore he drew up a paper in the nature of a fummons to furrender, conceived in very rough terms ; for Sir William was originally a carpenter, and afterwards a failor ; fo that he was very blunt and unpolifhed, though avery honeft and very brave man;, but the French governor, Count Fontenac, was fo offended at the ftyle and fubject, that he caufed a gibbet to be fet up, and would have hanged the major that brought the paper, had it not been for the bifhop’s interceffion. He returned, however, a very infolent anfwer, calling Phipps and his company heretics and traitors..
On the 8th of October the Englifh landed, under Lieutenant General Whalley, to. the number of one thoufand four hundred, for to thefe they were reduced by the fmall- pox, and other difeafes ; but had their full complement been preferved, what were two-- thoufand on board the fhips to four thoufand within the city; for fo many men Fontenac had now with him ? Which Whalley underflanding, he re-embarked his troops, though they would very fain have attempted one affault; but their bravery was ill-timed, confidering the inequality of their number to that of the enemy. Some writers make the lofs of the Englifh from the oppofition they met with on fliore, to be fix hundred men ; but, I believe, that oppofition is heightened for the credit of our nation, that the troops might not be thought to abandon this enterprize without looking the enemy in the face. Thebeft accounts given by the French writers of this matter, do not afcribe the deliverance of Quebec more to the courage of their own people than to the want of conduct and difcipline in the Englifh. The truth of the matter is, the fcheme was well enough laid, but thofe who undertook to execute it had not capacities fuitable to a defign of this nature ; and befides there fell out fome accidents that were fatal to them, as well as wholly unforefeen, and to which in a great meafure we may juftly attribute their difappointment.
The fmall-pox did not only carry off numbers in Sir William Phipps’s fleet, but broke out alfo in the other army, that was to have marched by land to attack Mount Royal; and this malady infecting theIroquois,wasthe true reafon why that expedition was abandoned ; and this being foon known to the French, gave them an opportunity of throwing their whole force into Quebec, which was much too. great for Sir William Phipps to ftruggle with, if he and thofe who attended him, had been better, officers than they really were ; fo that there is no great wonder the whole expedition- mifcarried.. This fhews, that matters of a military nature cannot be earned on, efpecially. againft the French, but by military men and officers well acquainted, with fervice;. yet the zeal and courage of the people of New England, in undertaking and pufhing this project of theirs fo far as they did, deferves great applaufe, as it fully demonftrates the fpirit. of the people, and very plainly proves that with proper encouragement and proper afliftance, they are both willing to endeavour and able to perform all.that,, in their circumftances, a Britifh government can expect from Britifh fubjefts. In. the prefent cafe their efforts rather exceeded than fell fhort of their abilities, for their fleet and army were numerous enough, well provided, and well paidthe expence- of this fruitlefs attempt falling little fhort of one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds, every penny of which was furniflied by the inhabitants of this colony, or, which was worfe, they ran in debt: for it, and were left to pay it; here at home we do. not fufficiently reflect upon the inconveniences.;

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conveniences that fuch misfortunes as thefe bring upon our fettlements, but are too apt to charge them with want of vigour, want of application, and want of public fpirit; whereas, in truth, thefe wants, generally fpeaking, lie on our fide the water ; and it is to cover our own neglects, that we pretend to find faults in them of which they were never guilty*
The fhips in their return met with no better fortune at fea than the men had done by land ; iome of them were driven as far as the Leeward Iflands ; one was wrecked, another was never heard of, a third foundered with all her crew in her, a fourth was driven affore on the defolate ifland of Anticofta, where Captain Rinsford and his crew, forty at firft, were reduced through want and weather to half the number in a month’s time, and then faved almoft miraculoufly. The lofs of men in this unfuccefsful en- terprize amounted to one thoufand, and thofe as ufeful hands as any in the country. During the progrefs of this miferable expedition, a party under Lieutenant Clark, venturing out of Cafco, to look for the enemy, met with a body of four or five hundred Indians and French, who killed the lieutenant and thirteen of his men ; the reft efcaping into the town, were purfued by the Indians and French, who entering the place reduced it to afhes. The garrifon furrendered the fort upon conditions of fafe condudt to the next Engliih town ; but the French bafely broke the capitulation, and made them prifoners of war, under a very foolilh pretence of their being rebels to their lawful king.
The governor, Major Davis, and fome of his men, were fent to Quebec ; the reft ■were murdered by the favages. The garrifons ofPapocodack, Spamwick, Black Point, and Blue Point, drew off to Caco, twenty miles within Cafco, terrified with the fate of that place; their terror infected that garrifon alfo, and half of them fled. Hoophood, the Huron, purfued them and deftroyed all the country, burnt feveral houfes at Berwick, killed thirteen or fourteen men at Fort Point, and carried off fix prifoners ; but Captain Floyd and Captain Greenleaf coming up with him routed his party, wounded and drove him off to a great diftance. He was afterwards fallen on by the French Indians, who taking him for an Iroquois, killed him and almoft all that were with him. The Indians and French had after that an advantage over the Engliih under Captain Wifwell, whom they killed, with fifteen of his foldiers, near Wheelwright Pond, the reft were brought off by Captain Floyd. Fluffed with this fuccefs, the Indians and French made a defcent upon Amefbury, near to the Maffachufets, furprifed Captain Foot and tortured him to death ; but the townfmen returning into. the fort, maintained it againft them. Major Church paffed by fea with three hundred men to Cafco Bay, where he landed, and paffed direftly Pechpyfot, an Indian fort, which he found deferted, thence to Amonofcoggin Fort, forty niiles up Cafco river, which he burnt, after having killed twenty Indians, all that ftaid in it, and releafed feven Engliih captives. Having notice that the Indians had agreed to rendezvous on Pechyfet plain,in order to attack Wells, he haftened thither to give them battle; which the favages avoided, and the Engliih went into winter quarters. Captain Convers and Captain Plaiftead, with one hundred men, remaining in thofe parts, to fcour the woods ; and as the Engliih had no reafon to be content with the fuccefs of the war, fo they were well pleafed at the fight of a flag of truce, with which the Indians came to Wells, and a ceffation of arms till the May following was agreed on by commiffioners on both fides.
The time of the ceffation of arms with the Indians was fcarce expired ; but the favages, inltead of coming as they had engaged, to reftore the captives, and turn the truce into a peace, began to commit new hoftilities, and killed feveral Engliih at Berwick,

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wick, Exeter, and Cape Nidduck. To prevent further mifchief, Captain Marel, Captain King, Captain Sherburn, and Captain Waters, with four hundred men, landed at Macquoit, and marched to Speaky; but thefe forces not meeting the enemy, grew fecure, and draggled out in parties, which the Indians obferving, gathered in a body, attacked them and drove them to their fhips, with the lofs of Captain Sherburn and feveral men, who could not get aboard in time. They killed feven perfons at Berwick, twenty-one at Sandy-Bear, a family at Rowly, another at Haverhill, both in Effex county. Thus, we find them drawing fouthward, and extending themfelves into the Maffachufets, which they had not done before. The garrifon of Cape Nidduck was fo thinned by draughts from it, that the remainder thought fit to defert it, though a ftrong fort. A party of popiili Indians affaulted the town of York, killed fifty Englifh, and drove away one hundred into llavery, and the reft fortified themfelves; and though they were but a handful, yet the favages, who were feveral hundreds, durft not attack them. Here Mr. Shubaal Dunner, the minifter,was fhot at his own door, to the great joy of the French papifts. A fhip was immediately difpatched to Sagadohook, with a commiflion, and effects to redeem the captives, and thole men who remained in the town were now thinking of abandoning it.
Major Hutchinfon was in June 1692 fent with a ftrong party under Captain Convers, Captain Floyd, and Captain Thaxter, to affift them and other Englifhmen on the frontiers. Captain Convers was ported at Wells with only fifteen men, in the flight fort there, and fifteen more in two floops in the river, to be affifling to the others upon occafion. Againft him came no lefs than four Indian kings, Modenkawando, Moxus, Edgerement, Warumbo, and ftill two greater men, Monfieur Labrocree and Monfieur Barniff, with fome French foldiers, and five hundred Hurons. Moxus had not long before attacked Wells with two hundred Indians, and had been repulfed by Captain Convers, who had not a quarter of that number of men with him, which Modenkawando hearing, he faid, my brother Moxus has miffed it now, but I will go myfelf the next year, and have the dog Convers out of his hole. But he was miftaken, for the Englifhmen in the fort, and chiefs in the floops, behaved fo gallantly, following the example of their brave commander Convers, that after feveral fruitlefs attempts of the Indians and French to mafter them, by land and by water, Monfieur Barniff, and the four Indian confederate princes, were obliged to retire. But Monfieur Labrocree did not live to bear the reproach of fo fcandalous a retreat, being killed in the firft of it. The enemy happened here to take one John Diamond prifoner, whom they ufed fo barba- roufly, that it would occafion too much horror in the reader to relate it.
Things continued, however, in this fituation, till Sir William Phipps came over in quality of governor of New England, who immediately began to think of erecting a new fort at Pemmaquid, to cover the frontiers, which he compleated in fix months time, though it was one of the ftrongeft places in America ; but the expence which this occafioned made the people uneafy ; who, it fe'ems, never forgave the raifing of the money it coft, though they could not but be fenfible that it was entirely laid out for their lafety ; but it feems in New as well as Old England, and indeed in all other countries, it is a much ealier thing to ferve a fociety, than to make that fociety fenfible of one’s fervice. In the prefent cafe one might have expected things fhould have taken another turn, fince by the care Sir William Phipps took, the frontiers of the plantation were better fecured than in times paft, and the Indians more than once defeated in general engagements ; if the difputes of between two and three hundred men of a fide may be called io, and I fee no reafon why they fhould not, if we confider that the con- fequences of thefe engagements were of the fame importance to both nations, as if they
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had been fought by thoufands ; and I conceive, that it is the importance of a war, and not the number of men employed in it, that renders it worthy of notice.
Thefe fucceffes, the building the forts in the eaft, and the augmenting the forces there, inclined the favages to think in earned: of peace, efpecially upon hearing the Macquas threatened to fall upon them, for killing fome of their fquas or princeffes on Whortlebury Plain. The Indian fachems had a French ambaffador at their courts, who was a friar, to ftir them up againft the Englilh, and keep them in heart. This pried: did his utmoft to perfuade them to continue the war. But the French not affifting them with men, arms, and ammunition, as they promifed, the friar couid not hinder them from begging a peace, which was concluded at Fort Pemmaquid, by thirteen fegamores and the Englilh commiffioners, who fet their names to the indrument, Auguft 11, 169 3. By this treaty the Indians renounced their allegiance with the French, owned themfelves fubjedts to the crown of England, confirmed the Englilh in the poffeflion of all the lands they had acquired, and fubmitted the regulation of their trade to the next general affembly, which gave great fatisfaclion to the people of New England *, the rather, becaufe hitherto the Indians had very honedly kept their treaties, but it was not long before it appeared that their new fpiritual guides, the French, had taught them other principles.
4. It was not above a year before the jefuits excited their new converts to break this peace, concluded with heretics ; it is true, there was then a war with France, fo that as ftatefmen and politicians the jefuits may be jullified, but then they mud: lay afide all pretences to chriftianity; for it is certain, there is nothing in our religion that countenances a behaviour of this kind, and therefore we may fafely fay, that all their labours tended to make thefe poor people rather tools to France than chriftians. The firft breaking out of the new war, which happened in the fpring of 1694, was without any previous declaration, or even complaint that the terms had not been kept on the fide of the Englilh, nor indeed was this ever fo much as pretended. A body of Indians and French fell fuddenly on Oyfter River Town, and feized near one hundred perfons, twenty of which were of the trained-bands. One Blachford courageoudy defended his houfe againft them, who defpairing to reduce him before fuccours came, left him, and going to Mrs. Cuts’s farm near Pifcataway, they murdered her and her family. They made an incurfion into Middlefex county, and affaulted Groton, but were bravely re- pulfed by Lieutenant Lukin, upon which they fell to plundering the plantations thereabouts, killed twenty prifoners, and carried twenty more into captivity. They killed one of the children of Mr. Grefham Hobert, the minifter, and carried off another with them; they murdered three perfons at work near Spruce Creek, and eight more at Kittery, where they barbaroufly ufed a daughter of Mr. Downing. The favages fcalped this young woman, and left her for dead, but fhe recovered, and was living twenty years after. Mr.Jofeph Pike, ofNewburry, under-lheriff of Effex, was murdered by them, between Amefbury and Haverhill in that county.
To balance thefe Ioffes the Englilh feized Bommafeen, a famous fegamore, one of thofe that figned the laft treaty. He pretended to be juft come from Canada, and that he came on purpofe to put an end to thefe hoftilities. But it being proved that he was a principal attor in the late murders, he was fent prifoner to Bolton. The talcing of Bommafeen ftunned the Indians a little, and they were quiet for fix or feven months. At laft a fleet of canoes came to an illand a league from Pemmaquid, and fent propofals of peace to the garrifon. They owned their guilt in breaking the laft articles, but threw the blame of it on the French. As a proof of their fincerity now they delivered up eight captives, when they had above one hundred ftill in captivity. However, a
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truce was granted for thirty days, and Colonel Phillips, the gallant Major Convers, and Lieutenant Colonel Howthorn, were appointed commillioners to treat with them on the part of the Indians, but becaufe they brought not Boinmafeen with them, whofe releafe- ment was all they wanted, the Indian commiffioners broke off the conference, and went away in difgult. They had left the Englilh planters in their captivity, contrary to their promife to releafe them as a preliminary, which was a plain indication they were not in earned. Advice was fent immediately to all the Englilh garrifons in the eaft to be upon their guard; notwithftanding which, Major Hammond, of Kittery, fell into an ambufcade, and was taken prifoner ; but having the good fortune to be tranfported to Canada, he was very civilly treated by Count Frontenac, who bought him of his Indian mailer, and fent him to Bolton by a veffel that came to Quebec for exchange of prifoners. In Augult a party of Indians came down to Bellerica on horfeback; this was pretty far within the Maffachufets. They killed and took fifteen perfons, and plundered Mr. Rogers’s houfe. This was the firll time the Indians ever made ufe of horfes. They took nine people out of Newbury in Elfex, and being clofely purfued by Captain Greenleaf, a valiant and diligent officer, they fo wounded them when they found they could not keep them, that they all died except one lad, which was a fignal proof of their barbarity.
Captain March, governor of Pemmaquid Fort, defiring to lay down his commiffion towards the latter end of the year, he was fucceeded in it by Captain Chub. He ffiewed the bafenefs of his fpirit, as well as the weaknefs of his underftanding, in one of his firll exploits, after he had the command of this garrifon, by murdering Edgeremet and Abenquid, and two other principal fegamores, who had figned the lad treaty, and came to him on alfurance of fecurity, to confer about a new one. In Augull the French landed fome foldiers out of a man of war, the Newport, which they had taken from the Englilh to affill the Indians in his neighbourhood.
This news fo frightened the traitor Chub, that he furrendered the new and flrong fort of Pemmaquid, without the firing one gun, within or without, though he had near one hundred men in it double-armed. The furprizing news of this lofs caufed a mighty confirmation at Bolton and all over New England. Governor Stoughton and the council, immediately ordered three men of war in purfuit of the French, though it was not probable that thefe lhips could be fitted for that fervice time enough to come up with the enemy, who having done their bufinefs at Pemmaquid better than they could hope for, w'ere gone far enough out of the reach of the Englilh. Colonel Gedney marched with five hundred men to the eafi, but the Indians were gone home, and he could do nothing but ftrengthen the garrifons there. The favages, before their retreat, killed five foldiers belonging to Saco Fort, who mull not be with their garrifon. And one may obferve, that the greateft mifchief the Indians do, is by thefe ambufhes- and furprizes, which, confidering how they were almoft intermixed with them, it is ftrange they ffiould not be aware of, and guard againft ; for the country mull by this time, and this means, be in a manner, as well known to them as to the favages. Colonel Gedney arrefted Chub, and brought him to Bolton ; but nothing treafonable being proved againft him, the government only took away his commiffion, and fent him thence to his houfe at Andover, in Elfex county.
Some time after this the Indians entered Haverhill, and carried off thirty captives, one of which was Flannah Duftan, a woman of a mafculine fpirit. She had lain in not above a week, yet Ihe and her nurfe walked one hundred and fifty miles on foot, to the town where the Indian Ihe was to ferve iived. This woman being afterwards to travel with the mailer and his family to a rendezvous of th« army of the favages,
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where, according to the diabolical cuftom of them, (he, her nurfe, and other Englilh prifoners, were to run the gauntlet; Hannah watched her opportunity in the night, and having animated her nurfe, and an Englilh boy who was with her, they three killed ten of the Indians with their own weapons, and made their efcapes; for which adtion they received a reward of fifty pound, from the general affembly, and prefents from particular perl'ons to a good value. The Indians continuing their inroads, killed a man at York, another at Hatfield, a third at Groton, and a fourth at Exeter; which Ihews us that the New England people were in conftant danger, and haraffed on every fide. The Indians grew every day more barbarous and more implacable, as having the intrigues of the Jefuits added to their own fiercenefs and third: of blood.
They furprized and fhot Major Froft and his two fons at Berwick, as they were coming from church one Sunday, and going to his own houfe about ve miles off. Two men that rid poll to carry this unwelcome news to the governor of Wells, felt into an ambufcade as they were returning, and were killed, as were three men near Nechawannic, and a dreadful defolation threatened the whole province ; certainly more for want of management than of power. The favages roafted a man to death a mile and a half from Wells. Three foldiers, at Saco Fort, as they were cutting fire-wood for the fort at Caco Ifland, were fhot dead, while Lieutenant Fletcher, with his two fons, who were appointed for their guard, were fowling in the woods ; but the lieutenant and his fons paid dearly for their negligence, for they fell into an ambufcade as they returned, and were all three taken prifoners. The father and one of his fons died in captivity, and the other made his efcape.
In the beginning of 1697 the government of New England was alarmed with advice that the French in Canada intended to make a defcent there ; that a fquadron of men of war was come from France to fupport the army of the Indians and French, that was to attack the Englilh by land. The lieutenant-governor and council prepared for a vigorous defence; the forts about Bolton were repaired; the militia throughout the whole province were raifed and well difciplined. Major March was ordered to the eaft, with five hundred, to fcour the woods; the Indians, who were gathering together about Cafco Bay, retired as he approached them; but {he Major having put his men aboard fome fhips failed up among the eaftern iflands, and landed on the banks of Damafcatos river ; a very prudent meafure, for he could not have overtaken the Indians by land, before they had been got into their faftneffes. The Indians feeing this, fell upon his men as they were getting afnore, but could not hinder their landing; upon which a fharp engagement enfued, and the Englilh drove the enemy to their canoes, a fleet of which was in the river to receive them. The Englilh had about twelve men killed, and as many wounded ; the enemies lofs was much greater ; but the main advantage to the Englilh was, preventing the Indians joining the French, who were approaching with the fhips of war and tranfports for a defcent; but hearing of the rout of their confederates, they made the belt of their way home to Europe, with the 'French troops on board, to their no fmall difcredit.
A party of favages made an incurfion into Middlefex, and plundered Lancafter, killing twenty men, among whom was the reverend Mr. John Whiting, the minifter, and carried five into captivity. A month after they killed a poor man in the woods near Oyfter River. In the beginning of the next year they made a defcent upon Andover, and killed Captain Chub and his family. They alfo killed Colonel Dudley Bradftreet, took his whole family, and were carrying them off; but being clofely pur- fued, they releafed them without doing them any mifchief. The favages were now in motion to the weftward, and killed a man and a boy in tire meadows near Hatfield.
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They were purfued by a party of Englifh from Deerfield, of which one was killed by the Indians, who, after that ran to the woods. They had attempted Deerfield on Connecticut River, but were beaten off by the inhabitants, headed by their minifter, Mr, John Williams. Thefe fmall actions feemed to prefage the end of this war, of which the favages were as weary as- the Englifh, and had no profpect of making any thing of it againft a people fo much fuperior to them in numbers, arms and ftores; but they ended it with the better grace, by means of the peace of Ryfwick, between England and France. Upon which Count Frontenac fent to the fachem of the Hurons, and told them he was no longer to fupport them in the war againft the Englifh, and advifed them to make the beft terms they could for themfelves.
The Earl of Bellamont was by this time arrived at New York, and a treaty of peace with the Indians being fet on foot, he difpatched Major Convers, and Colonel Philips, to confer with the Indian fachems at Penabfcot. They began the conferences October the 6th, in which the Sachems excufed themfelves for breaking the peace, faying, the Jefuits would not let them alone till they had done it; and if the Earl of Bellamont, and Count Frontenac, would not banifh thefe devils, they could not promife the next peace would laft long. Major Convers and Colonel Philips concluded it with them on the foot with the laft treaty; to which they added a more formal fubmiffion to the fovereignty of the crown of England ; wherein after acknowledging themfelves guilty of breaking the laft peace, and in not fulfilling their engagements entered into thereby, while they enjoyed the benefit of it, which they charge upon the evil counfels and mitigations of the French, they proceed thus :
“ Wherefore we, whofe names Are hereunto fubfcribed, fegamores, captains, and principal men of the Indians, belonging to the rivers of Kennebeck, Amonofcogin, Saco, and parts adjacent, being fenfible of our great offence and folly, in not complying with the aforefaid fubmiffion and agreement, and alfo of the fufferings and mifchiefs that we have hereby expofed ourfelves unto ; do, in all humble and fub- miffive manner, caft ourfelves upon his majefty’s mercy, for the pardon of all our rebellions and violations of our promifes ; praying to be received into his prajefty’s grace and protection ; and for, and in behalf of ourfelves, and of all the other Indians belonging to the feveral rivers and places aforefaid, within the fovereignty of his Majefty of Great Britain, do again acknowledge and profefs our hearty and fincere obedience to the crown of England; and do folemnly renew, ratify, and confirm, all and every the articles and agreements contained in the aforefaid recited fubmiffion ; and in teftimony hereof, we, the faid fegamores, captains, and principal men, have hereunto fet our hands and feals, at Cafco Bay, near Mares Point, the 7th day of January, in the tenth year of the reign of his Majefty King William III. A.D. 1698-9. Sub- fcribed by Moxus, and the reft of the fegamores and petty princes.”
Thus ended, to the mutual fatisfaCtion of both parties, the Indian war, with refpect to which the French writers have undoubtedly given a very falfe account, and a ftill more falfe account of the peace; for they fay pofitively, that the Indians infilled upon it, that they were not fubjeCt to. the crown of Great Britain ; that they declared againft their occupying any of their lands; and that they openly profeffed they were, and would be friends to the French; every tittle of which, as is manifeft by their inftrument above recited, and cited for that purpofe, appears to be a direft falfehood; but in one thing I believe the French writers fpeak truth, which is, with regard to the policy of the Indians, who made ufe of the final 1-pox for a pretence to quit the Englifh army, in its march to attack the French colony of Canada by land, from a forefight that if this expedition had been attended with fuccefs, the French
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rauft have abandoned their country, and they were unwilling to be left wholly at the mercy of the Englilh.
Many of our authors indeed, reprefent the Indians as not capable of fo great a ftroke in politics; but I have feen papers of Governor Dudley and William Penn, who were very well acquainted with them, that feem to countenance this opinion ; for they fay, they have ftrong natural parts, underftand their own intereft thoroughly, and do every thing with great deliberation. It is, indeed, certain, that they are wedded to their own fentiments, and to their own manner of living, and therefore we mull: refer their politics to their maxims, and not pretend to judge of them by our own, with which they have not the leaft affinity or connection.
5. We have, in the courfe of this work, given fo full and clear an account of the manner in which all our colonies were fettled, and of the motives upon which different forts of people reforted to them, that the reader cannot be furprized at hearing their religious affairs were in a very indifferent fitualion, when in refpect to temporal concerns their condition was molt fiourifhing. Several worthy perfons in the reign of King Charles II. had ufed their endeavours to correct this evil, but their pious defires did not meet with proportionable fuccefs, which, however, was far from difcouraging others from following their example ; but though they were fomewhat more fortunate, chiefly from the afiiftance given them by the pious Queen Mary, whofe character for religion and virtue will live as long as there is either religion or virtue in the world, yet it was at laft found, that nothing could be effectually done, unlefs the encouragers of this noble defign of fpreading the chriftian faith through the Britifh dominions in America, were incorporated by charter, the neceffity and expediency of which Dr. Thomas Tenifon, then Archbifhop of Canterbury, undertook to reprefent to King William III. and upon his reprefentation a charter was obtained, dated the 16th of June, in the 13th year of his reign, by which feveral perfons, equally diftinguifhed by their titles and virtues, were incorporated for that purpofe, under the molt honourable of all names, “ The fociety for the propagation of the gofpel in foreign parts.”
This truly, fays the author of the hiftory of this fociety, Dr. Humphreys, was an aCtion fuitable to Archbifhop Tenifon’s public fpirit and honeft zeal for the Proteftant religion, and exceedingly becoming his high ftation and authority in the church. The American colonies, fure, can never, without the greateft veneration and gratitude, remember him, when they fhall, many ages hereafter, feel the happy effeCts of having the chriftian religion planted among them; and refleCt how hearty and forward Archbifhop Tenifon appeared to obtain that charter, which gave life and authority to fo glorious an undertaking ; nay, that his zeal and fpirit did not reft here, he continued to promote and guide, by his wife councils, the affairs of the fociety; he paid them an annual bounty of fifty pounds, during his life, and at his death bequeathed them a thoufand pounds, towards the maintenance of the firft bifhop that fhould be fettled in America. A charter being thus obtained, the next endeavour was to carry their laudable defign into execution ; accordingly his grace the archbifhop, as empowed by the charter, caufed fummons to be iffued for the members of the corporation, to meet within the time limited ; and feveral met at the place appointed, on the 27th of June 1701, and chofe proper officers for tranfacting the bufinefs. At following meetings they made divers rules and orders for their more regular proceedings in the adminiftra- tions of their truft, and fubfcribed, among themfelves, near two hundred pounds ; for defraying the charges of paffing the charter, making the common feal, and other neceffary expences; they alfo ordered five hundred copies of the charter to be printed
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forthwith, and diftributed amongftf the members, to be fhewn by them to all proper perfons, the farther to notify the defign they were engaged in, and to invite more perfons of ability and piety to affift in carrying it on.
This ftep was but an opening of the matter to the public; the fociety were diligent to confider of farther and more effectual ways and means to obtain fubfcriptions and contributions, fufficient to enable them to maintain the expence of fending many miffionaries abroad. They immediately agreed that the belt argument to mankind was example, and the mod effectual means to engage others to contribute, was to lead the way themfelves, by fubfcribing towards the fupport of the work. Accordingly Arch- bilhop Tenifon, the prefident, the vice-prefidents, all the bilhops and members then prelent, did fubfcribe a yearly fum to be paid to the treafurer of the fociety for the public ufes, according to the form of fubfcription drawn up for that purpofe ; having now made this advance themfelves, they gave out deputations, under their common leal, to feveral of their members, and other perfons of figure and intereft in the counties of England and Wales ; fignifying their being conflituted and appointed by the corporation to take fubfcriptions, and to receive all fums of money which fhould be fubfcribed or advanced for the purpofes mentioned in the charter ; and here it is to be gratefully acknowledged, that feveral worthy perfons did, with a public fpirit, take thefe deputations to help on with a work fo truly for the national intereft, and the honour of common chriftianity ; and did, by their example and inftances, fo influence feveral well-difpofed perfons, that confiderable remittances of benefactions to the cor. poration were foon made, which enabled them to enter on the work with fuccefs. There were likewife feveral confiderable fums of money fent into the fociety by perfons who defired to conceal their names ; and the fame fpirit and ardour has continued; neither has the fociety wanted the encouragement and protection of the fucceffors of their royal founder, particularly his late majefty King George I. and the fociety have ftill increafing views of fuccefs through the favour of his majefty now reigning, from his known zeal for the Proteftant religion, and royal care for the colonies, fo confiderable a branch of the Britilh monarchy.
It is a thing that will certainly excite wonder in the minds of all calm and confiderate people, let their religious fentiments or perfuafions be what they will, that this fociety, with fcarce any fettled fund, fhould be able to maintain, for between forty and fifty years, fo extenfive a fcheme as that of their charter, which tends to correct ahnoft all the errors and miftakes that have hitherto happened in the management of our colonies j for by their prudent and pious care, great check has been given to atheifm and irreli- gion, a thing of great confequence in our fettlements, confidered in a political as well as chriftian light ; for without it there is no reftraining the Indian traders from being; guilty of fuch immoralities, as render us defpicable in the eyes of the heathen Indians ? which, as may be eafily conceived, muft tend vaftly to our difadvantage, more efpe- cially, if at the fame time we reflect on the management of the French in this particular, who are very careful in their endeavours to convert the Indians, and keep up a great outward appearance of zeal for religion, which makes ftrong impreffions on the minds of the lavages, even though they are not converted, nor have any inclination to become Papifts. If by fuch methods they fhould fo far compafs their ends,' as to convert many of the Indians, and by that means awe and influence the reft ; it muft be accompanied with circumftances very difagreeable to the inhabitants of our colonies, as from the foregoing hiftory of the Indian war will appear.
But befides the many and great advantages that would refult from the thorough efta- blifhment of the Proteftant religion through the colonies, with regard to the conduct
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and behaviour of the people, and the great enlargement of power that would follow in cafe the converfion of the Indians was undertaken by praftice as well as preaching, by the example of the laymen, as well as the exhortations of the few clergy that are fent thither ; there is yet another point that deferves as ferious regard. The negroes in the fervice of our planters, are a prodigious body of people, and as there are but too many juft caufes given for apprehending the deftruclion of whole countries from their plots and confpiracies, which have been fometimes prevented by accidental, or rather providential difcoveries, when they were upon the.very point of being executed; fo it is certain, that if thefe people, or the greateft part of them, could be converted, it would not only prove a means of taking away thefe apprehenftons, but would alfo add a great ftrength to the colonies, in which they are obliged to make ufe of negroes; for thefe people would then conceive new notions of their condition, and confider their being fervants to Chriftians in the light rather of a bleffing than a calamity; it would not only make them eafy, but cheerful in their fervitude, and by degrees would be attended with more advantages than we can forefee, and yet a very ordinary degree of forefight will not fail to (hew us a great many. That this is, and mud be, attended with many difficulties, will be readily granted, but that it is very far from being impracticable, will appear from what Dr. Humphreys tells us has been in this refpedt already done, and which I take to be as material a point as any that occurs in the hiftory of this period.
The negro Haves, fays he, even in thefe colonies, where the fociety fend miffionaries, amount to many thoufands of perfons of both fexes, and all ages, and moll of them are very capable of receiving inftructions; even the grown perfons, brought from Guinea, quickly learn Englilh enough to be underftood in ordinary matters ; but the children born of negro parents in the colonies are bred up entirely in the Englilh language, The fociety looking upon the inftruction and converfion of the negroes as a principal branch of their care, efteeming it a great reproach to the Chriftian name, that fo many thoufands of perfons ffiould continue in the fame ftate of Pagan darknefs under a chriftian government, and living in Chriftian families, as they lay before under in their own heathen countries; the fociety, immediately, from their firft inftitution, ftrove to promote their converfion, and infomucli as their income would not enable them to fend numbers of catechifts fufficient to inftruct the negroes, yet they refolved to do their utmoft, and at leaft to give this work the mark of their higheft approbation. They wrote, therefore, to all their miffionaries, that they ffiould ufe their belt endeavours, at proper times, to inftruct the negroes ; and fliould efpecialiy take occafion to recommend it zealoufly to the mailers, to order their Haves, at convenient times, to come to them, that they might be inftruct ed.
Thefe directions had a good elfeft, and fome hundreds of negroes have been inftrudted, received baptifm, and been brought to the communion, and lived very orderly lives. It is a matter of commendation to the clergy, that they have done thus much in fo great and difficult a work. But alas ! what is the inftruction of a few hundreds in feveral years, with refpeft to the many thoufands uninftrufted, unconverted, living and dying downright Pagans ? It muft be confeffed, what hath been done is as nothing, with regard to what a true Chriftian would hope to fee effected. But the difficulties ths clergy meet with in this good work are exceeding great. The firft is, the negroes want time to receive inftructions; feveral mailers allow their negroes only Sundays for reft, and then the minifters of the pariffies are fully employed in other duties, and cannot attend them. Many planters, in order to free themfelves from the trouble and charge of feeding and clothing their Haves, allow them one day in a week to clear ground and plant it, to fubfift themfelves and families j fome allow all Satur-

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day; feme half Saturday and Sunday; others allow only Sunday. How can the negro attend for inftru&ion, who, on half Saturday and Sunday, is to provide food and raiment for himfelf and family for the week following ; the negro will urge in his own excufe, that the fupport of himfelf and all that is dear to him, doth abfolutely depend upon this his neceifary labour on Saturday and Sunday ; but if this be not ftri&ly jufti- fiable, yet it is certain the miferable man’s plea will engage the reader’s compalfion.
This is the cafe in forne colonies, in others it differs. In fome places the negroes do the whole labour of the country in the field, in others they are ufed only as houfe fer- vants. .Another difficulty arifes from the habitations and fettlements of the mailers being at a great diftance from each other in moll places in the colonies, for which rea- fon neither can a minilter go to many families, if the negroes were allowed time to attend him, nor can a proper number of them affemble together at one place, without a confiderable lofs of time to their mailers. But the greateft obflrudion is, the mailers themfelves do not confider enough the obligation which lies upon them, to have their Haves inftrucled. Some have been fo weak as to argue the negroes had no fouls, others that they grew worfe by being taught and made Chriitians. I would not mention thefe, if they were not popular arguments Hill, becaufe they have no foundation in reafon or truth.
After the Society had given the general order mentioned before, to all their mif- fionaries, for the inllrudlion of the Haves, they agreed to ufe another method, which they believed would more fuccefsfully promote this work. They opened a catechifing fchool for the Haves at New York, in the year 1704, in which city there were computed to be about one thoufand five hundred negro and Indian Haves, and many of their mailers well difpofed to have them made Chrillians. The Society hoped this example fet, might kindle a zeal in fome other good people, to carry on this work which they were unable to efieft, and to ereft fchools for the inllrudlion of the negroes, and to employ catechifts to teach them at appointed times; and that the legiflature of the colonies would by a law oblige all Haves to attend for inltrudtion. The Society found foon, it was not eafy to procure a perfon proper to be a catechill: Mr. Elias Neau, a layman, then living in New York city as a trader, was reprefented to be the proper ell perfon for that office. He was by nation a Frenchman, and made a con- feffion of the Proteftant religion in France, for which he had been confined many years in prifon, and feven years in the galleys : when he got releafed, he went to New York, and traded there; and had the character, from people of all perfuafions, of a man of -piety, of fober deportment and ferious life. He accepted of the offer of being catechill; and his former bufferings on account of his religion did, with great advantage, recommend him to be a teacher of the Chriltian faith, and his humility enabled him to bear with the many inconveniences in teaching thefe poor people.
He entered upon his office in the year 1704 with great diligence. At firlt he was obliged to go from houfe to houfe to inltrud the negroes ; this was out of meafure laborious; afterwards he got leave that they ffiould come to his houfe; this was a confiderable relief. There were two obtlruclions Hill; the time was much too Ihort,. and the place inconvenient, for teaching the great number of negroes; a little time in the dulk of the evening, after hard labour all day, was the whole time allowed them for learning and for relaxation, and to vifit their wives and children, which were generally in other families, not in their inafters. At this time their bodies were fo fatigued that their attention could not be great. They were dull and fleepy, and remembered they muff rife early the next day to their labour 5 the place alfo was incommodious, being the uppermolt lioor of Mr. Neau’s houfe, and was not able to hold conveniently a imall
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part of the flaves that might refort thither. Befides, the negroes were much chfcou- raged from embracing the Chriftian religion, upon account of the very little regard fhewed them in any religious refpeft. Their marriages were performed by mutual confent only, without the blefling of the church; they were buried by thofe of their own country, or complexion, in the common field, without any Chriftian office, perhaps fome ridiculous heathen rites were performed at the grave by fome of their own people. No notice was given of their being fick, that they might be vifited; on the contrary, frequent difcourfes were made in converfation that they had no fouls, and periffied as beafts.
Mr.Neau contended with thefe difficulties, and notwithftanding all, proved an inftru- ment of bringing many to the knowledge of the Chriftian faith : he took great pains in reading to them, in making fhort colleriions out of books on the catechifm, and in making an abftract of the hiftorical part of the Scriptures ; fo that many who could not read, could yet, by memory, repeat the hiftory of the creation of the world, the flood, the giving of the law, the birth, miracles, and crucifixion of our Lord, and the chief articles and doctrines of Chriftianity. This was a work of great pains and humanity. Mr. Neau performed it diligently, difcourfmg familiarly with thofe poor people, and labouring earneftly to accommodate his difcourfe to their capacities. His labours were very fuccefsful. A confiderable number of the flaves could give a fufficient account of the grounds of their faith, as feveral of the clergy, who examined them publicly, before they gave them baptifm, have acquainted the Society. In the mean time, while the Society was thinking of farther ways to advance this work, a calamity appeared, which mightily difcouraged this country from promoting the inftruclion of their flaves.
In the year 1712 a confiderable number of the negroes of the Carmantee and Pappa nations, formed a plot to deftroy all the Englilh, in order to obtain their liberty, and kept their confpiracy fo fecret that there was no. fufpicion of it, until it came to the very execution; however, the blow was, by God’s affiftance, happily defeated. The plot was this : The negroes fet fire to a houfe in York city, on a Sunday night in April, about the going down of the moon ; the fire alarmed the town, who from all parts run to it. The confpirators planted themfelves in feveral ftreets and lanes leading to the fire, and fhot or ftabbed the people as they were running to it. Some of the wounded efcaped and acquainted the government, and prefently by the firing a great gun from the fort, the inhabitants were called under arms, and prevented from running to the fire; a body of men was foon railed, which eafily fcattered the negroes; they had killed about eight perfons, and wounded twelve more. In their flight fome of them fhot themfelves, others their wives, and then themfelves ; fome abfconded a few days, and then killed themfelves, for fear of being taken, but a great many were taken, and eighteen fuffered death. This wicked confpiracy was at firft apprehended to be general among all the negroes, and opened the mouths of many to ipeak again!! giving the negroes inftruclion. Mr. Neau durft hardly appear abroad for fome days, his fchool was blamed, as the main oecafion of this barbarous plot. But upon the trial of the wretches, there were but two of all his fchool fo much as charged with the plot, and only one was a baptifed man; and in the people’s heat, upon llender evidence, perhaps, too haftily condemned; for foon after he was acknowledged to be innocent by the common voice j the other was not baptifed. It appeared plain that he was in the confpiracy, but guiltlefs of his mafter’s murder, who was Hooglands, an eminent merchant. Upon full trial, the guilty negroes were found to be fuch as never came to Neau’s fchool$ and what is very obfervable, the perfons whofe negroes were found to be rnoft
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guilty, were fuch as were the declared oppofers of making them Chriftians : however, a great jealoufy was now raifed, and the common cry was very loud againft inftructing the negroes.
The common-council of New York city made an order, forbidding the negroes to go about the ftreets after fun-fet without lanthoras and candles. This was in effect, forbidding them to go to Mr. Neau’s fchool; for none of them could get lanthorns, or come to him before fun-fet; but fome time after, the more ferious and moderate people abated of this violence ; it appearing to be a plot of a few only, not a general one of all the negroes, no confequence attended the action, and the people grew more compofed. Robert Hunter, Efq. the governor of' the province, obferved their fears were ill grounded, and that Mr.Neau’s fcholars w'ererlot the guilty negroes; and therefore, in order to fupport the defign of inftrucnng them, he was pleafed to vifit his fchool, attended by the Society’s miffionaries and feveral perfons of note, and publickly declared his approbation of the defign; and afterwards, by a proclamation put out againft immoralities and vice, he recommended to the clergy of the country, to exhort their congregations from the pulpit, to promote the inftruction of the negroes. This gave new life again to the work, and the negroes frequented Mr. Neau’s fchool as before; feveral were inftructed, and afterwards examined publickly in the church before the congregation, by the Reverend Mr. Vefey; and gave a very fatisfacfory account of their faith, and received baptifm.
The Society had accounts from time to time of Mr. Neau’s diligence and fuccefs, particularly one very ample teftimonial, figned by the governor (Robert Hunter, Efq.) the council, the lord mayor, and recorder of New York, and the two chief juftices, fetting forth, That Mr. Neau had demeaned himfelf in all things as a good Chriftian, and a good fubject; that in the ftation of catechift he had, to the great advancement of religion in general, and the particular benefit of the free Indians, negro Haves* and other heathens in thofe parts, with indefatigable zeal and application, performed that fervice three times a week ; and, that they did fincerely believe, that as a catechift, he did in a very eminent degree deferve the countenance, favour, and protection of the Society. Ti-e Society were fully fatisfied with Mr. Neau’s behaviour, and continued to fend him numbers of catechifins and fmall tracts of devotion and inftruction, to give among the Haves and fervants at his difcretion. Mr. Neau perfevered with the fame diligence till the year 1722, in which he died, much regretted by all who knew his labours.
The Society have been very careful in carrying on that great and good work, as far as in their power lay, ever fince; and though they have not been fo fuccefsful as -they could have wiflied, yet their difappointments have not been of a nature to make them defpair, and we may reafonably prefume, that by degrees, and by a conftant perfe- verance, they will, in procefs of time, overcome all difficulties.
6. After the accefiion of Queen Anne to the crown, and this nation’s engaging in another general war againft France, it was thought a thing of very great confequence to fecure the five Indian nations bordering upon New England and New York ; and therefore, inftead of waiting for an application from the Society, an order was dire&ed to them from the Privy Council upon this fubject; and they were directed to fend over miffionaries without delay, with a promife that they ffiould be properly fupported ; and this in terms that very plainly ffiewed the Government looked upon it as a matter that did not only regard the Church, but the State. The Society, upon this, fent over, very foon after, one Mr. Moor, and intended to have fent over other miffionaries if his * endeavours had met with any fuccefs. The fcheme was very wife and very good, yet
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it did not anfwer in the execution, for want, as I conceive, of proper expence about it. In a national concern like this, money fhould not have been fpared, and great care ought to have been taken in preparations before any thing had been hazarded in the execution ; fo that a number of miffionaries fhould have entered the Indian countries at once, fome or other of which would certainly have fallen upon the right way of gaining the affe&ion of thefe people, which it feems was not the good fortune of Mr. Moor ; who arriving at New York in 1704, was very well received by Lord Cornbury, who was then governor of that colony, and who alfo gave him all the affiftance he could defire in his million; but the Mohocks, to whom he addreffed himfelf, did not treat him as he expected; for at fir ft they feemed to exp refs very great fatisfa&ion at his arrival, and to be extremely well pleated with his concern for their falvation; but they trifled with him afterwards, and at laft gave him plainly to underhand, that his coming amongft them would be to little purpofe ; for under pretence that religion was a public concern, in which all their families and little clans had an equal concern, fo that he could not be received by any without the common confent, they put him off from time to time, and would have put him off for ever, if, after a year’s waiting, he had not returned to New York; where he embarked on board a Ihip for England, but was unhappily loft in his paffage.
Thus was the attempt fruftrated; but the Society received accounts that this ill fuccefs was owing not only to the averfion of the Indians to Chriftianity, but was very much occafioned by the artifices of the French Jefuits, who induftrioufly obftructed the labours of the Englilh miffionaries among them, and left no means untried to feduce them from their fidelity to the crown of England, and keep them in a continual war with the Engliffi. And indeed all the evils that the Englilh colonies have undergone during the lalt war, have been occafioned by the Indians, that is, thofe Indians which the Jefuits have by their artifices corrupted; for among the five nations there is a great number of French Jefuits, who are incorporated, by adoption, into their tribes, and as fuch they oftentatioufly affume Iroquois names ; and the chief of the poor filly Indians, confidering them as perfons of their own blood, do intirely confide in them, and admit them into their councils, from whence one may eafily imagine what diforders the Jefuits make in their affairs. Befides, the Indians bordering on New England are the molt cruel and barbarous of all the favage nations, and have deftroyed all their innocent neighbours. They are always unfixed, either rambling for feveral months together, or hunting, or upon warlike expeditions; and at their return to their villages, have generally forgot all their former inftruttions, and it is impoffible for any minifter to accompany them in their rambles of three or four hundred leagues at a time. After this good endeavour was defeated, the Indians remained without inftruction, except that fome few were taught by the Dutch minifter at Albany. But the year 1709 produced an event, which the Society hoped might have had very happy conlequences, and fixed Chriftianity among the Iroquois. Four fachems, or four chief perfons of four nations of the Iroquois, came in the nature of ambaffadors to England, confirming the peace made with the governor of New York, and requefting her majefty would be pleafed to direct that their fubje&s might be inftructed in Chriftianity, and minifters might be fent to refide amongft them.
The Archbifhop of Canterbury received thereupon, the following letter from the Earl of Sunderland, then one of her majefty’s principal fecretaries of ftate,
“ My Lord, Whitehall, April 20, 1710.
“ The inclofed being a copy of what has been given to the Queen, by the ambaffadors lately arrived from the five Indian nations ; I am ordered by her majefty to tranf-
8* ' mit

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■mit it to your Grace, and to fignify to you her pleafure, that you lay it before the Society for propagating religion, that they may confider what may be the moft proper ways of cultivating that good difpofition thefe Indians feem to be in for receiving the Chriftian faith, and for fending thither fit perfons for that purpofe, and to report their opinion without lofs of time, that the fame may be laid before her majefty.
“ I am, &c. Sunderland, &c.”
The archbifhop was then much indifpofed, and confined to his houfe with the gout, and therefore fignified to the fecretary of the Society to call a committee to meet at Lambeth ; a committee met, and it was agreed there, and afterwards by the Society at a general meeting, that two miffionaries fhould be fent to the Mohock and Oncydes’s Indians, with a falary of one hundred and fifty pounds fterling each, together with an interpreter and fchool-mafter, to teach the young Indians; and this opinion was humbly laid before the Queen; her majefty was farther pleafed to direct, that a fort Ihould be built among the Mohocks, at the Government’s expence, with a chapel and a manfion houfe for the minifter, for his greater conveniency and fecurity, and that the religious offices might be performed with due decency; a fort was foon after built one hundred and fifty feet fquare, and garrifoned with twenty foldiers and an officer, and a houfe and chapel completed. The Reverend Mr. Andrews was appointed miffionary, and Mr. Claufen, who had been feveral years employed as interpreter by the government of New York, in tranfaftions with the Indians, was received as interpreter to Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Oliver made fchool-mafter. Mr. Andrews was particularly directed by the Society, to ufe all poffible means to perfuade the Indians to let their children learn Engliffi; and the fchool-mafter was to make it his whole bufinefs to teach them. The Society was now in good hopes this attempt would prove fuccefsful, fince her majefty was lo gracioufly pleafed to provide for the fecurity of the miffionary, by building a fort juft by the Mohocks’ caftle, to which the men and children might eafily refort to be inftrufted ; and the fachems, the chief perfons of this people, had been in England, received many marks of royal favour, had been eye-witneffes of the greatnefs of the nation, had been nobly entertained here, and carried home to their own countries fafely and honourably, and had themfelves alfo defined their people might be inftructed in the Chriftian faith.
Mr. Andrews arrived at Albany in November 1712. The fachems who had been carried home before he went from England, were convened by order of the governor of New York, to meet Mr. Andrews and the commiffioners for Indian affairs at Albany, in order to give a public authority and fanction to Mr. Andrews’s miffion, and that the fachems might receive him their minifter with greater folemnity. The fachems came to Albany, met the commiffioners for Indian affairs, and Mr. Andrews, the miffionary, made a long fpeech to the fachems, reminding them how gracious her majefty was in building a fort, fending a minifter to them ; put them in mind how earneftly they had requefted it; and fet forth what advantages they and their children would reap by being taught our religion and learning. A letter from the Archbifhop of Canterbury was delivered to them, and afterwards read to them in Indian by Mr. Claufen, the interpreter of the province. Some of the fachems made fpeeches, and returned thanks to the queen, expreffed a great fatisfa&ion in having a minifter fent them, and received Mr. Andrews as fuch, and promifed him all civil and kind ufage.
The whole affair was tranfafted with much ceremony, the fachems returned home, Mr. Andrews ftaid fome time at Albany to refrefh himfelf; foon after he went up to the fort, two hundred miles from New York, accompanied by Robert Livingfton, Efq.
302 the

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the mayor of Albany, Capt. Mathews, Mr. Stroopman of Schenectady, the Reverend Mr. Barclay, and feveral other gentlemen: he was prefently vifited by a great many Indians, men, women, and children, who faluted him with abundance of joy, and bid him welcome to their country. The caftle or chief town of thefe Mohocks is neighbouring co the queen’s fort, confiding of about fifty wigwams or houfes ; thefe wigwams are huts made of mats, or barks of trees put together with poles about three or four yards high. The Mohocks clothing is a (hort cloke, like a mantle, made of a blanket, or bear-ikin. Their bed is a mat, or Ikin, laid on the ground. They paint and greafe themfelves very much with bears fat clarified. They cut the hair off from one fide of their heads, and tie up fome of that on the other fide in knots, on the crown, with feathers. The men are very flothful, the women very laborious, mere fervants to their hufbands. They carry all burdens, fetch the venifon home their hu(bands kill (the men are too lazy to bring it), get in the wood to burn and drefs it; carry their children on their backs in their rambles of many hundreds of miles; hoe the ground and plant all the Indian corn that is raifed. The language of thefe people is very difficult, their ideas are very few, and their words therefore not many, but as long as fentences, ex- preffing by a long rumbling found what we do in a Ihort word. There is here no manner of conveniency of life for a miffionary; for four or five months in the year there is fcarce any (lining abroad, by reafon of the extraordinary coldnefs of the weather, and the deep fnows that fall; and in the fummer-time, the flies and mufketoes are almoft intolerable, and the rattlefnakes very dangerous: the neared place of getting any provifions is at Schenettady, twenty-four miles diftant, or from Albany forty-four miles off. The road to thefe places is, for the moll part, only a fmall, rough Indian path through vaft woods, where riding is very dangerous, by reafon of the road being in many places flopped with fallen trees, roots, (tones, and holes; befides many deep hills, and dead fwamps or bogs in the way ; there was nothing deferable to be feen ; the face of the earth rude and uncultivated, like the wild inhabitants; no pleafure to be found but that of doing good to the miferable natives.
Thefe were the circumftances of the place and people, whither Mr. Andrews was appointed; and notwithftanding all thefe inconveniencies he refided there, and invited the Indians to come to him; many came: he ufed very often to difeourfe with them, mftrucling them in the chief articles of the faith, and giving them (hort general accounts of our religion. This was done by the help of Mr. Claufen, who always attended and interpreted to the Indians. Mr. Claufen had been formerly taken prifoner by the Indians, lived long among them, and underftood their language fufficiently. Mr. Andrews ufed to draw up (hort accounts of the Chriflian dodrines, and fome hiftorical parts of the Bible; particularly the creation of the world, and miracles of the Lord. The interpreter ufed to read them to the Indians, and divine fervice ufed to be performed in Englifh to the foldiers in the garrifon. The fchoolmafter, Mr. Oliver, opened his fchool; the Indians, at firif, fent many of their children; he began to teach them Englifh ; the parents obftinately refufed to have them taught Englifh; all poffible endeavours were ufed to perfuade them, they dill perfifted. Mr. Andrews fent this account to the Society, and rather than quite break with the Indians, the fchoolmafter, and interpreter, began to teach the children a little in Indian. The Society were forced to comply with the Indians obftinacy: they procured an impreflion of hornbooks and primers in Indian, for the children, fent them great numbers, as alfo leathern ink-horns, pen-knives, a quantity of paper of feveral forts, and feveral other little neceffaries. The children were now taught in Indian, and were treated with great kindnefs; no correction dared to be ufed, for the parents were fo fond of their
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OF THU ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 4*3
children, and valued learning fo little they thought it not worth gaining, at the lealt difpleafing of their children.
To engage them farther to learn, Mr. Andrews ufed to give the children who came to fchool victuals, and fome fmall utenfils for their parents. The children ufed often to come for the fake of getting victuals, for the Indians are frequently drove to great extremities on account of their making little or no provifion before hand. The children had a good natural capacity, and an aptnefs for learning ; many of them begun to read, and fome to write. This method of giving them victuals, engaged the parents to fend them for fome time to fchool. In the mean time Mr. Andrews proceeded to inftrudf the grown Indians by help of the interpreter, in fome of the chief articles of faith, and rules of life ; divine fervice was conftantly performed on Sundays and holidays in Eng- lifh, to the foldiers, and fucli Indians as underitood any Englifh frequently attended in the chapel: the chapel was very deceutly adorned ; Oueen Anne had given a hand- fome furniture for the communion-table; the imperial arms of England painted on canvas were fixed up in the chapel. Archbifhop Tenifon gave twelve large Bibles very finely bound, for the ufe of the chapel, with painted tables containing the Creed, Lord’s Prayer, and Ten Commandments. Mr. Andrews was very civil to all the Indians who came to hear him ; ufed frequently to entertain them at his houfe, and give them provifions home with them when they wanted very much, and that they often did.
The Society, fince they could by no means prevail with the Indians to learn Englifh, neither young nor old, laboured to get fome good tranflations made of parts of the Scripture, at leaft, into the Indian language, though exceeding improper to convey a due idea of the Chriftian doftrines ; as being willing, by all methods of compliance, to gain fomething upon them: the Society were much affifted in this by Mr. Freeman, a very worthy Calvinift minifter; he had been five years miniiter at Scheneftady, to a Dutch congregation, and had been employed by the Earl of Bellamont, in the year 1700, to convert the Indians. He had' a good knowledge of the dialed of the Mohocks, which is underftood by all the Iroquois, who reach near four hundred miles beyond Albany. The Society applied to him for any proper papers wrote in that language, which he might have. He acquainted the Society, that he had tranflated into Indian, the Morning and Evening Prayers from our Liturgy, the whole Gofpel of St. Mathew, the three firft chapters of Genefis. feveral chapters of Exodus, feveral Pfalms, many portions of the Scripture relating to the birth, paffion, refurredion, and afeenfion' of our Lord ; and feveral chapters of the firft Epiftle to the Corinthians, particularly the fifteenth chapter, proving the refurredion of the dead. He very frankly gave the, Society a copy of thefe tranflations, which were fent to Mr. Andrews for his help, and they were a great help to him. He ufed frequently to read fome of thefe to the Indians, and they could comprehend well enough by his reading. But the Society were defirous' fome part of the Scriptures might be printed in Indian, and the copies given to the Indians, and they taught at leaft to read that; accordingly the Morning and Evening Prayer, the Litany,'* the Church Catechifm, Family Prayer, and feveral chapters of the Old and New Teftament were printed at New York. The copies were fent to Mr. Andrews, and he gave them to fuch of the Indians as knew any thing of letters*
He had hopes now of fome fuccefs in his million; feveral of the women and fome men began to lead more orderly lives. They were infiructed, and retained well in • their memory what the chief articles of our faith are, and rules of life ; a good number were baptized," and particular accounts were fent regularly to the Society. Mr. Andrews was willing to try what good he could do in another nation oPthe Indians ; he
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travelled to the cattle of Onydans, one hundred miles diftant from the Mohocks ; the country all the way was a vail wildernefs of wood, and the road through it was a narrow path. He was forced to carry all neceffaries with him, and at night to lie upon a bear’s ikin. When he arrived at the cattle he was vifited by more than one hundred people, who feemed all glad to fee him ; he read feveral papers to them, ftaid fome time with them, and, after inftruction, baptized feveral, whofe names have been tranfmitted to the lociety. Mr. Andrews afterwards returned to the Mohocks, his place of refidence. In a ihort time the Indians grew weary of inftruction ; the men grown would go out in bodies a hunting for feveral months, and forget all they had been taught; and the young boys, when they grew up, were taken out by their fathers to hunt, and fo loft all they had got. This roving life utterly deftroyed all the miffionary’s and fchool- mafter’s labours.
But befides this difficulty, and the natural averfenefs of the Indians to learning, two misfortunes happened which created a jealoufy, and afterwards a hatred in the Indians againft all the Englilh as well as againft their religion. Some jefuits, emiffaries from Quebec, among the Canada Indians, adjoining to the Iroquois, had infufed into the minds of thofe people, that the Englilh did not intend, by building a fort among the Iroquois, to teach them their religion, but to cut them all off at a proper juncture ; and that a box had been found accidentally, left by the Englilh when they attempted Quebec, containing papers which difcovered this intention of the Englilh. The Canada Indians believed this idle ftory, and fpread it among all the Iroquois. This ftirred up fome jealoufy, but a further misfortune quite fet the Indians againft the Englilh ; fome of the Tufcararo Indians who had fled from North Carolina after the war there with the Englilh, came and fettled in the country of the Onontages, one of the Iroquois nations bordering on the Mohocks. Thefe people being enraged at the Englilh, ftirred up the Onontages againft them, telling them they had been molt barbaroully ufed and drove out of their country, and the Englilh watched only for an opportunity to extirpate them too. The other Indians were too eafily perfuaded to believe every thing the Tufcararo Indians told them ; fo that when any of thefe people came by the Mohocks Cattle and the Queen’s Fort, in their way to Albany, to trade and buy themfelves neceffaries, they ufed only to mock at Mr. Andrews when he would offer to talk to them about religion, and when he proffered to go to their abode they abfolutely forbade him.
In a little time the old Mohocks left off coming to the Chapel to Mr. Andrews, and the children came no more to fchool. Mr. Andrews wrote the fociety word of the ill fuccefs of his million, though he had fpared no pains; that the hopeful beginnings proved of no effeft at laft ; and that he began to defpair of converting the Indians. The fociety found now, from feveral accounts, that the million among the Indians proved fruitlefs ; that it was not poffible to teach them the Chriftian religion, before they were in fome degree civilized ; and they found the following difficulties did only hinder that. No way could be found to engage the Indians to lead a fettled life, to apply themfelves to cultivate the ground, to build towns, and to raife cattle ; they would Hill rove througlh their vaft woods many hundreds of miles, depending for their fubfiftence upon the game they could kill. They would eat all forts of carrion, and in fome long rambles, when by various accidents they could get no game, would kill and eat one another, even their wives, and that without any concern or remorfe. Generally half of a hord or nation went out a hunting or a warring upon a neighbouring nation together, and on thofe expeditions forgot all the little they had learned, and at their return were as mere favages as ever. They could not be diffuaded from taking wives and leaving them at their pleafure ; this not only hindered religion from being fixed among them, but
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was the caufe that a great many aged men and women perilhed miferably, as having no one to take any care of them.
They would, in their wars, ufe the greateft barbarities, and deftroy all the prifoners they could take, by fuch extreme tortures, it would move too much horror in the reader to repeat in this place. It is true, they were very fond of their children, but they perverted even fo good a principle ; they would not oblige them to learn any manual art, or our language, but let them live a lazy beftial life : nay, fome of the young children who have by chance fallen into the Englilh hands, and lived in families, been taugh. our language, learnt a decent behaviour, and known fomething of tillage or handicraft; when they have grown up have run wild again, have thrown off their clothes, and chofe rather to ramble naked almoft in the woods with their own people, than to live a fober and fettled life. But the greateft obftruction to their being civilized, was their greedinefs of ftrong liquors, efpecially rum, and the fatal effect drunkennefs hath upon them. When they drink they wall never leave off' till they have gone to the greateft excels, and in this condition they are moft wretched objects. They grow quite mad, burn their own little huts, murder their wives and children, or one another ; fo that their wives are forced to hide their guns or hatchets, and themfelves too, for fear of mifchief. And if the men, through this excels, fall into any ficknefs, they perilh miferably, as having no methods of helping themfelves by phyfic or otherwife.
It is, indeed, matter of great wonder, that thefe wretched people who have lived joining to the Englilh fettlements fo many years, and cannot but obferve that the Englilh, by agriculture, raife provifions out of a fmall fpot of ground, to fupport in plenty great numbers of people ; whereas they, by their hunting, cannot get a wretched fubfiftence out of all their wilderneffes of feveral hundred leagues in extent, Ihould ftill refufe to till their ground or learn any manual art ; Ihould ftill live a brutal life, infen- fible of lhame or honour. It is true, the Englilh have taken from them exceeding large countries, yet this, far from being a prejudice, would be a vaft advantage to them, if they would but learn the Englilh language, arts, and induftry. They have ftill an immenfe extent of land, part of which, if duly cultivated, is able to maintain many millions of people more than they are. It might have been imagined the Sachems, that is, thofe petty kings who were in England in the late Queen’s time, Ihould have been fo ftrongly affected with feeing the grandeur, pleafure, and plenty of this nation, that when they came to their own countries, they would have tried to reduce their people to a polite life ; would have employed their whole power to expel that rude bar- barifm, and introduce arts, manners, and religion ; but the contrary happened; they funk themfelves into their old brutal life ; and though they had feen this great city, when they came to their own woods they grew all favage again.
Mr. Andrews wrote feveral accounts more in 1718, that all his labours proved ineffedtual. That the Indians would not fend their children to fchool, and nobody came to the chapel; that the four other nations of the Iroquois, as they came by the Mohocks Caftle, infulted and threatened him ; that the interpreter and fchool-mafter perceived all their labour was loft, and that they were frequently in danger of their lives if they went out of the fort. The fociety received thefe accounts with much dif- fatisfaftion, as being extremely contrary to what their good defires had made them hope. However, they were fo unwilling to abandon this wretched people to themfelves, that they would not difrnifs Mr. Andrews from his million, upon his own reprefentation of his ill fuccefs. They wrote to the governor of New York, Robert Hunter Efq. acquainted him with the accounts they had received, and requefted the favour of his Excellency to caufe an inquiry to be made, whether Mr. Andrews’s labours -were fo
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fruitlefs among the Indians, and fubmitted to his judgment to difmifs Mr. Andrews if they fhould be fo found. The accounts tranfmitted hither were found true upon examination, and Mr. Andrews left that miferable race of men.
We have chofen to give the whole of this remarkable account together, that the reader may fee, and be fully apprifed of the many and great obftacles that lie in the way of our bringing the Indians to embrace our intereft together with our religion ; but there are ftill hopes, that as the fociety proceeds in the great defign of fettling a regular clergy in our colonies, and thereby influencing the planters, not only to profefs, but to fhew themfelves Chriftians ; thefe obftacles v/ill be lefl'ened by degrees, and the Indians come to have a better opinion of our faith, in the fame proportion that they grow better pleafed with the juftice and regularity of our behaviour towards them ; but in the mean time what has been related fhews that this important talk has not remained unattempted, and that if it has been in fome meafure interrupted, this interruption was occafiorred by accidents unforefeen, inevitable, and in their nature hitherto unconquerable,
7. But it is now time for us to proceed to that great and fmgular expedition, undertaken in the Queen’s reign, for difpoflfdfmg the French of Quebec, and driving them entirely out of Canada. This was firft conceived practicable, and meafures taken for putting it in execution, in the year 1707, at which time the Earl of Sunderland, then fecretary of ftate, wrote to the government of New England, to prepare for giving what affiftance lay in their power, towards a defign of fuch importance to, and fo often recommended by, the people of that colony ; who from the time Sir William Phipps mifcarried in it, were continually wifiling for an opportunity to recover their credit, and to revenge their lofs upon the French, by renewing their attempts upon Canada. The perfon then intended to command the land troops, was General Maccartney, and every thing was fettled with refpect to his voyage, when the fatal battle of Almanza, in Spain, made it abfolutely neceffary to fend the troops defigned for this fervice into that country, to prevent the total ruin of the late Emperor’s, then King Charles, affairs. The cir- cumftances of the war in fucceeding years hindered the revival of this project till the change of the miniftry, and then it was refolved upon afrefli, as the molt eftectual means of forcing France into a fpeedy and folid peace.
How it was executed is a very hard talk to fay ; but we will make ufe of the account publilhed by the fecretary of the admiralty, who had it in his power to give the fulleft and faireft relation of this matter; and if he has not done fo, we know not whereto find abetter. He tells us the Queen’s inftrudions to Sir Elovenden Walker, Rear Admiral of the White, were dated the 11 th day of April 1711, by which he was ordered to take under his command, the Torbay, a fliip of eighty guns, the Edgar, Swiftlhure, and Mompouth, of feventy guns ; and Dunkirk, Sunderland, Kingfton, and Montague, of fixty guns, with two bomb veifels; as alfo the Leopard and Saphire, one of fifty and the other of thirty guns, lent before to North America ; with all thefe, except the two laft, together with the (lore-(hips and tranfports defigned on the expedition, he was, as foon as might be, to rendezvous at Spithead ; and when Mr. Hill, General and Commander in Chief of the forces, Ihould be embarked, and the troops on board, he was, with the firft opportunity of the wind, to proceed to Bofton in New England, without touching at any ifland, country, oi place, if it could poffibly be avoided ; and as he was required to appoint proper fignals and places for rendezvous, in cafe of reparation, fo was he to give ftrid orders to the captains of the ftiips under his command, that if they happened to be fo feparated, they fhould not inform the enemy, er any other, on what defign they were going.
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In his palfageto Bofton, the chief town in New England, he was, when himfelf and the General (hould judge it moil proper, to detach one (hip of war or more to convoy diredtly to New York the tranfport (hips, in which were laden artillery, filks, cloaths, and accoutrements, with other things, for the ufe of the forces to be railed there, as well as in the Jerfeys and Penfylvania ; the fame to be delivered as the General Ihould diredl ; and then the fhips of war were to be ordered to return to Bolton ; but if it Ihould not be judged proper to make fuch detachment, the tranfports were to be fent to New York, under a fufficient convoy, when he arrived at Bolton ; and thefaid convoy, to bring there fuch necelfaries and (tores as Ihould be provided for the fquadron and forces. When he arrived at New England, he was to take the Leopard and Saphire under his command, and confider whether it might be neceflary to make any addition to the fquadron by the convoy to the New England malt (hips or others llationed on the coaft of America, which he was empowered to do ; and if the General Ihould, upon advifing with him, think it practicable to fend any of the tranfports with fome of the new raifed troops in New England, to garrifon Annapolis Royal, lately called Port Royal ; and to bring from thence the marines left there, or any part of them, or the artillery, or (lores of war, he was to appoint a fufficient convoy, with directions for them to return forthwith to New England.
He was, when at Bofton, to take under his care all tranfport velfels, ketches, hoys, boats, and other neceffaries provided in New England ; and as foon as the forces from thence, and thofe raifed there, ihould be on board, he was to fail with them into the river of St. Laurence up to Quebec, in order to attack that place ; and being arrived, to make a proper difpofition of the (hips for that purpofe, as well of fuch as might be fit to be employed before the town, as others; upon confulting with the General to pafs the place, and proceed up the river towards the lake, not only to prevent any communication with Quebec, but to protect the canoes and boats with the forces from New York, to which end he was empowered to convert fome of the fmall velfels fent from thence to New England, into frigates fuitable to the navigation of the upper part of the river, and to man and arm them accordingly at New England, or elfewhere ; he was to affift the General with veffels and boats proper for landing the forces and embarking them again, but more efpecially upon his arrival at Quebec, or freffi tranfporting them from place to place.
He was alfo ordered to fend to the General fuch marine foldiers as (hould be on board the fquadron, when he Ihould demand the fame ; which he was to have the command of while employed on (hore 5 befides which, he was to aid him with fuch a number of feamen, gunners, guns, ammunition, and other (lores from the lhips, as he (hould demand for the land fervice ; which feamen were to affift in drawing and mounting the cannon, or otherwife, as (hould be found neceflary. He was ftridtly required to lofe no time in proceeding to New England, and proceeding from thence to the River St. Laurence ; nor in putting in execution the fervice at Quebec ; but that on his part, all expedition (hould be ufed in the reduction of the place, and of the country of Canada, or New France ; and in the feafonable return of the fquadron and tranfports. Her Majefty empowered him to diredt the commiflary of the (tores to deliver to any (hip or veflei, whether of war or otherwife, any provifions or liquors under his care ; he was likewife to provide any other naval (lores for the ufe of the fquadron ; and in cafe of fuccefs it (hould be found neceflary by him and the General to have a naval force left in the river of St. Laurence, he was to appoint fuch part of the fquadron to remain there as might be judged proper for taking care to make fuitable provifion for the maintenance and repair of fuch (hips ; and the like liberty was given as to any of the fmaller velfels, vol. xii. 3 h fuch

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fuch as tranfports or other-wife, or to make ufe of any of the enemy’s fhips that might be taken, if proper, to bring into Europe fuch governors, regular troops, religious perfons, or others whom the General, by his inflructions, was directed to fend away from Canada, with commiffaries, {tores, and provifions for their tranfporration.
Thefe fervices being directed, he was to take on board the General, if he fhould think fit to return, and fuch of the forces as might not be left in Canada, and haflen with the fquadron and tranfports out of the river ; and if the feafon of the year would permit, he was to proceed to, and fummon and attack, Placentia in Newfoundland, in fuch manner as General Hill fhould direct ; which fervice being over, he was to order fuch fhips of war as did not properly belong to the fquadron under his command, to return to their feveral flations, directing the mailers of the tranfports which he fhould have no occafion for, to go and feek freight either upon the continent of America or in the illands, to eafe the public of the farther charge of them, and for the benefit of the trade of Great Britain. Laftly ; it was recommended to him, as it was to the General of the land forces, to maintain a conflant good underflanding and agreement, and on all occafions to render each other all neceffary and requifite affiftance ; and if any differences fhould arife between them, upon any conftruttion of command, or the nature of command in the fervice, or otherwife howfoever, the Oueen was pleafed to referve the determination of the fame to herfelf, at their return to Great Britain, without prejudice to either of them in fubmitting to each other for the good of her Majefly’s fervice.
And that he might be fufficiently informed of her Majefly’s defign upon Canada, and of the preparations directed to be made for the carrying it on, to the governors of New York and Maffachufets Bay, and New Hants ; as alfo of the additional inftruc- tions to the governors of New York, and of thofe to Francis Nicholfon Efq. and the feveral governors of the colonies of Connecticut, Rhode Ifland, Providence Plantation, and Penfylvania.
Thefe were the contents of the Queen’s orders to Sir Hovenden Walker, prepared without fo much as confulting the then Lords Commiffioners of the Admiralty, either as to the fitnefs of the fhips appointed for the expedition, or the nature of the navigation ; but on the contrary, the defign on which they were bound was rather induflrioufly hid from them, as may appear by fome letters to Sir Plovenden Walker, before he failed from Spithead, by which the fecretary feemed to value himfelf very much, that a defign of this nature was kept a fecret from the admiralty, who, had they been confulted, would not, I am apt to think, have advifed the fending fhips of eighty and feventy guns to Quebec, fince the navigation up the river of St. Laurence, was generally efleemed to be ve*y dangerous; nor were their lordfhips permitted to know any thing of this matter, at lealt not in form, until advice received, that the French were equipping a confiderable fquadron at Brefl, which fome of the miniflry might be apprehenfive were defigned to intercept Sir Hovenden Walker ; but it was too late to take any proper meafures for preventing it, if the enemy had really had any fuch intention. Having thus given a brief account of what fteps were taken to let forth this fquadron, which, ere it returned, put the nation to a very confiderable expence, it remains that we accompany them on the expedition, and I fhall give as particular an account of their proceedings as the papers which I have before me, will enable me to do.
Sjr Elovenden Walker was under fail with the fnips of war and tranfports off of Dunnofe on the 29th of April, 1711 ; but coming off of the Start the ifl of the next month, a wefterly wind obliged him to put in at Plymouth ; being the length of the
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Dead Man the 4th, he met with the Kent, Effex, and Plymouth, which fhips he took with him fome leagues into the fea, and then left them to their former fervice of cruizing from the foundings. The 24th of June he arrived at Nantafket, near Bofton in New England, having then with him five Ihips of the third rate, fix of the fourth, one of the fifth, and two bomb-veffels. But not meeting with that ready affiftance which was expected from the government and people of that country, it was the 30th of July before he failed from thence, and then he was on his way to Quebec, with the Britifh and New England forces. The 14th of Auguft he got the length of the Bird Iflands, which lie about two hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Ann; and having fent the Chefter, Leopard, and Saphire, to cruize between Placentia and Cape Breton, on the ifland oppofite to Newfoundland, expected their joining him in his paffage to Quebec; the former of which fhips had taken and fent into Bofton, before he failed thence, a ihip of about one hundred and twenty tons, with ten guns, and had feventy men on board, whereof thirty were foldiers for the garrifon of Quebec.
The LeoftefF, Feverfham’s Enterprize, and Tryton’s Prize, all fmall veffels, which were ftationed at New York and Virginia, he ordered to join him off of Cape Breton, being impowered by her Majefty’s orders fo to do, if he fhould find it neceffary, and this the rather becaufe they might be of good ufe to him in his proceeding up the river to Quebec, which navigation moft of the people with whom he had fpoken reprefented to be very dangerous ; and therefore he rightly judged the Humber and Devonfhire, which mounted eighty guns each, too big to be ventured thither; for which reafon he fent them home, and fluffed his flag on board the Edgar, a fhip of feventy guns, General Hill removing into the Windfor, which carried ten lefs ; but fince he had information that a fhip of fixty guns, and another of thirty, were expected from France very fhortly; he ordered the aforefaid fhips Humber and Devonfhire, to cruize in the opening of the bay of St. Laurence, until the laft of Auguft, and then to purfue their voyage home.
He had very fair weather until he got into the aforefaid bay, when it came changeable, fometimes thick and foggy, and other while calm and little winds, and the navigation appeared to be intricate and hazardous. The 18th of Auguft, when he was off Gafpe Bay, near the entrance of the river Canada, it blew frefli at north-weft, and left the tranfports fhould be feparated, and blown to leeward, he anchored in that bay ; where, flaying for an opportunity to proceed up the river, he burnt a French fhip which was a fifiling, pot being able to bring her off. The wind veering wefterly the 20th of Auguft, he had hopes of gaining his paffage; but the next day afternoon it proved foggy, and continued fo all night and the day following, with very little wind till the afternoon, when there was an extreme thick fog and it began to blow hard at eaft- fouth-eaft, which rendering it impoflible to fleer any courfe with fafety, having neither fight of land or foundings, or anchorage, he, by the advice of the pilots then on board him, both Englifh and French, who were the beft in the fleet, made the fignal for the fhips to bring to with their heads fouthward, at which time it was about eight at night, believing that in that pofture they fhould not come near the north fhore, but rather have driven with the ftream in the mid-channel; but on the contrary, as they lay with their heads fouthwards, and the wind eafterly, in two hours time he found himfelf on the north fhore among the rocks and iflands, at leaft fifteen leagues farther than the log-line gave, where the whole fleet had like to have been loft ; the men of war efcaped with the utmofl difficulty, but eight tranfport fhips were call away, and almoft nine hundred officers, foldiers, and feamen perifhed.
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The French pilot, who, as it was faid, had been forty voyages in this river, and eighteen of them in command, informed him, that when it happens to be fo foggy as to prevent the fight of the land, it is impoflible to judge of the currents, or to fleer by any courfe; for he himfelf had loft two {hips, and been himfelf near the fouth, infomuch that it was extremely difficult to procure men in France to proceed on fo dangerous a navigation, fince almofl every year they fuffered fhipwreck. Thus it appeared how things have been mifreprefented in Great Britain, by thofe who pretend to aver that fleets of fhips might fafely proceed up the river to Quebec ; and it was demonflrable that the people of Boflon knew not any thing of what they propofed, when fchemes were laid for fuch an expedition. After this unhappy difafter, and when Sir Hovenden Walker had plied two days with very frefh gales, between the well and the fouth, to fave what men and other things he could, he called a council of war, and upon enquiring of the pilots (who had been forced on board the fhips by the government of New England ), and duly examining into every circumftance, it was judged impracticable for a fleet to get up to Quebec, fince there were fo many apparent dangers, and no pilots qualified to take the charge; befides it was the opinion of them all, both Englifh and French, that had the fquadron been higher up the river, with the hard gales they met with, all the fhips would have been inevitably loft. At this council of war there were befides the Rear Admiral, Captain Jofeph Soames, Captain John Mitchel, Captain Robert Arris, Captain George Walton, Captain Henry Gore, Captain George Paddon, Captain John Cockburn, and Captain Augufline Roufe. The confultation being over, the Saphire was fent to Boflon, with an account of the misfortune, and the Montague, to find out the Humber and Devonfhire, and to flop all fhips bound up to Quebec; and the Leopard being left with fome floops and brigantines, to take any men from the fhore that might be faved, and to endeavour to weigh fome anchors left behind, he proceeded to Spanifh River, in the ifland of Breton, the rendezvous he had appointed, there to be perfeftly informed of the Rate of the army and fleet, and to fettle matters for their further proceedings.
But all the fhips did not join till the 7th of September; the day following, by confent of the General he called a council of war of fea and land officers, where it was confidered, whether under their prefent circumftances it was practicable to attempt any thing againft Placentia, which all of them very much inclined to ; but upon examining into the flate of the provifions on board the men of war and tranfports, it was found there was but ten weeks provifion at fhort allowance, in the former, and in the latter much lefs, fo that it was unanimoufly agreed not any thing of that kind could be undertaken; but that it was neceffary the fquadron and tranfports fhould proceed to Great Britain, fince they had but barely provifions fufficient for the voyage, and that there was not any profpeft of a fupply from New England, and the feafon of the year being too far advanced for navigating fafely in thofe parts of the world. At this council of war there were, befides the fea officers of the lafl, General Hill, Colonel Charles Churchill, Colonel William Windreffe, Colonel Campenfelt, Colonel Clayton, Colonel Kirk, together with Colonel Vetch, and Colonel Walton, who commanded the forces raifed in New England.
It was in purfuance of this refolution taken in Spanifh River, that he failed on the 16th of September for England, where he arrived the 9th of October following, and not long after his return, the Edgar, a feventy-gun fhip, on board of which he hoifted his flag, took fire, and blew up at Spithead by fome accident, the caufe of which was never known j and thus ended an expedition every way unfortunate, and
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which brought nothing but difcredit and blame upon thofe who connived, and thofe who were concerned in the executing it, and particularly Sir Hovenden Walker, a very honefl plain fpoken man ; who, if there was any dark fecret in this bufinefs, was moll certainly ignorant of it. His opinion always was, and he died in the full belief of it, that though the expedition might be juftly flyled unfortunate, inafmuch as it mif- carried, and the fleet never reached Quebec ; yet it would have been much more fo, if they had got up the river of St. Laurence, and had actually landed their men, as they were by their inftrudions directed to do; and the reafons he gave for it are very well worth the hearing, efpecially at this juncture, when an expedition of the fame kind is faid to be under confideration. The reafons that he gave for it were thefe :—“ That in cafe the French had retired from Quebec, they would have carried their provifions with them, and have deflroyed what they could not carry, fo that the Englilh would Iiave'had nothing but a wild, barren, uncultivated country before them, with the conquefl of which they might pleafe themfelves; but in which, neverthelefs, they would find it impoffible to fubfift.
“ For, continues he, our people’s provifions would have been reduced to eight or nine (perhaps to fix’) weeks, at fliort allowance ; no relief could poflibly be hoped for in lefs than ten months, if fo foon ; the Feverfham, and three ftore-fhips, laden with the provifions defigned for their fupply, being call away in their paflage; fo that if they had efcaped fhipwreck, which would have been a very great chance, between ten and twelve thoufand men mull inevitably have perifhed with hunger and cold, and the fhip have become a prey to the returning enemy. On the other hand, had the enemy held out till our people had fpent all their provifions, they mud have laid down their arms, and have furrendered to the French at difcretion, to avoid death in its moll frighful fhape, famine j or if they had taken the place, either by ftorm or capitulation, the remaining provifions of a finall garrifon would not have gone far towards fubfifting fo large a number ; nor could they at that feafon of the year, have marched through the country in fearch of more: and this would have been the cafe, had they afterwards attempted'Placentia.”
How far this gentleman might be in the right or in the wrong, I {hall not at prefent defire the reader to enquire; but, moll certainly what he fays has at the firfi fight the appearance of fincerity and truth, and therefore we ought to be very cautious of running any frefh hazards of this nature ; but the driving the French from Canada is moll certainly a thing very poflible and very pradticable, provided the fcheme be laid by thofe who are well acquainted with the Hate and force of our colonies, the navigation of the river of St. Laurence, and the condition of the colony we propofe to diflodge; and if it be executed by feamen and officers of experience in their refpedtive profeflions, and who found the hopes of promoting their private interefl on the folid bafis of exerting their utmofl abilities in the public fervice.
8. The French, during the whole courfe of the lafl war, were particularly attentive to the prefervation of their own colonies, and annoying of ours, in both which fchemes they were but too fuccefsful, which however was not owing fo much either to the wifdom of their councils or the vigour of their arms, as to the faults in our meafures, and the mifcarriages of our fea officers. I {hall not pretend to enter into a ftri£t detail of thefe difagreeable points, but {hall content myfelf with a few general points, which I flatter myfelf will be fufficient for my purpofe. At the very beginning of the war, the gallant old Admiral Benbow was facrificed by fome of his officers who had a pique to him. He was a man of great honour and ftridt difcipline, but had fome of the roughnefs of a tar about him, which rendered him very difagreeable
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to the fine gentlemen of the navy, amongft whom were three of the captains that deferted him ; their conduct indeed had the look of cowardife, and of that they were found guilty by a court martial, and fullered death for it very defervedly ; but they only acted the cowards and were not fo, for they had behaved gallantly upon other occafions, and never man looked death in the face with more intrepidity than Captain Kirby did, which however was fo far from extenuating, that in my opinion it heightened his offence.
The executing fevere juftice upon thofe three gentlemen, which certainly was a very wife and right ftep, and was taken by the mildeft government this or perhaps any other nation ever faw, had a very good effeft, and taught people to fear the juftice of the nation, in cafe they facrificed the concerns of the public to their particular re- fentments or private views ; but that it did not entirely put an end to the evil is very certain, fince fomething of the fame kind happened afterwards to Sir Charles Wager, and prevented his taking at leaft another galleon. The admirals alfo, and great fea officers, that were ftationed at Jamaica, for the protection of the illand and fecurity of commerce, did not behave fo well as they might have done, as appears from thofe authentic rpgi- fters, the votes of the Houfe of Commons, where the reader will find, that after long and ftrict enquiries, in which the merchants were admitted to make particular charges, and allowed to fupport them by evidence, cenfures were paffed upon thofe officers who appeared to be guilty ; and both Houfes fhewed a warm zeal for redreffing thofe mif- chiefs occafioned by the ill conduct of the navy, and thereby left ample teftimony of their regard for the public, though it was not attended with that fuccefs that might have been wilhed.
In the meantime the French went on in quite a different way; and, when they found their fleets were able to do little againft ours, they very wifely declined wafting their naval force in combats at fea, and applied it almoft entirely to the protecting their, own trade, and diftrefling ours.. They undertook the efcorting the Spanilh plate fleets, and were, generally fpeaking, but too luccefsful in that undertaking. Notwithftanding our fuperior force, they attempted a commerce with the Spanilh lettlements in the South Seas ; and in this too they fucceeded, notwithftanding the dangerous navigation round Cape Horn, and from thence they reaped two great advantages, viz. maintaining and improving their manufactures, even in a time of war, and bringing vaft fums into France, without which fhe could not poflibly have continued the war.
Yet, in fome refpects, it manifeftly appeared that her force was very infufficient for fupporting her views in the Weft Indies, fince, in an attempt they made upon Carolina in 1706, they were Ihamefully repulfed by the natural force of that colony, without any afliftance from hence. And, on the other hand, our people fucceeded in their attempt to drive the French out of what they pofleffed in the illand of St, Chriftopher’s; which plainly fhewed what might have been done, in that war, towards deftroying their fugar colonies, if, as our interefts moil certainly led us, we had confidered that point more attentively than we did fome others, which did not concern us near fo much. For, had we ufed the opportunity that was given us to have driven the French out of all or moll of their illands, it mull have turned fo much to our advantage, in point of trade, that, in all human probability, we fliould have had no reafon to regret the vaft expences of that long and confirming war.
But, inftead of doing this, our views were almoft entirely confined to Europe, where Our fuccefs was indeed very honourable for our arms, but was very far from procuring us any advantages in refpect to trade; which I do not fay with any defign of reflecting cn the minifters by whom that war was managed, who perhaps might mean us well,
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and did for us as much as was in their power ; but to {hew where the fault really lay, which was our entering into many engagements that were either ufelefs or detrimental to our commercial interefts.
Whereas the French, who had but very lately entertained any thoughts of trade, kept that continually in view, both in their operations during the war and in their negotiations for bringing about a peace. In refpect to the former, befides what they did againft us in the Weft Indies, they attacked the Portuguefe in Brazil, ruined the commerce between the Dutch and Spaniards, and eftablilhed their own; and, befides all this, when they had actually begun to treat with us, and our Court confidered them in a manner as friends, they fent a fleet to diftrefs us in the Leeward Iflands ; which ex- ceffively provoked our miniftry, though they were too far advanced in their pacific mea- fu res to retreat.
At the conclufion of the treaty, the French fhewed the fame care for, and the fame fteadinefs in, fupporting their commerce. It was with difficulty that they were prevailed upon to reftore what they had taken from our Hudfon’s Bay company. Nova Scotia we had, and, becaufe they could not take it from us, they left it to us ; but they plainly cheated us out of Cape Breton. And though they pretended to renounce all pretenfions on Newfoundland, yet they preferved what they never had any title to, and what, with refpect to that country, was all they ever wanted. By thefe arts they fecured great advantages to themfelves, which were all at our expence; brought a heavy load of reproach on the minifters who tranfa&ed with them, and left the treaty of Utrecht as a memorial to all fucceeding minifters of the danger of entering into any feparate negociations with France.
9. After the accefiion of his late Majefty King George I. to the Britifh throne, there followed feveral difturbances at home and abroad, which might very well hinder the minifters from contriving any new fchemes for the advantage of our colonies, or from perfecting thofe which had been formerly laid for that purpofe. The rebellion in Scotland firft, and after that the quadruple alliance, and the meafures which preceded and followed it, lufficiently occupied their thoughts, and if they went on in the ordinary way, in protecting them, and providing for their fecurity, they might very well be excufed for poftponing thoughts or projects of another nature to more favourable times.
But the French, always watchful for their own advantages, at the very time when they feemed moft felicitous in cultivating the friendfhip of Britain, and were daily receiving benefits from it, projefted the fettlement of the ifland of St. Lucia, which had been always included in the commiffion of the governor of Barbadoes ; and for that purpofe the French King thought fit, in the year 1719, to make a grant of that ifland to the Marfhal d’Etree, who immediately made the neceflary difpofitions for eftablifhing a colony in that ifland, and fent over people for that purpofe. The governor of Barbadoes, as it was his duty, oppofed this fettlement vigoroufly, and declared roundly, That, if the French perfifted in fettling, he fhould find himfelf under a necellity of driving them off that ifland, which belonged to the King his mafter, by force.
At the fame time our minifter at the court of Paris prefented a memorial, in which he fet forth the title the Crown of Great Britain had to this ifland, and, confequently, the great injuftice of the French King’s grant, which was very apparent from the following particulars in relation to the hiftory of this ifland, in which both Englifh and French. Writers agree. The Englilh fettled on the ifland of St Lucia in 1639, and lived there near two years without any interruption or difturbance 5 but in 1640 they were driven

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off from the faid ifland, and the governor and raoft of the inhabitants killed by the Caribbeans, and, as the Englilh fufpefled, by the inftigation and encouragement of the French ; which the French generals, Parquet and de Poincy, however, both difowned. Nor did the French at that time, or any other time, make any fort of pretenfion to the ifland. A tacit acknowledgement, undoubtedly, of the right of the Englifh.
The civil wars in England breaking out, the Englilh neglefted this fettlement; and Monfieur du Parquet fent thirty or forty Frenchmen to take pofieflion of the ifland. The Sieur de Rouflelan governed here till 1694, and was fucceeded by De la Riviere, whom the Caribbeans killed with feveral of his men, and carried off his wife and two of his children. He was fucceeded by Monf. le Breton, he by Monf. Agremont, who was alfo deftroyed by the Caribbeans. After this the Englilh made a treaty with the Caribbeans for the purchafing the ifland from them ; and in 1663, fent fourteen or fifteen hundred men on board of five men of war, who, being joined by fix hundred of the Caribbeans in feventeen canoes, came before the ifland in June 1664, which was delivered to them without refiftance, on condition that the French governor and gar- rifon in the fort, which amounted only to fourteen men, Ihould be tranfported to Mar- tinico, with their cannon, arms and baggage. In 1666 the Englilh governor, Mr. Robert Cook, by reafon of the mortality of his people, want of neceflaries, &c. abandoned the ifland, and fet fire to the fort; yet, two days afterwards, a bark arrived from Lord Willoughby, governor and captain-general of Barbadoes, and the other Englilh Caribbee illands, to windward of Guardaloupa, with provifions, ammunition, and all neceflaries for the colony. In this deferted condition it remained thenceforward, but was always confidered as a part of the Britilh dominions. The interpofition of our minilter produced the defired effect, and the French defilted at that time from their fettlement.
10. This attempt, however, fo much alarmed our court, that the Duke of Montague refolved, at a vail; expence, to fettle that ifland and St. Vincent, which was fo agreeable to the miniltry and to his late Majefty, that by letters patent, dated the 2 2d of June, 1722, both thofe illands were granted to his Grace, that he might be encouraged to put fo generous and public-fpirited a defign in execution ; and for the further benefit and advantage of the new colonies which he was to fettle, the Duke was alfo conftituted captain-general of the illands of St. Lucia and St.Vincent, which till that time were included in the commiffion, and remained under the government of the governors of Barbadoes. His Grace having appointed Captain Uring his deputy governor, and provided feven {hips or velfels to carry over the planters, with fuch provifions and neceflaries as were requifite to fettle colonies in thofe illands, obtained of his Majefty the Winchelfea man of war, commanded by Captain Orme, to convoy, attend, and protect the planters.
Mr. Uring embarked onboard the Winchelfea, on the 10th of September 1722, and failing to Ireland to take in provifions, made it the 15th of December before he arrived at St. Lucia. Being come to an anchor in Pigeon Ifland Bay, a Barbadoes floop foon after arrived from Martinico, the mailer whereof communicated to Mr. Uring the copy of a mandate by the king of France, which he faid was publilhed by order of the French general in all the churches of that ifland, and in all the towns by beat of drum ; which contained in fubftance, That if the Englilh did not leave the ifland in the 1 'pace of . fifteen days, they were to be expelled by force of arms. The next morning Mr. Uring weighed from Pigeon Ifland Bay, and flood for the harbour of Petite Careenage, which they found to be a very good one, and in it feveral places fit for careening {hips, Iheltered from every wind $ in one of which, {hips of fixty guns and
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upwards may careen very conveniently: the land is very hilly all round the harbour, and in moft places fteep, afcending from the water fide. At two in the afternoon we landed fifty men to cut down the trees and bufhes on the point that lay fit for a battery of guns to command the entrance of the harbour. The fame day he lent Mr. Faulkner to Martinico, with letters from the Duke of Montague and the Admiralty, directed to Captain Charles Brown, commander of the Fever Aram man of war, and Captain Brand, commander of the Hector ; who were then at Martinico ; and acquainted them, that the Duke had appointed him deputy governor of St. Lucia and St. Vincent, and being come to fettle thofe illands under the protection of the Winchelfea man of war, he defired that in purfuance of the orders they had received from the admiralty for that purpofe, they would join him as loon as pollible, being apprehenfive the governor of Martinico defigned to moleft the colony. In the mean time he proceeded to land his people, guns, tools, planks and Itores, to fortify the harbour, and build a large houfe to lhelter the workmen.
On the 2 2d of December Captain Brand and Captain Brown arrived from Martinico, with his Majefty’s Ihips, the HeCtor andFeverlham, and foon after a French Hoop, which brought a letter from the French general, to acquaint Mr. Uring that he had heard of his landing Englifh forces in the illand of St. Lucia, and defired to know his intentions; and at the fame time he received the following copy of the French king’s mandate, viz. A mandate of the King to the Sieur Chevalier de Feuquire, governor and lieutenant- general of the Windward Illands in America. “ His Majefty having been informed that the King of England has given the illands of St. Vincent, and St. Lucia, to the Duke of Montague, has made • his complaint of it to the court of England, and has alledged that neither the one nor the other of thefe illands belong to that-crown. The full of them ought to remain to the Caribbees, according to conventions made with that people ; and the fecond does belong to France, who has been willing to fufpend the fettlement of that illand on the requeft of the King of England ; notwithftanding thofe reafons, his Majefty hath not been informed that there has not been any revocation of this grant; on the contrary, he underftands that the Duke of Montague is, repairing to fend and take polfeflion of thofe illands, and to tranfport numbers of families thither. This undertaking being contrary to the rights of his Majefty, his intention is, that in cafe the Englifh Ihould take poffeffion of St. Lucia, and fettle there, the Sieur Chevalier de Feuquire lhall fummon them to retire in fifteen days, in regard that illand belongs to France ; and if they do not depart, he lhall compel them to it by force of arms. He lhall take care to charge fome of the wifeft and moft experienced of his officers with this expedition. His Majefty defires there Ihould be as. little effufion of blood as poffible, nor will he have any pillage made ; he only willies the Englilh would retire, and not polfefs themfelves of a country which belongs to him. Done at Verfailles the 21ft of September 1722, figned, &c.”
Upon reading the mandate, and the French governor’s letter, in which it was in- clofed, Mr.Uring fentlo Captain Brand, and Captain Brown, to know if he might , depend upon their affiftance if he was attacked by the French ; but they would give him no pofitive anlwer, and' foon after failed to Barbadoes; he alfo fent a letter to the governor of Martinico, to acquaint him that he had orders from the Duke of Montague, the lord proprietor, under his Britiffi Majefty’s patent, to plant St. Lucia and defend it, but propofed fufpending all acts of hoftility, till they could hear from their refpective courts of Great Britain and France. Mr. Uring alfo thought fit to write 10 theprefi- dent of Barbadoes, that the governor of Martinico had threatened to drive the Englilh
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from the ifland, if they did not depart in fifteen days, and to defire his afliftance to fupport this part of his Majefty’s dominions. To which the prefident anfwered, That he was ready to give him all the afliftance in his power.
But the Captains Brown and Brand remained fo long abfent from St. Lucia, that the French had an opportunity of fending between two and three thoufand men from Martinico, and landing them on the ill and ; the captains of the men of war alfo re- fufed to give him afliftance, towards fortifying and defending the colony by land, and a great many of the planters falling fick, and other deferting over co the French at the fame time, Mr. Uring had not fourfcore left to bear arms, which compelled him at length to come to a treaty with the French general, the Marquis of Champigny ; and the following articles were concluded between them : Firft, That the Engiifh fhould quit the ifland of St. Lucia within feven days, provided that the ffiips of the Engiifh nation fhould at all times have liberty to come into the ports of the faid ifland, and wood and water there, and ferve their other occafions, as the French alfo might. Secondly, That the Engiifh colony fhould be at liberty to reimbark all their cannon, ftores, arms, baggage, and every thing belonging to them, without moleftation. Thirdly, That all deferters fhould be given up. And Laftly, That immediately after the Englilh had evacuated the ifland, the French forces alfo fhould evacuate it, and that the ifland fhould remain in the fame ftate it was till the controverfies between the two crowns, relating to this ifland, were decided. In purfuance of which agreement Mr. Uring embarked with his people, and failed to Antigua, fending the Winchelfea man of war, and Captain Braithwaite, in the Griffin floop, to take a view of the ifland of St. Vincent, and fee if it was practicable to make a fettlement there. In the meantime a confiderable reinforcement arrived at Barbadoes, from the Duke of Montague, with ammunition and provifion, and orders to attempt a fettlement upon St. Vincent, if the planters were driven from St. Lucia.
11. In order to this he had inftructions, and a connniffion given him by Mr. Uring, which were perfectly well adjufted to the defign upon which he was fent; and in the meantime Governor Uring remained at Antigua, where he had all the civilities paid him, and all the fervices done him by the governor, and other perfons in authority, that he could either defire or expect; which, in fome meafure mitigated his fharp fenfe of the misfortunes he had met with; for he was both a capable and an honeft man ; one who had the fervice very much at heart, and who difcharged his duty fo punctually, even in this difaftrous undertaking, as to preferve his reputation, and to merit a kind reception from his generous mailer the Duke of Montague, who was fo wife as to expect no more from a man than was in his power, and fo good as to commend and reward him who did that, though it was not attended with the happy confequences that might have been expected from it. This gentleman did not remain long at Antigua before he was made fenfible that there was as little, or rather lefs hopes of making a fettlement at St. Vincent, than he by experience had found there was of fixing a colony on St. Lucia ; for Captain John Braithwaite, returning from his unfuccefsful expedition, delivered to Governor Uring, in juftification of his own conduct, and for the fatisfaction of his grace the Duke of Montague, the following account of the meafures he had taken for executing the commiffion granted to him, in order to fix a fettlement on his Majefty’s ifland of St. Vincent. This paper being equally curious and important, and alfo entirely hiftorical, we lhall give the reader an extratt of it in that gentleman’s own words,
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The Report of Captain John Braithwaite to Nathaniel Uring, Efq.
ct In purfuance of a refolution in council, and your order for fo doing the day you failed with his Grace’s colony for Antigua, I foiled with the Griffin floop, in company with his Majefty’s (hip the Winchelfea, to St. Vincent: we made the ifland that night, and the next morning run along the ffiore, and fow feveral Indian huts, but as yet no Indians came off to us, nor could we get afhore to them by r’eafon there was no ground to anchor in. Towards the evening two Indians came on board, and told us we might anchor in a bay to leeward, and when we were at anchor they would bring their general on board. Here we came to an anchor in deep water, and very dangerous for the floop. One whom they called general came on board with feveral others, to the number of twenty-two. I entertained them very handfomely, and made the chief feme trifling prefents; but, found him to be a perfon of no confequence, and that they called him chief to get fome prefent from me. Here two of the Indians were fo drunk that they would not ,0 afhore, but ftaid on board fome days, and were well entertained. After this, little winds and great currents drove us off for feveral days, but at laft we came to an anchor in a fpacious bay to the leeward of all the ifland, the draught of which I ordered to he taken by our furveyor, for your better underftanding the place, being the only one where a fettlement could be made. The fliip and floop were fcarce come to an anchor before the ftrand of the fnore was covered with Indians, and amongft them we could difcover a white man, who proved to be a Frenchman. I took Capt. Watfon in the boat with me, with a Frenchman, and immediately went on fhore. As foon as I came amongft them, I alked why they appeared all armed, for every man had a cutlafs; fome had mulkets, piftols, bows, and arrows, &c. They with very little ceremony en- clofed me, and carried me up the country for about a mile, over a little rivulet where I was told I was to fee their general: I found him fitting amidft a guard of about an hundred Indians; thofe neareft his perfon had all mulkets, the reft bows and arrows; and all obferved a great filence: he ordered me a feat, and a Frenchman flood at his right hand, for an interpreter: he demanded of me, What brought me into his country ; and of what nation ? I told him, Englilh; and I was put in to wood and water, as not caring to fey any thing elfe before the Frenchman; but told him, if he would be pleafed to come on board our fliips, I would leave Englilhmen in hoftage for for thofe he ffiould be pleafed to take along with him. But I could not prevail with him, either to come on board, or fuffer me to have wood or water. He feid, he was informed we were come to force a fettlement. And we had no way to remove that iealoufy but by getting under foil. As foon as I found what influence the Frenchman’s company had upon him I took my leave, after making fuch replies as I thought proper, and returned to my boat under a guard ; and when I came to the fhore, I found the guard was increafed by a number of negroes all armed with fuzees. I got into my boat without any injury, and went on board to Capt. Qrme, and told him my ill fuc- cefs. Immediately after I fent alhore the Hoop’s boat with a mate, with rum, beef, bread &c. with fome cutlaffes; and ordered a Frenchman who went with the mate, to defire the guard to conduct them to their general, and to tell him, that though he denied me the common good of water, and a little ufelefs wood, nevertheless I had fent him fuch refrefhments as our fhips afforded. Our people found the Frenchman gone, and that then the Indian general feemed pleafed, and received what was fent him •’ and in return, fent me bows and arrows. Our people had not been long returned when the general fent a canoe with ten chief Indians, who fpoke very good
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French, to thank me for my prefents. and to aik pardon for his refufing me wood ancf water, and affured me I might have what I pleafed; and they had orders to tell me, if I pleafed to go afhore again they were to remain hoftages for my civil treatment. I fent them on board the men of war; and with Capt. Watfon went afhore. I was well- received, and conduced as before; but now 1 found the brother, the chief of the negroes, was arrived with five hundred negroes, molt armed with fuzees. They told my interpreter, they were fure we were come to force a fettlement, or elfe they would not have denied me what they never before had denied any Englifh, viz. wood and water; but, if I thought fit, I might take what I pleafed under a guard. Finding them in fo good a humour, I once more introduced the defire I had to entertain them on board our fhips, and with fome difficulty I prevailed with them, by leaving Captain "Watfon afhore under their guard as a hoffage. I Carried them on board the king’s fhip, where they were well entertained by Captain Orme, who gave the Indian general a fine fuzee of his own, and to the chief of the negroes fomething that pleafed him. Captain Orme affured them of the friendlhip of the King of England, &c. The. negro chief fpoke excellent French, and made anfwers with all the French compliments. Afterwards I carried them on board the duke’s floop ; and after opening their hearts with wine, for they fcorned to drink rum, I thought it a good time to tell them my commiffion, and what brought me upon their coaft. They told me it was well l had: not mentioned it on fhore, for their power could not have protected me ; that it was impoffible ; the Dutch had before attempted it, but were glad to retire. They like- wife told me, that two French Hoops had, the day before we came, been amongfl them,, and gave them arms and ammunition, and affured them of the whole force of Marti- nico for their protection againft us; they told them alfo, that they had driven us from St. Lucia; and that we were come now to endeavour a fettlement there; and notwith- (landing all our fpecious pretences, when we had power we ffiould enflave them y but they declared that they would trull no Europeans; that they owned themfelves under the protection of the French, but would as foon oppofe their fettling among them, or any aft of force from them, as us. They had lately given an example, by killing feveralj and they further told me, it was by very large prefents the French ever- got in their favour again, but they refolved never to put it in their power, or of any Europeans, to hurt them: they advifed me to think what they faid was an aft of friend- fhip. This being all I could get from them, I difmiffed them with fuch prefents as his grace ordered for that fervice, with a difcharge of cannon ; and received in return as regular vollies of finall fhot as I ever heard. In the night the Winchelfea drove from her anchors, which as foon as I perceived, and had received Captain Watfon from the fhore, I got under fail and flood fo the man of war. This is a faithful report of all I,. John Braithwaite, can recolleft.”
12. Mr. Uring having read the above report of Captain Braithwaite, he judged there was like to be little good done at St. Vincent, and the fecond fcheme on St. Lucia being laid afide, he determined to unload all the (lores, and difcharge the veffels, and propofed to Lieutenant General Matthews, to do it at Antigua, which he faid he thought could be done with more eafe and fecurity, and in much lefs time, and would fave a great deal of charge and trouble, and lei’s hazard than at St. Chriftopher’s; the lieutenant-general anfwered, that in his houfe at St. Chriltopher’s was room enough to hold all the duke’s (lores, and fhould cofl his grace nothing; and, that as he had the government of that ifland, he had fuch an influence over the people, that the duke’s fervants would be more fecure there, and that he could better provide for the officers* than at Antigua 5 and further faid, that the fervants could be kept together in Charles
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Forf, where they might have an opportunity to difcipline them againft any new undertaking ; and accordingly a iked leave of General Hart to difcipline them, which was granted. Mr. Uring taking notice of the advantages that the lieutenant-general pro- pofed, and feeing him fo very earned for the ftores to be lodged at St. Chriftopher’s, agreed to it, and accordingly ordered them down thither, during their attending the Griffin’s return from her errand to St. Vincent and Martinico.
Mr. Uring frequently vifited the tranfports, to fee things were in good order ; Lieutenant General Matthews went in the Charles and Freemafon, to St. Chriftopher’s,. with them ; and as foon as they arrived at that ifland, he, in concert with; Mr.Uring, cantoned the officers in feveral places, as there was conveniency, and they were ordered to their refpeclive quarters. They had now four veffels to unload at the fame time,, and at a confiderable diftance, and a difficult way to carry the ftores to the ftere-houfesv Mr. Uring ordered fuch a number of fervants affiore from the veffels, as he thought ufeful for carrying up the ftores; and officers were appointed at different places in the avenues, to keep the people from running into the countrybut notwithftanding all the care they could take, great part of them were gone by night. He ordered more affiore next day, and continued landing the ftores, cannon, arms, ammunition, &c. and as the calks very often came to pieces in getting up to the ftore-houfes, Mr. Uring, for the moft part, ftood by till they were repaired, and was, at leaft, thirty times a day from the landing-place to the ftore-houfes, in order to prevent any embezzlement, and to haften the work. The officers thinking the work too hard for them all day, though" they generally ftood in one place, Mr. Uring divided them, the one half to attend in the morning, and the other in the afternoon; though he was obliged to attend the whole day, in order to preferve the ftores, which he hoped was in a good meafure done; the goods landing from fo many veffels at one and the fame time, fo many forts loofe, as well as in calks, made it no eafy matter to keep an exact account.
The whole care of every thing, as well as the ftores, was upon Mr. Uring. However, the goods were landed and ftored, and after the ffiips were unloaded, he fearched every ffiip by warrant, to fee if there remained any thing belonging to the Duke of Montague on board them, which the mailers faid there did not; feveral provifions were found on board the Charles and Freemafon, which were put alhore. When every thing was landed out of the feveral ffiips, his next care was to put them in good order 7 many of the calks being broken, they would not hold the weight in them, therefore they ftarted them into other found calks and chefts, which were made for that ufe. He alfo caufed all the provifions to be turned out of the ftore-houfes and looked over, and fuch as were in caffs, or wanted pickle, were put into better, and new pickled j and he directed the worft to be firtt ufed. He fitted up a fmith’s ffiop, kept the fmiths and armourers at work, and cleaning the arms. The men were dil'ciplined, fo that they could do their exercife very well, and made as regular fires as the king’s troops.
Mr. Uring paid off feveral of the feamen belonging to the Griffin Hoop, to eafe the charge, and ordered fuch fervants on board her as were feamen, and as many more as he dared trull. By that time they had put things into tolerable order, the Hopewell arrived, with about ninety fervants and feveral officers, a great quantity of provifions, \vith cannon, ammunition, and warlike ftores, which were alfo landed under the care of Mr.Uring, who had letters by this ffiip from the Duke of Montague; which informed him that his grace was in treaty for five hundred Englilh families, and five hundred Iriffi, which he intended to tranfport to St. Lucia as foon as poffible. The Hopewell brought from Barbadoes a number of live ffieep. which had been carried
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thither by the Leopard, which was arrived at that ifland, laden with boards, plank, and frames of houfes, for the ufe of the colony.
When Lieutenant General Matthews returned to Antigua, he left Mr. Uring his houfe to live in, where was room for moll of the officers. He fent then to acquaint them, that he had conveniency for them, and defigned to keep a table for their entertainment, considering it would be much more convenient and lefs charge to his grace, for them to keep together, than be feparated. All the fervants that were not lent to the planters were lodged in the out-houfes, and due care was taken both of the fick and the well, to have their provifions at proper times, and well ordered. Mr. Uring feldom went to dinner before he faw all the fick provided, and well ferved with frelh meat and broth, which was for the moll part four times a week, and thofe that were fick, every day. The lame, though there were a great many of them, he dreffed him- felf for feveral days, when he had no furgeon. The fervants were all well fupplied out of the duke’s ftores, with clothing and neceffaries, though they often Itrayed about the country and fold them, and then complained to the planters that they were naked; for which they were punifhed and again fupplied. He frequently fent out the ferjeants with parties, to bring in the ftragglers, and had no little trouble to keep them in a tolerable decorum ; he alfo put up advertifements at all the port towns, to warn the mailers of fhips from entertaining or carrying any of them off the ifland ; and in the beginning of May fent Captain King in the Griffin Hoop to Barbadoes, to bring down the runaways from thence, and fuch letters as were lodged there from the Duke of Montague for him ; and after her return he ordered Captain Watfon to careen her, in doing of which fhe funk.
Mr. Uring having notice thereof, went to fee her condition, and hired two Hoops to weigh her, and the Griffin was made again fit for the fea. Mr. Uring having been informed that many of his grace’s fervants had made their efcape to St. Eullatia, he wrote feveral letters to the governor of that ifland, by officers of the duke’s, which were fent for that purpofe, to acquaint him therewith, and to defire him to fecure them, that they might be returned to St. Chriltopher’s, and accordingly two men were brought back from thence. He had ordered the Griffin Hoop to Antigua, to lie there during the hurricane months; when he had a letter from lieutenant General Matthews, which advifed him that the Duke of Montague had impowered him to have the foie difpofal of all his affairs in the Weft Indies, and fent him a copy thereof. Mr. Uring then obferved his direction, until his grace had wholly laid abide the thoughts of any new fettlement; and had given him orders to deliver up every thing belonging to him, into the hands of the Lieutenant General, to whom his grace had given direction to difcharge all, and pay them their falaries to that time, with an allowance for their paf- fages for England. After Mr. Uring had delivered up all ftores, arms, cannon, &c. to the agent of Lieutenant General Matthews, he went up to Antigua, to finifh his affairs with him, and from thence to Barbadoes, where he was received very kindly by Mr. Worfley. He ftaid a week at that ifland, and then returned to Antigua, and from thence to St. Chriftopher’s, where he took a paffage for England, and arrived at Dover the a 8th of May 1724.
Thus we have given a large and circumftantial account of this expedition, from the beginning to the end of it, from the authentic papers of the two gentlemen chiefly concerned in it, and very frequently in their own words. From whence it appears, that it was in all refpefts the greateft and moll expenfive fcheme that was ever undertaken by a fubjeEt of this crown, or of any other; for befides the fhips, naval and military ftores, cannon, fmall arms, &c. he maintained four hundred and twenty-five fervants for a
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year and a half, befides eighty-five tradefmen and artificers of feveral forts, who had from twenty to thirty pounds a-year wages; and upwards of fifty officers, with falaries from fifty to four hundred pounds a-year, all duly paid, and themfelves victualled in a very dear part of the world, during the greateft part of the time. The computing, therefore, of the Duke of Montagues expence at forty thoufand pounds is rather under than over doing the bufmefs; and nothing can induce us to fufpect the largenefs of the fum but the very fingular circumftance that attends it, of its coming out of a private purfe for the public fervice. This, indeed, and the time at which this expedition was undertaken, renders it almoft incredible; but whoever confiders that in feafons of the greateft corruption (as furely that of the South-Sea, and the bubbles that attended it, was here) Providence ufually raifes up fome extraordinary inffances of a contrary fpirit, fuch as Phocion in the decline of the Athenian commonwealth, and the younger Cato when the Roman republic was on the point of ruin, will the more readily credit this, and admire it the more. I fnould infill farther upon this noble and memorable example but for two reafons; the firft is, that as the illuftrious perfon to whom it relates is living, amongft the many inftances of freedom of fpeech that may be met with in this work, I fhould be afhamed to mix any thing that might be fufpected of flattery. The fecond reafon is, that the virtues of the duke are fo well known, and fo univerfally confefted, that I could do no honour to any but myfelf, by endeavouring to celebrate them.
But though I am willing to decline a talk to which I confefs myfelf unequal, I fhall not be afraid of obferving that this is the only proper time of reviving our claim to thofe illands, at leaft to that of St. Lucia, to which our title is unqueftionable. If we were not the firft difeoverers, we were at leaft the firft planters of that illand, and befides the title which this gives us, we have another, and perhaps a better, viz. that of pur- chafe from the natives, and original inhabitants of it. The French, it is true, have alfo fettled upon that ifland, but as intruders only, and as fuch were obliged to quit it in the reign of King Charles II. fince which our rights to that illand have been confirmed by treaties. But their laft quitting it, in 1719, is the ftrongeft and cleared; proof of all. For had they not been fenfible of their having no juft pretenfions to St. Lucia, it is impoffible to fuppofe that men who fo vigoroully exerted themfelves to prevent our eftablilhment, would fo tamely have given up their own. What their motives might be to fo ftrange a conduct, in the compafs of fo fhort a time, I fhall not pretend to guefs, but this I may fafely and honeftly fay, that no change in their conduct could poffibly create a change in their title or ours : if our right in 1719 was certain, it mult have been as certain in 1722, and if certain then, it muft be fo ftill; which gives us a fair demand to have this right of ours acknowledged by the next treaty of peace, that can never be concluded on good terms for this nation, if while we ftruggle to make France do juftice to others, we fuffer her to perfift in acts of injuftice to ourfelves. We fee very clearly, that the general expreffions contained in former treaties avails nothing againft France in a time of full peace, and therefore common fenfe teaches us, and a due concern for the good of our country requires, that we fhould have juftice done us on this head before the conclufion of the prefent war, becaufe unlefs it be done now, part experience Ihews us that we can never expert it for the future; that we may very rationally hope for it now, appears to every man of tolerable under- ftanding, who reflects that France, in this rcfpect, gives us nothing of which Ihe is in pofleffion, or to which, in her own opinion, Ihe has any juft title; fo that to refufe it when Ihe pretends to be in a pacific temper, muft be a plain proof that the diflfembles, and then it would be madnefs to truft her.
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There is, however, one particular in relation to this affair that ought to be difcufled before we leave it, which is, what proceedings have fince happened between the two crowns in relation to this ifland, after the expedition before mentioned; and as to thefe, I have received two remarkable papers while this was printing, which I fhall give the reader immediately. In the mean time it is requifite to obferve, that his prefent majefly King George II. having conftituted and appointed Henry Worfley, Elq. governor and commander in chief of this ifland, as all his predeceffors had been, who were governors of Barbadoes, he was graciouily pleafed to fend him the following imlruction, in reference to the difputes that had happened about it.
“ GEORGE R.
<£ Trufty and well beloved, we greet you well: Whereas the French for fome years have claimed the ifland of St. Lucia, and do infill that the right to theillands of St. Vincent and St. Dominico, under your government, is in the Caribbeeans, now inhabiting the fame, although we have an undoubted right to all the faid iflands; yet we have thought fit to agree with the French court, that until our right be determined the faid iflands fhall be entirely evacuated by both nations. It is therefore our will and pleafure, -and you are accordingly to fignify the fame to fuch of our fubjefts as Ihali be found inhabiting any of our faid iflands, that they do forthwith quit the lame until the right Ihali be determined, as aforefaid ; and that they do comply with this our order within thirty days from the publication hereof in each of the faid iflands refpe&ively, under pain of our higheft difpleafure; and you are to ufe your bell endeavours that no Ihips of our fubjects, or of any other nation, do frequent the faid iflands during the time aforefaid, except coming for wood or water. But it is our will and pleafure, that you do not execute this our order until the French governor of Martinico fhall have received the like direftion from the French court, and fhall, jointly with you, put the fame in execution without any exception. And you are hereby further ordered to tranfmit to us, by the firfl opportunity, a full account of your proceedings, as likewife of thofe of the French in this behalf, taking care by all opportunities to inform yourfelf whether our fubjects, and thofe of the French king, do comply punctually with the true intent and meaning of this agreement, until fuch time as the right to the faid iflands fhall be abfolutely determined as aforefaid. And for your fo doing this fhall be your warrant. And fo we bid you farewell. Given at our court at St. James’s, the 30th day of November, in the fourth year of our reign, by his majefty’s command.
“ Holies Newcajlle.’*
It appears plainly from this inflruction, and it will appear flill more clearly from the French king’s letter upon this head, that the two courts had come to an agreement about-this matter, that is, about the immediate fettlement, not as to their rights; for our king declares fully and plainly, that he looked upon his to be wholly unimpeached by this difpute; and fo to be hire it was, and is. But let us fee the inftructions from France, which are referred to in the foregoing paper, which were conceived in the words following:
The French king’s letter or mandate, to the governor of Martinico, dated December 2 6, 1730.
V Monfieur De Champigny,
« The Englifli have, for fome time pall, laid pretenfions to the ifland of St. Lucia* ■which belongs to me, and to which I have an inconteflable right. 1'he fame pretenfions they have laid to the iflands of St. Vincent and St. Dominico, faid to belong to
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the Caribbeeans, natives of the country, according to the treaty of the 31ft of March 1660; and in the pofleflion of which it is my intention to fupport them. I have, neverthelefs, agreed with the court of England, that until thefe pretenfions (hall be determined, the faid iflands (hall be evacuated by both nations. And this is to acquaint you, that it is my pleafure, that you make it known, &c.” As in the former.
Upon thefe papers I fhall make but one remark, which is, that they clearly unravelled and expofed the true intention and delign, and, indeed, the whole workings and policy of the court of France. There were many who faw and faid this at the time, but thought it indecent and improper to publifh fo much, when our court had confented to accept of this expedient. But now that reafon is removed, and we are at full liberty to fay whatever can be faid with truth upon this lubjed; I cannot avoid doing fo, and fhall difpatch it in very few words. The French had not, in their own, opinion, any title to the illand of St. Lucia, but what arofe from expediency. They faw it lay near them, and they very well knew the confequences that would follow from its being fettled by the Englifh, and this, more than any advantages they expe&ed from it, put them upon the attempt to fettle it.
The reader may poffibly imagine, that I only affert this, but the faCt is otherwife$
I can really prove it. The French writers on geography and trade, nay the French politicians, never dreamed of any fuch thing, as appears from the books; and the famous Mr. Savary, in his Dictionary of Commerce, tells us plainly, that the French poffefs or claim ten of the Caribbee iflands, eight entirely, and two in conjunction with the Dutch ; all of which he names, but does not include St. Lucia; which Ihews that fuch people in France, as mull fooneft have heard of this claim, if they had any, knew nothing about it. When I fay that this fettlement was made to prevent our gaining the ifland, rather than from any great hopes of profit, I mean, that thefe were the motives of the French miniftry, becaufe they had been long of opinion, that Hifpaniola, or St. Domingo, ought to be the great object of their concern in thofe parts of the world, for many reafons, which will fall properly in another place. All, therefore, that they defired, with refpeCt to the iflands, was to prevent our fettling upon them, which, befides an immediate lofs, might prejudice their future vieu r s; and therefore they were willing to take pofleflion of St. Lucia as an out-work. If they kept it, it was well, but if they kept it only from us it was better; and this was the true reafon of their propofing the expedient contained in the foregoing papers, which actually anfwered their ends better than if the ifland had been abfolutely yielded to them by us.
But if the fituation of affairs in Europe fifteen years ago was fuch, as made it rea- fonable for us to fufpend our right, which' I lay down as a fuppofition, but am far from aflerting as a faCt j the face of affairs is fince changed, and gives us now the faireft opportunity to eftablifh that right; if the war continues we may, and we ought to do it by force ; and whenever there conies a peace, the French can aflign no colour or pretence whatever, againft the confirming that right, by renouncing their unjuft and ill-founded claim, to the preventing our fettling on it. If they took advantage of a paft conjuncture, when it was not convenient for us to break with them, it is our bufinefs, as I hinted before, to take the benefit of the prefent conjuncture; when, without question, it is the intereft, and will be confequently the bufinefs, of France to deny us nothing of this kind, if we infill upon it, that, is to fay, if we fhew we have it at heart; and that we are determined to exert our naval power, and to employ our negociations for the fervice of our own country, for the promoting our ttade, fecuring our navigation, and extending our intereft in the Weft Indies.
VOL. xii. 3 k
But

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424 DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
But the queftion may be alked, what is the real value and importance of the thing, for which you would have us contend ? What is this St. Lucia worth ? What can be made of it ? Why Ihould we trouble ourfelves about it. In anfwer to this, I can only fay in few words, that it has been computed, that the produce and commerce of this ifland might, in a few years, be brought to yield Great Britain an annual rent of two hundred thoufand pounds; but to {hew the pofiibility or rather the probability, if not the certainty of this calculation, I {hall give the reader Captain XJring’s defeription of this ifland, who went thither on purpofe to fettle it; who was a man of great underftanding in matters of this nature, and whofe honefty was as little queftioned as his capacity; fo that I cannot difeern any objection that can be reafonably made to his account, which is alfo remarkably plain and fuccinft, and with which, as to this fubject, I fhall conclude.
“ St. Lucia is about twenty-two miles in length, and eleven broad ; the greateft part of it very good land, and in many places hilly, and many very rich valleys very well watered with fine rivers all through the ifland, which makes it exceedingly pleafant and delightful, and it mull be very healthful by its being fo narrow ; and the hills being not fo high to intercept the continual trade-winds, that always fan it from the eaftward, whereby the heat of the climate is mitigated, and made rather agreeable than troublefome. The variety of fituations that it affords by the hills and vales, makes it both convenient and delightful, as well as the pleafantnefs of the profpects; and it is full of all trees, amongft which are great quantities of good timber, fit for buildiug houfes and windmills; from whence both Barbadoes and Martinico have been furnifhed with very great quantities, and are ftill; the cacao or chocolate nuts grows here very well, and there grows alfo a great deal of fuftic, and there is abundance of wild fowl. It lies weft-north-weft from the ifland of Barbadoes, about twenty-four leagues ; fouth from Martinico about feven leagues ; and the fame diftance north by eaft from St. Vincent; and hath feveral good bays, and excellent harbours for {hips to anchor in; one of which is the Petite Careenage, where we defigned the firit fettlement. This harbour is on the north-weft part of the ifland, and is much the fineft and moft convenient in all the Caribbee Iflands; great numbers of {hips may be there fafe in all kinds of weather, and it is very commodious for careening {hips of war and other veflels. If this ifland had been fettled, as was intended by his grace the Duke of Montague, proper forts built, and garrifona placed therein, for the protection and defence thereof, it would have been of the greateft importance for the fecuring the Leeward Iflands, and even Barbadoes, from being invaded by France in time of war for no armament can be made, nor any expedition carried on by the French at Martinico, againft any of thofe colonies, but muft be known at St. Lucia, almoft as foon as the defign is formed, by the nearnefs of its neighbourhood to that ifland ; from whence, likewife Barbadoes and the Leeward Iflands might have notice to provide for their better defence. If St. Lucia were well inhabited by the Engliih, the people of Martinico would know their intereft better than to enter upon any expedition againft Barbadoes or the Leeward Iflands, when they had an enemy fo near them ; for they muft needs confider, if their men were fent olf that ifland to invade the Leeward Iflands, the Barbadians would join the people of St. Lucia, and fall upon Martinico in the abfence of their men; which would endanger the lofs of that ifland, or at leaft the plunder or fpoiling of it ; and would be more damage to them than any benefit they can propofe to themfelves; by invading the Leeward Iflands, and fo the fame if their defign is againft Barbadoes ; the Leeward Iflands people joining thefe of St. Lucia, Martinico will be in the fame danger, and by that means our plantations in thofe parts will be entirely fecured by the polfeflion of St. Lucia, and it will alfo be in the
* S power

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power of the Englifh to difturb the French, and not in the power of the French to hurt the Englifh. But if both nations fhould fit ftill without hurting each other, yet St. Lucia will be of the greateft advantage to Great Britain, if it were appointed the place of rendezvous for his Majefty’s fhips of war; from whence they might continually relieve each other, if need were, and keep always cruizing on the French, that they could not be able to have a veflel go in or out of their harbour, but what might be intercepted by the king’s fhips, and fo the trade of our plantations would thereby become fecured, and the Martinicans would have no reafon to boaft as they did in the late war, that they maintained their iflands chiefly by privateering on the Englifh, which is too well known to the merchants that have been traders to thofe parts. But in cafe St. Lucia was fettled, and proper meafures purfued, it would entirely prevent fuch mifchiefs for the future, and the Englifh would foon grow too powerful for the French, who at prefent have greatly the advantage of the Englifh; and the Leeward Iflands are in the greateft danger, in cafe of a war with France, of being invaded, which the Englifh planters are molt fenfible of, and it is what the wifefl of them apprehend every day.”
13. The remarks that have been already made in the courfe of this feclion, upon the ieveral fubjects to which it relates, make it unnecefifary for me to detain the reader very long with obfervations at the dole. But, however, fome things are both fit and requisite to be faid here, for the information of my readers in general; and for reminding thofe in particular who have it in their power to be ufefui to the colonies. It is certain, that from the very time Sir Walter Raleigh, the father of our Englifh colonies, and his affociates firft projected thofe eftablifhments, there have been many who have either found an intereft, or took a pleafure, in mifreprefenting or leffening the value of them. When the intention of improving thefe diflant countries, and the, advantages that were hoped for from it, were firft fet forth, there were fome who treated them not only as chimerical, but as dangerous ; they faid that it was very uncertain whether we might meet with fuccefs, and if we did, it might difpeople the nation. Thefe, and many other objections, flowing partly from a narrownefs of underftanding, but I am afraid chiefly from a narrownefs of heart, have been difproved by experience, which has fliewn that what was then propofed was practicable in itfelf, profitable in its confequences, and attended with none of thofe mifchiefs that thefe timorous or ill in- tentioned people either apprehended or feemed to apprehend.
The difficulties which attended, and which will always attend fettlements at the beginning, proved a new caufe of clamour ; and many fpiteful things were faid about the facrificing fo many Englifhmen, to the obftinate defire of fixing colonies in countries, which at that time did not produce any great advantages. But by degrees, as thefe. difficulties were overcome thofe complaints likewife ceafed, and we heard no more of thefe pretended hardfhips ; which, in reality, were no other than the fending fuch, as from the perverfenefs of their own difpofitions were capable only of doing mifc.hief here; fuch as the feverity of their creditors would have deftined to perpetual im- prifonment ; and fuch as, either from lazinefs or indigence, would have perifhed in our ftreets, to be ufefui to themfelves and to the community in the colonies.
But when thefe complaints ceafed, others rofe in'their ftead ; and when it could be no longer faid that the colonies were ufelefs, it was alledged that they were not ufefui enough to their mother country; that while we were loaded with taxes, they were ab- iolutely free, and that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of Great Britain laboured hard for a tolerable fubfiftence. This produced cuftoms and impofitions upon all plantation commodities, which if they are grievous to the inhabitants of the
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plantations, muft turn to our difadvantage as well as theirs, and confequently become a great prejudice to both. At prefent there is a vaft change in the face of affairs in thefe parts of the world, which has confequently produced a change in the notions and fentiments of thofe who are fettled there, and ought likewife to produce a change in our conduCt. The principal point in this change is, the furprizing growth of the French power in America, from whence we have had many warnings given us, which certainly were not received with fo much attention as they ought to have been. If we had confidered, that in the reign of king Charles II. when France had very little trade, and her colonies were of no great confequence, fhe was almofl a match for all Europe befide, and that too when the maritime powers were in their moft flourifhing condition; we might have eafily forefeen to what a height her power would increafe with the help of colonies and commerce ; but either we did not forefee it, or we fuft'ered ourfelves to be fo much taken up with nearer objeCts, that we did not fufficiently provide againft an evil, which of all others we ought moft to apprehend.
The very thing that has hitherto hindered us from conceiving as we ought to do of our danger in this refpeCt, would have convinced us moft fully, if we had viewed it on the right fide, and reafoned upon it as became us. If we find that in conjunction with the greateft powers upon the continent, we have not been able for fifty years paft, to fet any bounds to the ambition of France in Europe, what limits are we like to fet to her power America, when it comes to bear any proportion there, to what fhe has attained here, and towards which, as we fee fhe has already made large ftrides ?
It may be anfwered, that at prefent fhe is very far from being equal to us in ftrength in that part of the world j that the colonies are very apt to think themfelves in danger, long before they are fo ; and that if their fears were really fo great as they would fome- times reprefent them, as they have a force fufficient, it is fcarce to be doubted that they would at length find a will to help and relieve themfelves. We may anfwer to this, that if the French had a power in America, in any degree approaching ours, our care might probably come too late, efpecially confidering the great change that has happened there, where, inftead of having all the world for allies, we have hardly fo much as a friend in appearance, the Spaniards being become friends to France, and the Dutch having neither force, nor perhaps inclination to aflift us. The nature of their government alfo, though it makes their fubjeCts Iefs happy, makes their colonies more formidable, and enables the prince to proteCt them more effectually, and to grant them from time to time greater encouragements ; fo that we need not wonder they have overcome fo many difficulties, or that the trade of the French iflands fhould be fo much more con- fiderable now than it was at the peace of Utrecht. We may be likewife fure of this, that the more their trade increafes, the more it will be encouraged j becaufe the French miniftry pay a particular regard thereto •, and as we have already fhewn in our hiftory of the Eaft India Company, they are never wanting to fuch as are not wanting to themfelves ; but from the great principle of promoting the grandeur of France, yield all the affiftance they can to what they vifibly perceive will increafe the wealth and augment the naval power of the kingdom.
As to the apprehenfions of the colonies, time has fhewn they are but too well founded ; our fettlements upon the continent are in a manner furrounded by them ; the corref- pondence between Canada and Louvifiana is in fome meafure fettled ; and, though a great length of time may be neceffary to perfeCt the defigns they may have formed on that fide, yet if we do not interpofe, as indeed we might eafily do, they will be fome time or other perfected, and then we fhall find our circumftances very uneafy. This to every man who will but turn his thoughts upon the fubjeCt, muft appear very plain and
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very certain ; we fhould not therefore wonder that thofe who both fee and feel it, exprefs themfelves with fome warmth upon this topic : and at the worft, our colonies had better alarm us too foon than dumber themfelves, and fuffer us to dumber till it is too late. The French have already a great power in the idands, and if ever they Ihould become entirely matters of Hifpaniola, which we know not how foon they may, the effects ■would be fatal to us. We have, at prefent, no idea of the importance of that ifland, or at lead; no adequate idea of it; becaufe the Spaniards, who are poffeded of the greateft part of it, either from their lazinefs or their weaknefs, make no ufe of it; but we fhould find it quite otherwife if the whole was in the French hands; and therefore amongft all our guarantees, it would be very right to have a general guarantee for the Spanifh dominions in the Weft Indies.
As to our colonies helping themfelves, there is no doubt they do fo, or their fituation would be very bad. We hear daily of great things done by their privateers, but our fquadrons perform very little; and whoever compares the exploits done by the Buccaneers, who were but Weft Indian privateers, with what has been done by regular naval force, would fcarce believe they were of the fame nation : men of war in their ports, and commodores and captains on fhore, do our colonies very little fervice; for they neither protect our own trade, nor diftrefs that of the enemy ; fo that whatever expence this may create to us we ought not to charge it upon them. If any expedition is concerted here, we find the people in Jamaica and the Leeward Iilands, ready enough to expend both their treafure and their blood in the execution of it; -and in cafe of mifcarriages, we have feldom had reafon to lay the blame at their doors. As to the northern colonies, we have known them do fome, and attempt many great things ; fo that it is barbarous to accufe them of being wanting to themfelves.
The truth is, we want a proper military force in America; and I have often wondered that fome way was not contrived to fend our half-pay officers thither; I do not mean to fend them thither upon half-pay; but to take fuch meafures as that they fhould have whole-pay, one half from home, and the other raifed there. We might likewife make it worth the attention of our invalids, both foldiers and feamen, who, if they have common fenfe, would like a comfortable eftabliffiment in New York, Pen- fylvania, or Virginia, with their wives and families, full as well as an apartment in any college, or being cooped up in our garrifons, or in the Scilly Iflands. If by thefe, or by any other methods, we could eftabliffi a regular military force, and even in time of peace keep the men fome way or other in action and difcipline, our colonies would be a match or overmatch for the French, as experience fhews from the colony of Georgia, where we have been always a match, and once an over-match for the Spaniards, by mere dint of military difcipline, though we had but a very handful of people.
Thefe are things that demand immediate ,and general confideration. Our colonies were always of great confequence, but they are now of the greateft confequence to the nation; for at leaft one half of our commerce depends upon them, as the whole of our ftrength and happinefs depends upon it: our wealth produces liberty, and our wealth was produced by trade, whatever lefiens that will therefore effedt thefe, and if ever it fhould be taken away, we muft certainly feel what we felt before, poverty and arbitrary power. The wifeft ufe therefore that we can make of wealth while we have it is to fecure its fources, by employing our fleet in that part of the world where their fuccefs muft be attended with certain and immediate advantages : for diftreffing the trade of the French muft benefit ours. In King William’s war we had Spain for an ally, and therefore we could not then take any advantage from her weaknefs. In the next general war we were neither her friend nor foe; we did her fome hurt, and our-
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felves no good. But the French have been gainers by both wars; they had plundered the Spaniards in the fird as open enemies: they dripped them of their money in the lad by being pretended friends. In the prefent war we have done pretty well, and the French have perhaps been no great gainers by their friendlhip with Spain. This ought to teach us the wifdom of living with that nation always either upon the belt terms or the word ; as cordial allies or as open enemies ; for whenever we are between both of thefe we are i'ure to be the fufferers, and the French and Dutch run away with all.
It is our budnefs therefore to continue always armed in this part of the world, where we have a fuperior force, and where we fhouid be ever ready to exert ir, not againd innocent and inoffenfive neighbours, but tigainft falfe friends and treacherous allies. If our legal trade with the Spanilh Wed Indies were redored we ought to make it our budnefs to fee that it be a legal trade ; for it is certain that the nation neither gets nor lofes, while the fame quantity of goods are difpofed of by different hands ; we ought therefore to convince the crown of Spain, that we can treat, and mean to treat them well; and at the fame time, we fhouid {hew them, that as it is not their intered to treat us ill, fo it is not our nature to bear it; illicit trade and conventions may do Well enough for a feeble republic, but are beneath a powerful kingdom; that, as it owes its power to, ought to be always able and willing to protedt its trade. Such are the fentiments which ought to infpire the breads of Brith'h datefmen. The red of the world are convinced that we have not the talents of negociation ; vue ought therefore to convince them, that we do not dand in need of fuch talents ; but that we can do our budnefs without them. The Dutch, whatever language they may ufe in Europe, have have always talked in this tone in the Ead Indies, and we ought to ufe it in the Wed ; while our power is great there, we fhouid exert and increafe it; when once it begins to decline, advice will come too late, and therefore no man can be blamed for giving it in time, whether it be followed or not. It is the privilege of every freeman to fpeak and write for the fervice of his country, and the privilege only of a few to act; but if the former excite, and the latter will perform, nothing is clearer, than that our country mud be ferved ; which in this world is the worthied end of men, and therefore what we lhould all purfue.
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CHAPTER V.
THE HISTORY OF THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND PRESENT STATE OF THE
COLONY OF GEORGIA ;
WITH THE ATTEMPT MADE UPON IT BY THE SPANIARDS, AND THEIR
TOTAL DEFEAT.
INTERSPERSED WITH ORIGINAL PAPERS.
I • An introdudory Account of the Motives ■which gave Rife to this Defgn of fettling to the South of Carolina, and the Nature of the Colony propofed. —2. A large Extrad of the Charter granted by his prefent Majejly, for incorporating the Trujlees, and enabling them to carry their Deftgn into Execution. —3. The Rcfolutioii taken by the Trujlees when incorporated, for fecuring Ejlates in Lands to the original Planters and their Heirs Male, and for the perpetual Exclufion of Negroes. —4. The firfl Colony fent over under the Direction of James Oglethorpe, Efq. the Town of Savannah laid out, and the firjl Treaty with the Creek Indians. —5. The Return of Mr. Oglethorpe to England in 1734, and his bringing with him Tomochichi and other Indians ; the Ads prepared by the Trujlees for the Government of Georgia, approved by the Lords of Trade and Plantations, and ratified by his Majejly. — 6 . The great Embarkation in. the Tear 1735, on the extraordinary Grant of Twenty five thoufand Pounds by Parliament, grounded upon a Memorial from South Carolina ; with a Copy of that Memorial. —7. The Hi/lory of the Colony farther continued, together with an Account of the Improvement made therein, and Indulgencies granted to the Planters by the Trujlees .— 8. The fame Subjed purfued to the Year 1740, and a View of the Number of People fent over by the Trujlees, from the Time their Charter was granted to the Clofe of that Tear.- —9. A Profped of the Country of Georgia as it is now fettled, the Number, Situation, and Importance of the Towns, Forts, isfe. ereded there ; with various other Particulars. —10. The Condition of the People in this Colony on the breaking out of the War with Spain, and the Refolution taken of ading in Conjunction with the Carolinians, offenfively, againjl the Spaniards. —11. A fuccind Account of the Expedition againjl Fort St. Augujlin, and the Confequences of that Expedition. —12. The Grand Invafion on that Colony by the whole Force of New Spain, and the true End of this extraordinary Armament .— i^.The total and wonderful Defeat of that great Force by his Majejly's Forces, under the Command of General Oglethorpe. —14. The Congratulations on the News of this important and decifive Adion, from the Governors of ourfeveral Colonies, to General Oglethorpe ; which Jhew their Senfe of the Confequences of this happy Repulfe. —15. The prefent State of the Colony of Georgia conftdercd, and its Importance demon- Jlrated, as a Frontier againjl the French and Spaniards, as an Afylum for dijlrejfed Englifmen, and foreign Proteftants ; as a neceffary Means for maintaining a good Cor- refpondence with all the Indian Nations, as an excellent Support to the Iflands of Jamaica and Barbadoes, and as a Colony from whence we may reafonably exped Silk, Wine, Pot-ajhes, &c.
1. rpHE laft of the Britifh colonies in point of fettlement, and of which hitherto X we have had no accurate or juft account, much lefs a clear and authentic hiftory, is Georgia j of which I intend to treat with as much perfpicuity as poilible, that
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the reader may apprehend the nature of the country, the importance of its fituation, the motives upon which it was fettled, the progrefs of that defign, the attempts and difappointments of the Spaniards, the prefent fituation of things there, and the hopes that we may rationally entertain as to its fate and fuccefs. This is certainly a very extenfive plan; but at the fame time it is the only plan upon which we can proceed, in order to give the inquifitive and public-fpirited reader, a true notion of the nature and importance of this new fettlement; which is undoubtedly of far greater confequence to this nation than hitherto it has been generally conceived to be; and therefore fuch a hiftory as we propofe will be equally neceffary and entertaining; neceffary, as it effectually compleats the hiftory of the Britifh America, of which this is not only the laft colony in point of time, but the laft alfo in refpeft to fituation, inafmuch as it extends as far fouthward as we claim any right to, and fills up entirely the difcoveries of the Cabots, which have been fo often mentioned ; entertaining, as it confifts almoft wholly of new matter, and as it fhews that even in this age, when luxury and all its attendants, feem to be fo firmly eftablifhed in Europe, a fcheme has been formed for erecting in ♦ the pleafanteft and moil fruitful part of North America, a Britifh fettlement, upon the trueft principles of virtue, induftry, and freedom, which cannot fail of ftriking firm and deep root, and of flourifhing in fuch a manner as to do honour to thofe worthy, difinterefted, and public-fpirited perfons who were firft concerned in laying the foundation of this defign, and by whofe hearty and vigorous endeavours it has been fo far as it is carried into execution.
In order to proceed regularly, it is requifite to obferve, that about fourteen years ago, when this nation enjoyed a profound peace, and when there appeared no juft caufe to apprehend its being fpeedily interrupted, fome perfons of great diftinction, from principles of true patriotifin, and love to mankind, obferving what great numbers of people there were in thefe kingdoms, who from a variety of misfortunes and untoward accidents, found themfelves in no condition of fubfifting, at leaft of fubfifting in fuch a way as to be ufeful to themfelves and the community, which is the foie means whereby a number of people become a bleffing, generoufly turned their thoughts towards the means of employing fuch multitudes of diftreffed and indigent perfons for their own. and the public good. Thefe fpeculations produced at firft fome thoughts of improving the mod northern parts of our plantations on the Continent of America; but upon more mature reflection, and for very good reafons, they changed their purpofes, and turned their thoughts to the fouth, particularly to that part of America which makes properly our frontier towards the Spaniards and the French, and which, though within the bounds of the province of Carolina, as defcribed in its charter, was in reality no part of it, as not being at all fettled ; and for that reafon rather a burden than an advantage to the province to which it belonged. Upon confining their thoughts to this country, they very quickly perceived, that though it had been fo long neglected, it was neverthelefs the moft valuable part of our poffeffions in North America, and the moft capable of being made a fruitful, populous, and ufeful country, though at that time lying entirely wafte, overgrown with vaft woods, which gave fhelter to a few Indians, runaway negroes, and other banditti; affording great advantages to the Spaniards in time of war, and upon the extremities of which great incroachments might be made before this nation could have proper intelligence of them. They favr that as to climate and fituation no country could claim a better, that it extended feventy miles from north to fouth, and that it was three hundred miles from the midft of the toaft to the Apalachian mountains, the country widening all the way ; they were convinced that when a little open and cleared, there could not be a pleafanter or healthier
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country upon the face of the globe; that the foil would prove fruitful and eafy to be cultivated ; that therefore people might fubfift there upon very moderate labour ; which circumftances induced them to think, there could be no place more proper found for the habitation of the unhappy people before mentioned.
But befides thefe fentiments of private pity, they were influenced likewife by motives of public utility. They forefaw that if this project could be brought to bear, it would turn vaftly to the advantage of North and South Carolina, then lately purchased by the crown, by providing an effectual frontier againft the Spaniards and the French, which they had hitherto wanted, and of the want of which they had loudly complained : they judged by this means, that new alliances might be contracted with the Indians ; or in cafe that could not be effected, the new colony mull certainly keep them in awe, and prevent their being fo terrible as within a few years before they had been to the people of Carolina: And they faw juft reafons to believe that this new colony, when eftablilhed, might cultivate many rich and valuable commodities for the fervice of Great Britain. Thefe, and many other reafons of like nature, engaged them to think ferioufly of bringing fo compaflionate, fo practicable, and fo ufeful a project to bear ; in order to which they found it necelfary to apply themfelves to the crown for fufficient powers, to enable them to fet this undertaking on foot. They did fo, and received all the countenance and encouragement they could defire or expert, as will appear by the following extract from the inftrument by which they were incorporated, and fo put into a condition of legally executing what they had fo charitably projected.
2. “ His Majefty King George II. by his letters patent, bearing date the 9th day of June 1732, reciting, amongft other things, that many of his poor fubjects were, through misfortunes, and want of employment, reduced to great neceffities, and would be glad to be fettled in any of his Majefty’s provinces in America; where, by-cultivating the lands wafte and defolate, they may not only gain a comfortable fubfiftence, but alfo llrengthen his Majefty’s colonies, and increafe the trade, navigation, and wealth of his Majefty’s realms ; and that the provinces in North America had been frequently ravaged by Indian enemies, more efpecially that of South Carolina, whofe fouthern frontier continued unfettled, and lay open to the neighbouring favages ; and that to relieve the wants of the faid poor people, and to protedl the fubje&s of South Carolina, a regular colony of the faid poor people Ihould be fettled and eftablilhed in the fouthern frontiers of Carolina; and for the confiderations aforefaid, conftitute a corporation by the name of the * Truftees, for eftablilhing the colony of Georgia in America,’ with capacity to purchafe and take lands ; to fue and to be fued ; to have a common feal, and to chufe members in the faid corporation on the third Thurfday in March yearly ; with reftraining claufes, that no member of the faid corporation Ihould have any falary, fee, perquifite, benefit, or profit whatfoever, for adting therein ; or Ihould have any office, place, or employment of profit under the faid corporation ; with a direction to the faid corporation, every year to lay an account in writing before the Lord Chancellor, Chief Juftice of the King’s Bench, Mailer of the Rolls, Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas, and Chief Baron of the Exchequer, or any two of them, of all money or effects by them received or expended, for carrying on the good purpofes aforefaid ; with a power to make bye-laws, conftitutions, orders, and ordinances; and granted, amongft other things, to the faid corporation, and their fuccefibrs, under the refervations therein mentioned, feven undivided parts, (the whole into eight equal parts to be divided), of all thefe lands, countries, and territories, fituate, lying, and being, in that part of South Carolina in America, which lies from the moll northernmoft ftream of a river there, called the Savannah, along the fea coaft to the fouthward, unto the moll fouthern vol. xii. 3 l ftream

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DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
ftream of a certain other great water or river, called the Alatamaha, and weftward from the head of the faid rivers, refpeftively in direct lines to the South Seas. To have and to hold the fame to them, the faid corporation, and their fucceffors for ever ; for the better fupport of the faid colony, under the yearly rent of four findings proclamation money of South Carolina, for every hundred acres of the faid lands, for every of which the faid corporation Ihould grant, demife, plant, or fettle, but not to commence until ten years after fuch grant, demife, planting or fettling ; and erected and created the faid lands, countries, and territories, into one independant and feparate province, by the name of Georgia; and made the inhabitants who fhould refide therein free, and not fubjedt to any of the laws, orders, ftatutes, or conftitutions of South Carolina, except the commander in chief of the militia; and authorized the faid corporation, for the term of twenty-one years, from the date of the faid letters patent, to form and prepare laws, ftatutes, and ordinances, for the government of the faid colony, not repugnant to the laws and ftatutes of England ; to be prefented under their common feal to his Majefty in council, for his approbation or difallowance; and that the faid laws fo approved of, fhould be in full force and virtue, within the faid province ; and impowered the faid council for the time being of the faid corporation, or the major part of them,- to difpofe of, expend, and apply all the money and effects belonging to the faid corporation, and to make contracts for carrying on and effecting the good purpofes therein intended; and that they fhould from time to time appoint a treafurer, fecretary, and fuch other officers, minifters, and fervants of the faid corporation, as they fhould fee proper for the good management of their affairs, and at their pleafure to remove them, and appoint others in their ftead ; and that they fhould appoint reafonable falaries, per- quifites, and other rewards for their labour or fervices; and that fuch officers fhould be iworn before they act, for the faithful and due execution of their refpeftive offices and places; and declared that the treafurer and fecretary for the time being, fhould be incapable of being members of the faid corporation; and granted to the faid corporation, that it fhould be lawful for them, their officers and agents, to tranfport and convey, into the faid province, fuch of his Majefty’s Subjects, and foreigners, as were willing to go and inhabit, and refide there; and declared all perfons born within the faid province, and their children, and their pofterity, to be free denizens, as if they had been bom within any of his Majefty’s dominions ; and impowered the faid common council, in the name of the corporation, and under their common feal, to diftribute, affign, transfer, and fet over fuch particular portions of the faid lands, tenements, and hereditaments, unto fuch of his Majefty’s fubjefts and others, willing to live in the faid colony, upon fuch terms, and for fuch eftates, and upon fuch rents, refervations, and conditions, as the fame might lawfully be granted ; and as to the faid common council, or the major part of them, fhould feem fit and proper, provided no grant fhould be made of any part of the faid lands, unto, or in truft for, or for the benefit of, any member of the faid corporation ; and that no greater quantity of the faid lands be granted, either entirely or in parcels, to, or to the ufe of, or in truft for, any one perfon, than five hundred acres j and declared that all grants made contrary to the true intent and meaning thereof, fhall be abfolutely null and void. And granted, that the faid corporation, for the term of twenty-one years, from the date of the faid letters patent, fhould have power to ere£t and conftitute judicatures, and courts of record, or other courts to be held in his Majefty’s name, for the hearing and determining all manner of crimes, offences, pleas, proceffes, plaints, aftions, matters, caufes, and things whatsoever arifing or happening within the faid province, or between perfons inhabiting or refiding there ; and for awarding and making out executions thereupon, and directing the faid corpo-
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ration to regifter, or caufe to be regiftered, all leafes, grants, plantings, conveyances, fettlements and improvements whatfoever, as fhouid at any time be made of any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, within the faid province ; and yearly to tranfmit authentic accounts thereof, unto the auditor of the plantations, or his deputy, and to the furveyor of SouthCarolina, to infpect and furvey the fame, to afcertain the quit-rents, which fhouid become due according to the refervation before mentioned. But not to have or take any gratuity, fee, or reward, for fuch furvey or infpeClion, on forfeiture of their office; with a provifo that all leafes, grants, and conveyances, to be made of any lands within the faid province, or a memorial containing the fubftance thereof, fhouid be regiftered with the auditors of the plantations, within one year from the date thereof ; otherwife that the fame fhouid be void. And directed, that all rents, iffues, or profits, which fhouid come to the faid corporation, iffuing or arifing out of or from the faid province, fhouid be laid out and applied in fuch manner, as would moft improve and enlarge the faid colony, and belt anfwer the good purpofes therein mentioned, and for defraying all other charges about the fame. And directed the faid corporation, from time to time, to give in to one of the fecretaries of ftate, and to the commiffioners of trade and plantations, accounts of the progrefs of the faid colony. And directed that the faid common council fhouid, from time to time, for the faid term of twenty-one years,, from the date of the faid letters patent, have power to appoint all fuch governors, judges, magiftrates, minifters, and officers, civil and military, both by fea and land, within the faid diftrift, as they fhoukl think fit and needful for the government of the laid colony, (except fuch officers as fhouid be appointed for managing, collecting, and receiving fuch of his Majeftv’s revenues as fhouid arife within the faid province), with a provifo that every governor fo apphinted, Ihould be approved by his Majefty, and qualify him- felf as other governors in America are by law required to do, and give fecurity for obferving the a£ts of parliament relating to trade and navigation, and obeying all in- ftru&ions from his Majefty, or afty acting under his authority, purfuant to the faid acts. Ami granted, that the faid corporation, for the faid term of twenty-one years, from the date of the faid letters patent, ihould have power by any commander, or other officer, for that purpofe appointed, to train, intruft, exercife, and govern a militia for the fpecial defence and fafety of the faid colony, to affemble in martial array ; and put in warlike pofture the inhabitants of the faid colony; and in time of actual war,, invafion, or rebellion, to ufe and exercife the law martial, and alfo to ere£t forts, and fortify any place within the faid colony ; and the fame to furnilh with all neceffary ammunition, provifion, and ftores of war, for offence and defence, and from time to time to commit the cuftody and government of them to fuch perfon or perfons as to them Ihould feem meet ; declaring that the Governor or Commander in Chief of South Carolina, Ihould have the chief command of the militia of Georgia, and that they fhouid obferve his orders. And granted, that the faid corporation fnould have power to import and export their goods, at and from any fort or ports that fhouid be appointed by his Majefty, within the laid province, for that purpofe, without being obliged to touch at any other port in South Carolina. And declared, that after the end of the faid twenty-one years, fuch form of government, and making of laws and ftatutes, and ordinances, for the government of the faid province, and its inhabitants, fhouid be eftablifhed and obferved within the fame, as his Majefty, his heirs and fucceffors, fhouid ordain and appoint, and fhouid be agreeable to law; and that after the end of the faid twenty-one.years, the governor, and all officers, civil and military, within the faid province, fhouid be appointed by his Majefty, his heirs and fucceflbrs.”
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3. As foon as they had obtained this gracious and extenfive charter, the following noble and honourable perfons undertook, in quality of truftees, to engage vigoroully in the execution of this defign, viz, Anthony Earl of Shaftefbury, John Lord Vifcount Percival, fince created Earl of Egmont, John Lord Vifcount Tyrconnel, James Lord Vifcount Lymerick, George Lord Carpenter, Edward Digby, Efq. James Oglethorpe, Efq. George Heathcote, Efq. Thomas Tower, Efq. Robert More, Efq. Robert Hucks, Efq. William Sloper, Efq. Francis Eyles, Efq. John Laroche, Efq. James Vernon, Efq. Stephen Hales, A. M. Richard Chandler, Efq. Thomas Frederick, Efq. Henry L’Apoftre, Efq. William Heathcoate, Efq. John 'White, Efq. Robert Kendal, Efq. Richard Bundy, D. D. Their firlt care was to obtain a fund fufficient for the fending over a confiderable number of people, and providing them with all kinds of neceflaries, towards which they fubfcribed liberally themfelves ; obtained confiderable films by way of collection from well-difpofed people, and had befides a grant from the parliament of io,oool.
They next turned their thoughts, as to the moll; proper method of fettling thefe people, when fent over to Georgia, fo as that they might be enabled to live comfortably themfelves, and at the fame time anfwer all the ends for which they were fent thither ; it being j udged highly reafonable, that thofe who were thus provided for, at the public expence, Ihould be made in every refpeft, as ufeful to the public as poffible. They refolved therefore to confider each inhabitant in a double capacity, as a planter, and as a foldier, who were confequently to be provided with arms for their defence, as well as tools for the cultivation of their land, and taught the exercife of both. They alfo refolved, that upon the firll fettling of this colony, towns Ihould be laid out, and lands allotted to each of them for their maintenance, as near thofe towns as poffible; that the former might ferve for their defence, and the latter for their fubfiftence. In confe- quence of thefe refolutions, it was agreed that every lot or portion of land, Ihould confift of fifty acres ; and that it Ihould be granted them in tail male, as the propereft tenure for the colony in its infancy, and the fitted: to preferve it from thofe inconveniences to which it was moll obnoxious ; and with refpecl to any hardlhips that might arife from this tenure, they determined to remedy them occafionally, till fuch time as the condition of the colony Ihould render an alteration neceflary.
They likewiie determined to prohibit negroes, the ufe of them feeming abfolutely inconfiftent with the defign of this colony, and befides this, in many refpe£bs inconvenient and dangerous. Inconvenient, as the firll coll of a negro is about thirty pounds; a fum, that it was not to be fuppofed many of the people fent to Georgia could lay out for themfelves ; nor was it fit that -the truftees Ihould do it for them, fince this would pay the palfage, provide tools, and defray the expence of a white man’s fubfiftence for a year, who would then become a fecurity to the province* It was forefeen, that if a white man kept a negro, he would be lefs willing and lefs able to labour himfelf. If fuch as were in circumftances to go over at their own expence, were allowed to make ufe of negroes, it was judged that this would difpirit the poor planters, would incline fuch as were poffeffed of negroes to abfent themfelves, as in other provinces; might enable them, if fuccefsful, to eat up and opprefs their poorer neighbours ; or tempt them, if unfuccefsful, to mortgage or fell their lands to the negro merchants. Thefe were apparent and great inconveniences, but the dangers were Hill more numerous and more certain, In the firll place, it was evident that as the planters in Georgia were to be fent over with their families, if negroes were allowed, whenever the men were abfent from their plantations upon any duty, their wives and children would be at the mercy
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of thefe negroes ; and thus, befides the cafe of fecuring themfelves againft foreign invafions, they would be likewife under a neceffity of providing for their domeftic fafety. In the next place, it was forefeen that the Spaniards at St. Auguftin would be continually inticing away the negroes, or inciting them to infurre&ions ; the former of which would have been very eafy, as they had only a fmall river or two to fwim over, which they might do fingly as well as in parties ; the latter was fo much the more to be dreaded, as an attempt or two of this kind mull have greatly difcouraged, if not totally fubverted, the Englilh colony; and the certainty of thefe evils was the greater, becaufe in a time of profound peace, the Spaniards had pra&ifed both in regard to the colony of South Carolina, though at a greater diftance, from whence negroes had often fled in little boats to the Spaniards, and been protected ; and they have likewife been incited to rife in large bodies, to the great terror of the inhabitants, and to the no fmall hazard of the lofs of that province; befides, the allowing negroes in Georgia, would have facilitated the defertion of the Carolina negroes, through this new province ; and eon- fequently the colony, inftead of proving, as it was intended, a frontier., and thereby adding ftrength to the province of South Carolina, would have proved a means of drawing away their Haves, to the great prejudice of the planters and which was much worfe, would add thereby to the ftrength of their enemies at St. Auguftin-. So that taking thefe confiderations together,^viz. that wine, filk, pot-allies, and other produces, which were expected from the new colony, did not at all require negroes; as the introduction of them fo near to a garrifon of the Spaniards, would weaken, rather than ftrengthen, the barrier ; and as they would introduce with them a greater propenfity to idlenefs among the planters, and too great an inequality among the people; it was thought proper to make the prohibition of them a fundamental article of the conftitution. .. t
When the truftees had made thefe difpofitions, and were enabled, by benefactions from the public, and feveral private perfons, on the 3d of October 1732, it was refolved to fend over one hundred and fourteen perfons, men, women, and children, being fuch as were in decayed circumftances, and thereby difabled from following any bufinefs in England ; and who, if in debt, had leave from their creditors to go; and fuch as were recommended by the minifter and church-wardens, and overfeers of their refpec- tive parilhes ; and James Oglethorpe, Efq. one of the truftees went with them at his own expence, to fettle them. On the 24th of the fame month, the people were all examined, whether any of them had any objections to the terms and conditions propofed to them, which they all declared they had not, but that they were fully fatisfied with them; and executed articles under their hands and feals, teftifying their confents thereto, which are now in the public office belonging to the truftees. But four of them defiring their daughters might inherit as well as their fons, and that their widow’s dower might be confidered, the truftees immediately refolved, that every perfon who fhould defire the fame, fttould have the privilege of naming a fucceflfor to the lands granted to him ; who, in cafe the pofleflor fhould die without iffue male, fhould hold the fame to them and their heirs male for ever ; and that the widows fhould have their thirds, as in England ; with which refolution the people being all acquainted, were very well fatisfied.
The truftees prepared forms of government, agreeable to the powers given them by the charter ; they eftablifhed under their leal a court of judicature, for trying caufes, as well criminal as civil, in the town of Savannah, (the name which was given to the firft town to be raifed), by the name and ftile of the Town Court, They alfo appointed magiftrates there, viz. three bailiffs and a recorder, and inferior officers, viz. two eon-
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ftables and two tything men. They chofe for magiftrates, fuch as appeared to them the moft prudent and difcreet ; but amongft a number of people, who were all upon a level at the firft fetting out, it was impoffible to make any choice or diftindion, which would not create fome future uneafinefs among them. As I have no relation to, or connedion with, the truftees of Georgia, I fhall take the liberty of making fome remarks upon their proceedings, which otherwife I fhould not have thought becoming either them or me. The fcheme of their incorporation is entirely new, as was the projed of Mr. Oglethorpe’s going over at his own expence, and purely to fee the people put into a way of living without him, whom he had extricated out of fo many difficulties, and who, but for this condefcenfion in him, muft have fallen back into thofe difficulties again. The attempts of Sir Walter Raleigh, for fettling of Virginia, were of this nature with refped to him ; that is to fay, what he did was from a motive of public fpirit ; but what the Virginia company did, was from a principle of gain; whereas this whole defign rofe from the charitable and beneficent difpofxtion of a few worthy and good men, and has been hitherto conduded according to the fame difpofition, for the benefit of the colony, and of the public ; and from no other view or intereft in the truftees, but the making themfelves happy from the confcioufnefs of well doing ; which at the fame time that it refleds reputation upon them, does the higheft honour to this age and country, in which the defire I have to have fome fmall ffiare, produced the pains taken in this chapter, which I flatter myfelf will, like its fubjed, prove of great utility to the public.
4. On the 15th of November Mr. Oglethorpe fet out for Gravefend, from whence he foon failed for Carolina, where they arrived on the 15th of January following, and were received at Charles Town by the Governor, with great kindnefs and civility ; who ordered Mr. Middleton, the King’s pilot, to carry the fhip into Port Royal, and fmall craft to convey the colony from thence to the river Savannah. In ten hours they proceeded to Fort Royal. On the 18 th Mr. Oglethorpe went affiore upon French’s Ifland, and left a guard upon John’s, being a point of that ifland, which commands the channel, and is about half way between Beaufort and the river Savannah. They had orders to prepare huts, for the reception of the people in their paffage from thence. Mr. Oglethorpe went to Beaufort Town, and was faluted with a difcharge of the artillery, and had a new Barrack fitted up, where the colony landed on the 20th, and were chearfully affifted by Lieutenant Wats and Enfign Farrington, and the other officers of the independent company ; as alfo by Mr. Ledebar, and other gentlemen of the neighbourhood ; from thence he went to view the Savannah river, and pitched upon a convenient fpot of ground, ten miles up the river, on which he defigned to build a town. The reader will obferve that this was exactly agreeable to the refolutions taken by the truftees at home; and as there was no time loft in fixing upon the place, fo on the 9th of February the town was marked out, and the firft houfe begun.
The chief reafons that determined Mr. Oglethorpe in the choice of this place were, health, pleafure, and conveniency. Before his arrival in the country, it had the name of an Indian nation, viz. Yammacraw, who inhabited here, under the command of the chief, Tomochichi, and who readily gave them place, and entered into a clofe friendfhip with' him ; fo much the more agreeable to both parties, as there was no other Indian nation within fifty miles. But Mr. Oglethorpe called the town by the name of the River Savannah. It lies, according to Captain Gafcoign’s obfervations, in the latitude of 31 degrees 58 minutes, which he took of Tybee, an ifland that lies at the mouth of the Savannah River. It is diftant from Charles Town fouth-weft, according to the courfe and windings of the rivers and creeks, about one hundred and forty miles, but

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by a diredl courfe feventy-feven, allowing Sullivan’s Ifland to be in the latitude of 32 degrees 47 minutes ; from Auguftin north-eaft and by eaft one hundred and forty miles ; and by the courfe of the rivers is diftant from Fort Moore three hundred miles j but upon a direct line but one hundred and fifteen miles north-weft and by weft ; this bluff is' diftant ten miles from the mouth of the river on the fouth fide ; and Parryf- burgh is twenty-four miles above it, on the north, and is fo fituated as to have a beautiful profpedt, both up and down the river. It is very fandy and barren, and confequently a wholefome place for a town or city, if Savannah fhould ever grow up and rival Philadelphia.
After putting things into order here, and affigning every man his proper ftation and employment, Mr. Oglethorpe, in company with Colonel Bull, who came from Charles Town to pay him a vifit, and teftified great fatisfaction at the progrefs they made, fet out for Charles Town to folicit fuccours for his colony. Before we take notice of the fuccefs he met with on that occafion, it may not be amifs to tranfcribe a paragraph from the South Carolina Gazette, dated Charles Town, March 22d, 1732, in which there is an account given of the journey to Georgia, which will fhew the fentiments of the people of that colony, at a time when they were freed from all prejudices, apprehensions, and prepoffeffions. After defcribing the town in the manner we have done, they fay, <£ When they, that is the new colony, arrived, there was {landing on it, viz. the place where the town now ftands, a great quantity of the beft forts of pines, mod of which are already cut down on the fpot where the town is laid out to build. The land is barren about a mile back, when you come into very rich ground ; and on both fides, within a quarter of a mile of the town, is choice good planting land. Colonel Bull told me that he had been feven miles back r and found it extraordinary good. Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, takes a vaft deal., of pains ; his fare is but indifferent, having little elfe at prefent but fait provifions : he is extremely well beloved by all his people. The general title they give him is Father. If any of them are Tick, he immediately vifits them, and takes a great deal of care of them. If any differences arife, he is the perfon that decides them : two happened while I was there, and in my prefence, and all the parties went away, to outward appearance, fatisfied and contented with his determination. He keeps a ftrift difcipline ; I never faw one of his people drunk nor heard one fwear, all the time I was there.. He does not allow them rum, but in lieu gives them Englifh beer. It is furprifing to fee how chearfully the men go to work, confidering they have not been bred to it. There are no idlers there, even the boys and girls do their parts. There are four houfes already up, but none finiflied ; and he hopes when he has got more lawyers, which I luppofe- he will have in a fhort time, to finilh two houfes in a week. He has plowed up fome land, part of which he fowed with wheat, which is come up, and looks promiftng. He has two or three gardens, which he has fowed with divers forts of feeds ; and planted thyme, with other forts of pot-herbs, fage, leeks, fcallions, celery, liquorice, &c, and feveral forts of fruit trees. He was pallifading the town, and inclofing fome part of the common, which I do fuppofe may be finifhed in a fortnight’s time. In fhort, he has done a vaft deal of work for the time ; and I think his name ought to be immortalized.”
This fufficiently {hews how well pleafed the people at Carolina were, as indeed they had reafon to be, with this new fettlement •, as a further teftimony of which, not only the affembly, but the people in general, contributed largely to the affiftance of the new comers ; five hundred pounds of which money Mir. Oglethorpe laid out immediately in cattle, and having given other dire&ions for providing at Charles Town what his people might have o.ccafton for, he v.ery fpeedily fet out on his return from Savannah, and on
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his way lay at Colonel Bull’s houfe on Aflily River. There the Reverend Mr. Guy, Rector of St. John’s Parilh, waited on him, and told him his parilhioners had raifed a handfome contribution. Being arrived at Savannah, he found that Mr.Wiggan, the interpreter, with the chief men of the Lower Creek nation, had been to treat of an alliance with the new colony. The Lower Creeks are a nation of Indians, who formerly confided of ten, but now are reduced to eight, tribes, who have each their different government, but are allied together, and fpeak the fame language. They claim from the Savannah River as far as St. Auguftin and up Flint River, which falls into the bay of Mexico. Tomochichi, Mico, and the Indians of Yammacraw were of the Creek nation and language.
Mr. Oglethorpe received the Indians in one of the new houfes. They were as follows: From the tribe of Coweeta, Yahan Lakee, their King or Mico, Effaboo, their warrior, the fon of Old Brim, lately dead ; whom the Spaniards called Emperor of the Creeks, with eight men and two women attendants. From the tribe of Culfetas, Cuffeta, their Mico, Tatchiquatchi, their head warrior, with four attendants. From the tribe of Owfeecheys, Ogeefe, the Mico or War King ; Neathlouthko and Ougachi two chief men, with three attendants. From the tribe of Cheechaws, Outhleteboa, their Mico, Thlautho-thlukee, Figeer, Sootamilla, War Captains, with three attendants. From the tribe of Echetas, Chutabeeche and Robin, two War Captains, (the latter was bred among the Englilh), with four attendants. From the tribe of Polachucolas, Gillattee, their Head Warrior, and five attendants. From the tribe of Oconas, Oueekachumpa, called by the Englilh Long King, Koowoo, a Warrior. From the tz'ibe of Eufaule, Tomaumi, Head Warrior, and three attendants.
The Indians being all feated, Oueekachumpa, a very tall old man, flood, and made a fpeech, which was interpreted by Mr. Wiggan and Mr. Mufgrove, and was to the following purpofe : He firft claimed all the lands to the fouthward of the River Savannah, as belonging to the Creek Indians. They then faid, though they were but poor and ignorant, he that had given the Englilh breath had given them breath alfo. That he that had made both had given more wifdom to the white men. That they were perfuaded that the great power which dwelt in heaven, and all around, (and then he fpread out his hands and lengthened the found of his words ), and which hath given breath to all men, had fent the Englilh thither for the inltruQdon of them, their wives and children: That, therefore, they gave them up freely their right to all the land they did not ufe themfelves. That this was not only his opinion, but the opinion of the eight towns of the Creeks, each of whom having confulted_together, had fent fome of their chief men with fkins, which is their wealth.
Then the chief men brought a bundle of buck Ikins, and laid eight from the eight towns before Mr. Oglethorpe. He faid thefe were the bell things they had, and that they gave them with a good heart. He concluded with thanking him for his kindnefs to Tomochichi, Mico, and his Indians, to whom he faid he was related, and though Tomochichi was banilhed from his nation, that he was a good man and had been a great warrior; and it was for his wifdom and jullice that the banilhed men had chofe him king. He alfo faid, that he had heard that the Cherokees had killed fome Englilhmen, and that if Mr. Oglethorpe would command them, they would enter their whole force into the Cherokee country, deltroy their harvell, kill the people, and revenge the Englilh. When he had done fpeaking, Tomochichi came in with the Yammacraw Indians, and making a low obeifance, faid, I was a banilhed man, and I came here poor and helplefs to look for good land near the tombs of my anceftors, and when the Englilh came to this place, I feared you would drive us away; for we were weak and wanted corn.

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But you confirmed our land to us, and gave us food. Then the chiefs of the other nation made fpeeches to the fame purpofe as Oueekachumpa's.
After which they agreed with Mr. Oglethorpe on a treaty of alliance and commerce, which was figned by him and them. A laced coat, a laced hat, and a fhirt, were given to each king, and to each of the warriors a gun, a mantle of duffils, and to all their attendants coarfe cloth for cloathing, and other things. The articles of agreement were, I. The truftees agreed to let their people carry into the Indian towns all forts of goods fitting to trade at rates and prices fettled by the treaty. II. Reftitution and reparation to be made for injuries on both fides, and criminals to be tried and punifhed according to the Englilh law. III. Trade to be withdrawn from any Indian town offending againft treaty. IV. The Englilh to poffefs all lands not ufed by the Indians, provided, that upon fettling of every new town the Englilh Ihould fet out for the ufe of their nation, fuch lands as Ihould be agreed on between the Englilh beloved men, and the head men of their nation. V. To reftore all runaway negroes, and carry them either to Charles Town, the Savannah, or Petachuchula garrifon, upon being paid for every fuch negro four blankets, or two guns, or the value thereof in other goods, if taken on the other fide Ocorivy River; and one blanket if the negro is killed in talcing or endeavouring to make his efcape. VI. Laftly, They promife, with ftrait hearts and love to their brother Englilh, to give no encouragement to any other white people to fettle there, and to all this they fet the marks of their families. This treaty being concluded, Mr. Oglethorpe thought fit to return into England, as well to report the fituation things were in, in that country, as to procure the neceffary fupplies for promoting the new colony.
5. In the month of June 1734 Mr. Oglethorpe arrived fafely in England, bringing with him Tomochichi, mico or king of the Yammacraws; Senawki, his confort, and Toonakowi, the prince his nephew, as alfo Hillifpilli, a war captain, and Apakowtlki, Stimalechi, Sintouchi, Hinguithi, and Umphychi, five other Indian chiefs, with their interpreter. They were lodged at the Georgia-Office, Old Palace-Yard, where they were handfomely entertained; and, being fuitably dreffed, were introduced to the court, then at Kenfington. Tomochichi prefented to the king feveral eagles feathers ; which, according to their cuftom, is the moft refpectful gift he could offer, and made the following fpeech to his majefty : “ This day I fee the majefty of your face, and greatnefs of your houfe, and the number of your people ; I am come for the good of the whole nation called the Creeks, to renew the peace they had long ago with the Englilh. I am come over in my old days; though I cannot live to fee any advantage to myfelf. I am come for the good of the children of all the nations of the Upper and Lower Creeks, that they may be inftructed in the knowledge of the Englilh. Thefe are the feathers of the eagle, which is the fwifteft of birds, and who flieth all round our nations. Thefe feathers are a fign of peace in our land; and we have brought them over to leave them with you, O! great king, as a fign of everlafting peace. O! great king, whatfoever words you fhall fay unto me I will tell them faithfully to all the kings of the Creek nations.” To which his Majefty made a gracious anfwer, alluring thofe nations of his prote&ion and regard.
Thefe Indians, but more efpecially their mico or prince, gave evident marks, during their ftay in England, of good fenfe, and of a fincere inclination to carry on a friendly correfpondence between their own nation and ours ; and therefore they defired of the truftees, that the meafures, prices, and qualities of goods to be purchafed by them, with their deer-lkins, might be fettled, as likewife the weights; that nobody might be allowed to trade with the Indians in Georgia, without a licence from the truftees, in vol. xii. 3 m order,

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order, that if they were in any refpeft injured, or defrauded by the traders, they might know where to complain. And they further defired, that there might be but' one ftore-houfe in each Indian town, for fupplying them with the goods they might want to purchafe, from whence the traders fhould be obliged to fupply them at their fixed prices. The reafon which the Indians gave for this application was, becaufe the traders with them had often, in an arbitrary manner, railed the price of goods, and defrauded them in the weights and meafures; and, by their impofitions, had often created animofities between the Englilh and Indians, which had frequently ended in wars between them, prejudicial to both.
In compliance with this requeft of theirs, the truftees prepared a law, intitled, “ An act for maintaining the peace with the Indians in the province of Georgiawhich contained the fame regulations and provifions that were made in an aft palled by the council and affembly in South Carolina, in the year 1731, which aft would have reached the country now called Georgia, if it had not been erefted into a feparate province. They likewife prepared another law, calculated for the fame falutary purpofe,
I mean the preventing any dangers from the Indians, by the pernicious effefts of fpiri- tuous liquors, as well as the health of the people already fettled, and that might be fettled, in their new colony, which was intitled, “ An aft to prevent the importation and ufe of rum and brandies in the province of Georgia, or any kind of fpirits, or llrong waters what foe ver.” They likewife prepared a third law, upon a very mature deliberation, and for the reafons before-mentioned, intitled, “ An aft for rendering the colony of Georgia more defenfible, by prohibiting the importation of black Haves, or negroes, in the fame.” Thefe three afts were laid before the King in council, in the month of January following; and after a report from the board of trade, that they were proper to receive his Majefty’s approbation, they were accordingly ratified. Two embarkations were made this year, whofe numbers are hereafter mentioned, which confifted chiefly of Saltfburghers, who with the Saltiburghers that went before, were fettled in a town called by them Ebenezer, upon the river Savannah, at fome diftance above the town; and by the fobriety and induftry of the people, they prove a very thriving fettlement.
6. In the fucceeding year 1735, the truftees were encouraged by an extraordinary fupply of twenty-fix thoufand pounds, granted by parliament, and very confiderable benefactions, as well in Carolina as in England, to think of making very confiderable embarkations for ftrengthening the fouthern part of Georgia; and to obviate any objection that might be made, as in undertakings of this nature objections will never be wanting, at their fending ufeful poor from hence, it was refolved that thefe embarkations fhould confift moftly of people from the north of Scotland, and perfecuted German proteftants. The reader will obferve, that by the care taken in this refpeft, the nation gained a very confiderable advantage, fince by this means the overflowings „ of all the northern countries of Europe, which are known to breed robuft, hardy and induftrious people, were fecured for our fervice, and carried over and fettled in that part of his Majefty’s dominions where, fuch people were wanted moft; where, from their circumftances, they were obliged to fulfil (as indeed they have always done), the ends for which they were fent thither ; and fo became an acceflion of ftrength of great confequence and advantage, at a very fmall and inconfiderable expence. But that the reader may be fully apprized of, and perfeftly comprehend the true reafons which induced the parliament to grant fo much money, for the fettlement and improvement of the colony this year, and may likewife be enabled to judge of the weight and importance * of thefe reafons, it is requifite to inform him, that the colony of South Carolina
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drew up a memorial, dated the 9th of April 1734, figned by Robert Johnfon, Efq, their Governor; Thomas Broughton, Prefident of the Council; and Paul Jenys,Speaker of the Commons; containing a reprefentation of the ftate and condition of that province, and therein fo full, fo clear, and fo authentic an account of fads, equally curious and important, that it is impoffible to fet them down either in fewer or better words than are ufed in that memorial; part of which, therefore, we jfhall give here, and lhould very willingly have given the whole, if the nature of our work would have allowed us room.
“ Your Majefty’s fubjeds of this province, having often felt, with hearts full of gratitude, the many fignal inftances of your moll facred Majefty’s peculiar favour and protedion to thefe diftant parts of your dominions, and efpecially thofe late proofs of your Majefty’s molt gracious and benign care, fo wifely calculated for the protedion of this your Majefty’s frontier province on the Continent of America, by your royal charter to the truftees for eftablilhing the colony of Georgia; and your great good- nefs fo rightly and timely applied in proteding the fettlement of the Swifs at Purryf- burg. Encouraged by fuch juft views of your Majefty’s wife and paternal care, extended to your remoteft fubjeds ; and excited by the duty which we owe to your molt facred Majefty, to be always watchful for the fupport and fecurity of your Majefty’s interril, efpecially at this very critical jundure, when the flame of a war breaking out in Europe, may very fpeedily be lighted here, in this your Majefty’s frontier province, which by its fituation is known to be of the utmoft importance to the general trade and traffic of America; We therefore, your Majefty’s molt faithful governor, council, and commons, convened in your Maiefty’s province of South Carolina, crave leave with great humility to reprefent to your Majefty the prefent ftate and condition of this your pro,- vince, and how greatly it ftands in need of your Majefty’s gracious and timely fuc- cour in cafe of a war, to aflift our defence againft the French and Spaniards, or any other enemies to your Majefty’s dominions, as well as againft the many nations of favages, which fo nearly threaten the fafety of your Majpfty’s fubjeds.
“ The province of Carolina, and the new colony of Georgia, are the fouthern frontiers of all your Majefty’s dominions on the Continent of America; to the fouth and fouth-weft of which is fituate the ftrong caftle of St. Auguftin, garrifoned by four hundred Spaniards, who have feveral nations of Indians living under their fubjedion, beftdes feveral other/mail fettlements and garrifons near theAppellaches, fome of which are not eighty miles diftant from the colony of Georgia. To the fouth-weft and weft of us, the French have already ereded a confiderable town near Fort Thouloufe on the Moville river, and feveral other forts and garrifons, fome not above three hundred miles diftant from our fettlements ; and at New Orleans on the Mifliflippi river, fince her late Majefty Queen Anne’s war, they have exceedingly encreafed their ftrength and traffic, and have now many forts and garrifons on both hides' of that large river, for feveral hundred miles up the fame. And fince his moft Chriftian Majefty has taken out of the Mifliflippi Company the government of that country into his own hands, the French natives of Canada come daily down in Ihoals, to fettle all along that river, where many regular forces have been fent over by the King, to ftrengthen the garrifons of thofe places; and according to our beft and lateft advices, they' have five hundred men in pay conftantly employed as wood-rangers, to keep the neighbouring In.lians in fubjection, and to prevent the diftant ones from difturbing their fettlements ; which management of the French has fo well fucceeded, that we are very well affined they have wholly now in their pofleflion, and under their influence, the feveral numerous nations of Indians that are fituate near the Mifliflippi River-; one of which, called
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the ChoCtaws, by eftimation, confifting of about five thoufand fighting men, and who were always deemed a very warlike nation, lies on this fide the river, not above four hundred miles diftant from our out-fettlements. Among whom, and feveral other nations of Indians, many French Europeans have been fent to fettle, whom the priefts and miffionaries among them encourage to take Indian wives, and ufe divers other alluring methods to attach the Indians the better to the French alliance \ by which means the French are become thoroughly acquainted with the Indian way of warring and living in the woods, and have now a great number of white men among them, able to perform a long march, with an army of Indians, upon any expedition.
“ We further beg leave to inform your Majefty, that if the meafures of France fhould provoke your Majefty to a ftate of hoftility againft it in Europe, we have great reafons to expert an invafion will be here made upon your Majefty’s fubjects, by the French and the Indians, from thefe Miffiffippi fettlements; they have already paved a way for a defign of that nature, by ereCting a fort called the Albania Fort, alias Fort Louis, in the middle of the Upper Creek Indians, upon a navigable river leading to Moville, which they have kept well garrifoned, and mounted with fourteen pieces of cannon; and have already been prevented from erecting a fecond nearer to us in that quarter. The Creeks are a nation very bold, a Clive, and daring, confifting of about thirteen hundred fighting men (and not above one hundred and fifty miles diftant from the ChoClaws), whom though we heretofore have traded with, claimed, and held in our alliance, yet the French, on account of that fort, and a fuperior ability to make them liberal prefents, have been for fome time ftriving to gain them over to their intereft, and have fucceeded with fome of the towns of the Creeks, which if they can be fecured in your Majefty’s intereft, are the only nation which your Majefty’s fubje&s here can depend upon, as their belt barrier againft any attempts either of the French or their confederate Indians.
“ We mod humbly pray leave further to inform your Majefty, that the French at Moville, perceiving that they could not gain the Indians to their intereft without buying their deer Ikins^ which is the only commodity the Indians have to purchafe necef- faries with, and the French not being able to difpofe of thofe ikins, by reafon of their having no vent for them in Old France, have found means to encourage veffels from hence, New York, and other places which are not prohibited by the a&s of trade, to truck thofe Ikins with them for Indian trading goods, efpecially the Britiih woollen manufactures, which the French difpofe of to the Creeks and ChoCtaws, and other Indians; by which means the Indians are much more alienated from our intereft ; and, on every occafion, object to us, that the French can fupply them with fhrouds and blankets as well as the Englifti; which would have the contrary effect, if they were wholly furniflied with thole commodities by your Majefty’s fubje&s trading among them. If a ftop were therefore put to that pernicious trade with the French, the Creek Indians chief dependence would be on this government, and that of Georgia, to fupply them with goods ; by which means great part of the Choctaws living next the Creeks, would fee the advantage the Creek Indians enjoyed, by having Britiih woollen manufactures wholly from your Majefty’s fubjeCts, and thereby be invited, in a fhort time, to enter into a treaty of commerce with us, which they have lately made fome offers for, and which, if effected, will foon leffen the intereft of the French with thefe Indians, and by degrees attach them to that of your Majefty.
“ The only expedient we can propofe to recover and confirm that nation to your Majefty’s intereft, is by fpeedily making them prefents, to withdraw them from the French alliance, and by building fome forts among them. Your Majefty may be put
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into fuch a fituation, that on the firft notice of hoftilities with the French, your Majefty may be able to reduce at once the Albama Fort, and we may then ftand againft the French and their Indians; which if not timely prepared for, before a war breaks out, we have too much reafon to fear we may be foon over-run by the united ftrength of the French, and the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other nations of their Indian allies 5 for fhould the Creeks become wholly our enemies, who are well acquainted with all our fettlements, we probably Ihould alfo foon be deferted by the Cherokees, and a few other fmall tribes’of Indians ; who for the fake of our booty, would readily join to make us a prey to the French and favages. Ever fince the late Indian war, the offences then given us by the Creeks, have made that nation jealous of your Majefty’s fubjects of this province. We have therefore concerted meafures with the honourable James Oglethorpe, Efq. who being at the head of a new colony, will, we hopej be fuccefs- fulfor your Majefty’s intereft among that people. He has already, by prefents, attached the Lower Creeks to- the fervice of your Majefty, and has laudably undertaken to endeavour the fixing a garrifon among the Upper Creeks ; the expence of which is already in part provided for, in this feflion of the general affembly of this province. We hope therefore to prevent the French from incroaching farther on your Majefty’s territories, until your Majefty is gracioufly pleated further to ftrengthen arid fecure the fame.
“ We find the Cherokee nation, has lately become very infolent to- your Majefty’s fubje&s trading among them,notwithftanding the many favours which the chiefs of that nation received from your Majefty in Great Britain; befides a confiderable expence which your Majefty’s fubjeCts have been at, in making them prefents, which inclines us to believe that the French, by their Indians, have been tampering with them. We therefore beg leave to inform your Majefty, that the building and mounting fome forts alfo among the Cherokees, and making them prefents, will be highly neceflary to keep them fteady in their duty to your Majefty, left the French may prevail in feducing that nation ; which they may the more readily be inclined to, from- the profpect of getting confiderable plunder in flaves, cattle, and commodities, which they very well know they have among us. Several other forts will be indifpenfibly necefiary, to be a cover to your Majefty’s fuhjefts fettled backwards in this province, as alfo to thofe of the colony of Georgia, both which in length are very extenfive. For though the truftee3 for eftablifhing the colony of Georgia, by a particular fcheme of good management, faithfully conduced by the gentlemen engaged here in that charitable enterprize, have put that fmall part of the colony which he has yet been able to eftablifh, in a tenable condition againft the Spaniards of Florida, which lie to the fouthward ; yet the back expofition of thofe colonies to the vaft number of French and Indians, which border on the weftward, mult, in cafe of a war, cry greatly aloud for your Majefty’s gracious and timely fuccour. The expence of our fafety on fuch an occafion, we mull in all humility, acquaint your Majefty, either for men or money, can never be effected by your Majefty’s fubjects of this province, who, in conjunction with Georgia, do not, in the whole, amount to more than three thoufand five hundred men that comgofe the militia, and wholly confift of planters, traders, and other men in bufmefs.”
There are fome other paragraphs in this memorial which are ftill more worthy of notice, and which therefore we Ihall give the reader in the words thereof.. “ We muft further beg leave to inform your Majefty, that amidft our other perilous circum, ftances, we are fubject to many inteftine dangers, from the great number of negroes that that are now among us, who amount, at leaft, to twenty-two thoufand. perfons, and are three to one of all your Majefty’s white fubjects in this province. Infurre&ions againft
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us have been often attempted, and would at any time prove very fatal, if the French Ihould mitigate them by artfully giving them an expectation of freedom. In fuch a fituation we molt humbly crave leave to acquaint your Majefty, that even the prefent ordinary expences, neceffary for the care and fupport of this your Majefty’s province and government, cannot be provided for by your Majefty’s fubjefts of this province, without your Majefty’s gracious pleafure to continue thofe laws, for eftablifhing the tax on negroes, and other duties, for feven years, and for appropriating the laws which now lie before your Majefty, for your royal affent and approbation; and the further expences that will be requifite for the ereffing fome forts, and eftablilhing garrifons in the feveral neceffary places, fo as to form a barrier for the fecurity of this your Majefty’s province, we moft humbly fubmit to your majefty.
“ Your Majefty’s fubje&s of this province, with fulnefs of zeal, duty, and affection, to your moft gracious and facred Majefty, are fo highly fenfible of the great importance of this province to the French, that we mull conceive it more than probable, if a war fhould happen, they will ufe all endeavours to bring this country 7 under their fubjection. They would thereby be able to fupply their fugar iflands with all forts of provifions and lumber, by an eafy navigation trade, which, to our great advantage, is now not fo practicable from the prefent French colonies: befides the facility of gaining then to their intereft moft of the Indian trade on the northern continent, they might alfo eafily unite the Canadees and Choctaws with the many other nations of Indians which are now in their intereft. And the feveral ports and harbours of Carolina and Georgia, which now enable your Majefty to be abfolutely mailer of the paffage through the Gulph of Florida, and to impede, at your pleafure, the tranfportation home of the Spanilh treafure, would then prove fo many convenient harbours for your Majefty’s enemies, by their privateers or Ihips of war, to annoy a great part of the Britifh trade to America, as well as that which is carried on through the gulph from Jamaica, befides the lofs which Great Britain muft feel in fo confiderable a part of its navigation, as well as the exports of malls, pitch, tar, and turpentine, which, without any dependance on the northern powers of Europe, are from hence plentifully fupplied for the ufe of the Britilh ihipping.
“ This is the prefent ftate and condition of your Majefty’s province of South Carolina, utterly incapable of finding funds fufficient for the defence of this wide frontier, and fo deftitute of white men, that even money itfelf cannot here raife a fufficient body of them.” The great length of this memorial prevents our making many remarks •thereon ; fome few, however, are. abfolutely requifite.
The reader will, from hence, fee how well-timed and how well contrived, the new fettlement of Georgia was, in the opinion of thofe who were the beft judges; how juft and how prudent the precaution of the truftees in prohibiting negroes; and how wifely and happily for the public fervice they contrived to fend over, both from our own country, and other parts of Europe, white people, and Proteftants, by which they effeftually provided for the fecurity of all the northern colonies behind it; which, whenever this country comes to be thoroughly peopled, as it may be in a very few years time in days of peace, if due attention be had thereto, will be fuch a barrier, as neither Spaniards nor French can ever break through, and confequently will for ever put an end to thofe terrors and apprehenfions, that are fo ftrongly and fo emphatically exprefled in the foregoing paper. But to proceed in our hiftory.
In the month of January, 1735, the Highlanders arrived in Georgia (and with them feveral of the fame country, as fervants to private grantees). They were fettled on the Alatamaha river, about fixteen miles diftant by water from the ifland of St. Simon,
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which is at the mouth of the river. They foon raifed convenient huts till their houfes could be built; and the town, at their own delire, was called Darien, which name that diftri<ft dill retains; but the town which they afterwards built they thought fit to call New Invernefs.
On the 6th of February following the great embarkation, under the direction of Mr.. Oglethorpe, arrived, and the people were fettled upon the ifiand of St. Simon. The Creek Indians, who came down upon this occafion, in confequence of their claiming a right to the country, were treated with, and agreed that the Englilh Ihould polfefs that, and all the illands adjacent, which neceffary ftep being taken, the town of Frederica was foon laid out, and the people fet to work in building houfes. When I call this the great embarkation,. it feems but reafonable that I fhould exprefs the number of per- fons fent over, which were four hundred and feventy ; and it is likewife fit to fay fome- thing of the illand upon which they were fettled. In point of fituation, a better could hardly be wifhed for in that part of the world, lying, as it does, at the mouth of a very fine river ; the fize of it too was very convenient, being about forty-five miles in extent, the foil rich and fruitful, full of oak and hickery trees, intermixed with meadows and old Indian fields.
As foon as this fettlement was made, care was taken for its fecurity, and for the fortifications of the fouthern barrier, with which view a regular fortrefs, ftrengthened by four baftions and a fpur-work, towards the river, was erected at Frederica, and feveral pieces of cannon mounted thereon ; a ftrong battery was alfo raifed for the protection of Iekyll Sound, where ten or twelve forty-gun fhips may fafely ride. Another fort was built on the South-weft part of Cumberland Illand, where are feveral pieces of cannon pointed towards the river, fo as to command all Hoops and fmall craft navigating that paffage; within the pallifade which furrounds the fort there are fine fprings of Water, and likewife a well framed timber-houfe, with large and convenient magazines under it for ammunition and provifions. But while fo much care was taken of the fouth frontier, agreeable, as it was conceived, to the defign of the parliament’s grant, and the prayer of the before-mentioned memorial, the northern part of the colony was not neglected, fince orders were given for erecting a fort at Augufta, a place fituated on the river Savannah, which is now become a very thriving place; where the traders with the Indians, from South Carolina and Georgia, refort, on account of its con- veniency for that purpofe; and where there are large warehoufes. furnilhed with fuch goods as the Indians want, the deer fkins taken in exchange being fent two hundred and thirty miles down the river, to the town of Savannah, in boats, which carry each about nine thoufand weight. It may be ealily conceived from hence, how neceffary a thing it was to have a good fort here, which was both erected and garrifoned at the expence of the truftees for fome time; and a horfe-road was made from thence to the town of Savannah one way, and to the dwellings of the Cherokee Indians, who live above the town of Augufta, the other. By thefe precautions the trade of both colonies, with thefe Indians, was facilitated, and the country on that fide fecured againft any fudden attempts of an enemy, which was all that could be expected in fo Ihort a time, and in a tract of land, in comparifon of the colony, of fo large an extent.
7. The prefence of Mr. Oglethorpe contributed greatly to the fettling and prefervation of the colony ; which was already become confiderable enough, not only to draw the attention, but to excite the jealoufy of the Spaniards ; who, without all queftion, would have-been glad to have overpowered, and driven out, thefe new-come neighbours, if it had been a thing in their power; and if they had not been apprehenfive of the ill confequences that inuft have attended the breaking out of a war between the
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two nations, on account of the difputes between thefe frontier provinces; which cir- cumftances were fo well improved by Mr. Oglethorpe, and the Indians who had entered into friendfhip with the new fettlement were fo ftrongly attached to the Englilh intereft, that the governor of St. Auguftin, upon mature deliberation, found it more expedient to enter into a negociation, and to endeavour to conclude an amicable agreement with tiie Englifh colony ; which Mr. Oglethorpe alfo knowing to be very convenient for the lecurity of Georgia, he negociated, and concluded a treaty, upon very juft and rea- fonable, as well as fafe and advantageous terms; as will appear from the following copy of the treaty itfelf, and the powers by him given for concluding and ligning it.
<e To Charles Dempfey, Efq.
<£ I have impowered you, by procuration, dated the 23d of June, 1736, to treat and conclude, concerning certain matters of importance, relating to thefe provinces, with his Excellency Don Francifco del Moral Sanches, captain general of Florida, and governor of St. Auguftin, and the council of war of the faid garrifon; and having, fince the dates of thefe letters, received advice from the governor of St. Auguftin, as alfo a meffage from his Excellency Don Juan Francifco Geumes de Horcafitas, major general in his Catholic Majefty’s fervice, captain general of the ifland above, and governor of Havanna, by Don Antonio de Arredondo, they both impowering him to treat concerning the faid matters, I do hereby impower, conftitute, and appoint you, to treat, conclude, and fign the following articles; and deliver the fame unto the governor and council of St. Auguftin, they figning, fealing, and interchanging the faid articles.
<c Firft, That his excellency the governor of St. Auguftin, fhall reftrain his Indians, fubje&s to the king of Spain, from committing any hoftilities upon the fubjedfs of the King of Great Britain. I will reftrain the Indian fubjedts to the King of Great Britain in this province, from any hoftilities upon the fubjects of his Catholic Majefty.
“ Secondly, That in refpect to the nations of free Indians called Creeks, I will ufe my utmoft amicable endeavours, upon any reafonable fatisfadtion given them, to prevail with them to abftain from any hoftilities whatfoever, with the fubjedls of his Catholic Majefty.
“ Thirdly, That with refpedt to the fort built on the ifland of St. George, I will draw off that garrifon, together with the artillery, and all other things by me ported there; provided that none of his Catholic Majefty’s fubjedts, nor any other perfon, fhall inhabit, people, or fortify the faid ifland; provided alfo, that no prejudice fhall arife to the right of the king my Mafter, to the faid ifland, nor to any other dominions or claim that his Britannic Majefty hath upon this continent. But that his right fhall remain td the faid ifland, and to all other places whatfoever; as if the faid garrifon had never been withdrawn j and the faid garrifon fhall withdraw within fourteen days after the ratification of thefe articles.
“ Fourthly, I will agree with his excellency the governor of St. Auguftin, and the council of war, That his Britannic Majefty’s fubjedts, under my command, fhall not • moleft, in any manner whatfoever, any of his Catholic Majefty’s fubjedts, provided that his Catholic Majefty’s fubjects do not moleft any’of his Britannic Majefty’s fubjects, nor his allies.
u Fifthly, That concerning any differences that have or fhall arife, concerning the limits of the refpectiye government and dominions of the two crowns, fuch differences fhall remain undecided, till the determination of the refpedtive courts; and that the fubjedts of each crown here, fhall remain in profound peace, and not in any manner moleft each other, until the determination of the refpedtive courts on this fubjedE
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Ki Laftly, That no perfon lhall be received from any garrifon in either government, without a paffport from the governor to whom fuch perfons belong.
“ Given under my hand and feat, at Frederica in Georgia, the 27th day of September, 1736.
<c By the power to me given, by His Excellency James Oglethorpe, Efq. governor and dire&or-general of the new colony of Georgia, by his excellency’s procuration, bearing date the 27th day of October, in the tenth year of the reign of our Sovereign lord George the Second, by the grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. and in the year of our Lord 1736: I do hereby confirm and ratify the above articles, with his excellency Don Francifco del Moral Sanches Villegas, captain-general and governor of St. Augultin of Florida, and with the council of war of the faid garrifon of St. Augultin; as witnefs my hand and feal, this 26th day of October, 1736.”
The counter-part of this treaty, executed by the governor of St. Augultin, by the advice, and with the content, of a council of war, was certified by Bartholomew Niotto, notary-public, and I have it before me; but as it contains only a repetition of the foregoing articles, it feems unneceffary to infert it here, fince what we have already given the reader Very fufficiently explains the nature of this treaty: but it feems the governor of St. Augultin was not in the fecret of the court 5 for the Spanilh miniltry at home were very far from being defirous that a fair correfpondence Ihould be elta- blilhed between the two colonies. On the contrary, they aimed at obliging us to defill from our defign of fettling the colony of Georgia; and with this view Sir Thomas- Geraldino, on the 1 ft of September, prefented a memorial to his grace the duke of Newcaftle, in which, among other things, he was pleafed to fay, It is indifputable, that the colony of Georgia was fettled upon his malter’s dominions ; fo that a plainer proof cannot be had, that the Spaniards were determined, if polfible, to oblige the crown of Great Britain to give up this fettlement.
But as it was not very probable, that we Ihould be induced to do this by Sir Thomas Geraldino’s memorials, the Spanilh miniltry were contriving to do it by force, and by tranfporting troops into the Spanilh Florida, from the adjacent illand of Cuba, and other parts of their dominions. It is true, that thefe orders were moltly given before they had any intelligence of the provifional treaty concluded between the governor of St. Augultin and Mr. Oglethorpe; but when they did know of it, they were fo far from laying afide their former defign, or even from fufpending it, that they highly difapproved of the governor’s behaviour in that particular, the rather, perhaps, becaufe it was altogether inconfiftent with their own projects and pretenfions. It is alfo very probable, that as the Spanilh. councils were at that time wholly guided by thofe of France, this might contribute not a little to their forming views of expelling us from Georgia, which the French, without doubt, confider as equally dangerous to them and their fchemes, or rather more fo, than to the Spaniards, who, on their fide, have much more reafon to be offended with the French fettlements on the river Miffiffippi, • than at our new colony of Georgia. But be this as it will, the preparations they made were in their nature fo open and extraordinary, that it was not long they could be concealed from our governors, and other officers in the Well Indies, whofe duty it was to obferve, and tranfmit intelligence hither of things of that nature.
The lieutenant-governor of South Carolina, having heretofore acquainted the truflees by a letter, dated from the council-chamber in Charles Town, the 7th of February, 1636-7, That he had received-advice from Commodore Dent, of preparations made by the Spaniards at St. Augultin and the Havanna, in order to make an attack on the
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colony of Georgia; and the truftees having, in a memorial to his Majefty, fet forth the inability of the colony to protect themfelves again ft fuch a force as was preparing at the Havanna and St. Auguftin; his Majefty was gracioufly pleafed to order a regiment of fix hundred effective men to be raffed, and fent to Georgia, for the defence and prote&ion of it.
As an encouragement for the foldiers good behaviour, the truftees refolved to give each of them a property in the colony; and therefore made a grant in truft, for an allotment of five acres of land to each foldier of the regiment, to cultivate for his own ufe and benefit, and to hold the fame during his continuance in his Majefty’s fervice. And for a further encouragement, they refolved, that each foldier who at the end of feven years fervice, from the time of his enlifting in the regiment, ftiould be defirous of quitting his Majefty’s fervice, and ftiould have his regular difcharge, and would fettle in the colony, ftiould, on his commanding officer’s certificate of his good behaviour, be entitled to a grant of twenty acres of land.
The parliament having taken into confideration the great expences which the truftees had been at in making roads through the province, and the feveral fortifications in it, and the prefents made to the Indians to engage them firmer in the Britifli intereft, and likewife the preparations that were making by the Spaniards in order to take or diftrefs the colony; granted thereupon for this year the fum of twenty thoufand pounds, for the further fettling and fecuring the colony, the truftees made another embarkation, which confifted chiefly of perfecuted German Proteftants.
In confequence of fo confiderable an augmentation of people, all the towns laid out in Georgia began to be improved, and to receive confiderable fupplies; and fo mindful they were of their fecurity, that even at Savannah, which was leaft expofed to danger, they traced out, and began to build, a confiderable fort; and in all the frontier places, the utmoft care was taken to put the fortifications into the beft pofture of defence that the circumftances of the province would allow. On the arrival of the regiment, of which Mr. Oglethorpe was appointed colonel, he diftributed them in the propereft manner for the fervice of the colony ; but notwithftanding this was of great eafe to the truftees, and a vaft fecurity to the inhabitants, yet Colonel Oglethorpe ftill kept up the fame difcipline, and took as much care to form and regulate the inhabitants with refpect to military affairs as ever. He provided, likewife, different corps for different fervices; fome for ranging the woods; others, light-armed, for fudden expeditions; and he likewife provided veffels for fcouring the fea-coafts, and for gaining intelligence. In all which fervices he gave at the fame time his orders and his example; there being nothing he did not, which he directed others to do; fo that if he was the firft man in the colony, his pre-eminence was founded upon old Homer’s maxims: he was the molt fatigued, and the firft in danger, diftinguilhed by his cares and his labours, not by any exterior marks of grandeur, more eafily difpenfed with, fince they were certainly needlefs.
The ftrift attention fttewn by the truftees for their infant fettlement was fo remarkable, and their punctuality in fupplying what was neceffary, fo generally known throughout America, that it was not long before it created fome inconvenience from the addrefs of fuch as were defirous of turning fuch inftances of public fpirit to their private advantage; for feveral merchants, and captains of ftiips, had, for their own intereft, carried into the colony from New York and other places, large cargoes of provifions, &c. great part of which (to fave merchants from Ioffes) were taken at the ftore, without proper authority from the truftees, and an expence created thereby, which the truftees could not ellimate, nor have ability to difcharge, and for which, certified
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accounts were returned to them; and therefore the truftees publifhed an advertifement in the London Gazette, and ordered it to be publifhed in the South Carolina Gazette, and to be affixed on the doors of the ftore-houfes at Savannah and Frederica, that out of a due regard to public credit they had refolved, That all expences which they had ordered, or fhould order, to be made in America, for the ufe of the colony, ffiould be defrayed and paid for in Georgia, in Sola bills of exchange only, under their feal; and they gave notice, that no perfon whatl’oever had any authority from them, or in their name, or on their account, to purchafe or receive any cargo of provifions, {lores, or neceffaries, without paying for them in the faid Sola bills.
Yet they were as ready as ever in expending money, where it was neceffary and fer- viceable to the colony ; for upon a petition of one Abraham de Lyon, a freeholder of Savannah in Georgia, That he had expended a great fum in the cultivation of vines, which he had carried from Portugal, and had brought to great perfection ; and feveral certificates being produced of his great improvements, and of the goodnefs of his grapes, and their thriving in the moft barren lands in the province, the truftees affifted him to proceed in his improvements. But, to be the more able to fupply thefe expences, they took care to be frugal, where it was practicable. And the fecurity of the colony being provided for by the regiment fent over by his Majefty, the parliament gave eight thousand pounds for the further fettling the colony ; therefore the truftees fent over an efti- mate of all the expences which they allowed to be made in the province; by which feveral military expences which they had been engaged in for the defence of the colony, and which were very great, were reduced.
In the year 1738 the truftees fent over the Reverend Mr. Norris to Frederica, with a falary of 501. a-year, and orders that a houfe fhould be built for him, and another provided for the performance of public worfhip, till fuch time as a church could be erected. But while their cares were thus employed, they met with fome interruption from unforefeen accidents, both without and within the province: in refpeft to the former, the affembly of South Carolina, having the laft year paffed an ordinance for railing a fum to indemnify their traders, in oppofition to the aft, which was approved of by his Majefty in council, for maintaining the peace with the Indians in the province of Georgia; upon a memorial from the truftees, complaining of the faid ordinance; and upon the petition of the council and affembly of South Carolina, againft the faid aft, there was a folemn hearing before the lords commiffioners for trade and plantations ; and afterwards before a committee of the lords of his Majefty’s privy council: whereupon his Majefty was pleafed to order, that the faid ordinance of affembly of South Carolina fhould be repealed, and declared void ; and was pleafed to fend an inftruftion to the truftees, to prepare a proper aft, or ordinance, for fettling the trade, carried on by the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia with the Indians, on fuch a footing, as might be for the mutual henefit and fatisfaftion of both provinces. And his Majefty, at the fame time, was gracioully pleafed to give an inftruftion to Samuel Horfey, Efq. governor, and lieutenant-general of South Carolina, to recommend to the council and affembly there, to pafs a law for that purpofe, in that province. But Samuel Horfey, Efq. dying foon after, and no other governor having fince gone to South Carolina, that affair remained unfettled. The truftees immediately fent to Colonel Oglethorpe a copy of his Majefty’s inftruftions, and defired that he would confult with Lieutenant-Governor Bull in South Carolina; that plans of proper afts might be prepared, and fent over to the truftees, for their confideration, in order to anfwer the purpofes of his Majefty’s inftruftions; and that, in the mean time, the commiffioners of South Carolina, .and
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the commiffioners of Georgia, might proceed in their refpective provinces, in concert with each other, to carry on a mutual trade to the Indians in both provinces.
In reference to the other fources of difturbance and domefiic difquiets, they were of different kinds; but the greateft was owing to a number of perfons enjoying the benevolence due to the colony, without any real merit in themfelves, or juft title thereto for which, however, a remedy was fpeedily provided. The truftees, both by .their letters and inftruCtions to the magift rates, had conftantly exhorted and encouraged the people to a cultivation of their lands, on which they were to depend for their fupport; and as they found that many (as well of thofe whom they had fent over as objects of charity, as of others, who at different times had gone into the country from other colonies, for their temporary maintenance) ftill continued in their idlenefs, and were a burden upon the truftees; they gave orders for ftrildng off the ftore, all fuch as having had time to cultivate their lands had neglected it. This carried from the colony many of thofe who had gone thither, or joined it from other parts of America, to gain a fubliftence for a year or two, and of others who had not confidered the hardlhips attending the firft fettlement of a country, and were weary of their labour. The truftees receiving an account, dated February 12, 1738, from their fecretary of the pro- vincej of an uneafmefs among feveral perfons, upon the tenor of their lots being confined to heirs male; and they, confidering that the colony had been fome time efta- blifhed, the people grew more numerous, and a regiment being ftationed in it, for its defence, whereby the former tenures became lefs neceffary ; did, on the 15th of March following, at their anniverfary meeting, refoive, that in default of iffue male, the legal poffeffor of land might, by a deed in writing, or by his laft will and teftament, appoint his daughter as his fucceffor, or any other female relation; with a provifo that the fucceffor fhould, in the proper court in Georgia, perfonally claim the lot granted and devifed within eighteen months after the death of the grantor or devifor. This was foon after extended to every legal poffeffor being impowered to appoint any other-perfon as his fucceffor.
The mildeft governments are often but too fubject to difcontents; and though the whole ftudy of the truftees was to make their people as eafy in their private capacities, as their duty to, and concern for, the public, would permit; yet this did not hinder ignorant and malicious perfons, who either could not, or would not, comprehend the true interefts of the colony, from endeavouring to raife frefh difturbances, for the fake of obtaining what they thought might be of fervice to them ; and which, if they had judged rationally, they muff have perceived would have turned to their ruin. In fhort, part of the people fettled in Georgia, .fent over a memorial to the truftees, complaining of the want of a fee-fimple in their lands, and of not being permitted the ufe of negroes. But thofe who were fettled on the frontier, and confequently molt expofed to the Spaniards and others, who, by their own induftry, had improved their plantations, fo as to draw from them a comfortable fubfiftence, fent over a contrary memorial; in which they reprefented the difadvantages and dangers that would arife from the permiffion of negroes.
It likewife fell out, that at the very time fome of the people of Savannah were fo clamorous for negroes (for feventy-five land and freeholders, of whom fifty-two were freeholders, did not apply for them), the province of South Carolina was under frequent alarms, upon account of the negroes there. They had intelligence that a con- fpiracy was formed by the negroes in South Carolina to rife, and forcibly make their way out of the province, to put themfelves under the protection of the Spaniards; who
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had proclaimed freedom to all that fhould run to them from their owners. This con- fpiracy was difcovered at Winyaw, the raoft northern part of that province, from whence as the negroes mult bend their courfe, it argued, that the other parts of the province mud be privy to it, and that the rifmg was to be univerfal; whereupon the whole province were upon their guard ; the number of negroes in South Carolina being computed to be about forty thoufand, and the number of white men, at molt, not above five thoufand. As feveral negroes, who were employed in Perryauguas, and other like craft (which they carried off with them) had taken the benefit of the Spaniards proclamation, and gone to St. Auguftin, the government of South Carolina fent a folemn deputation to demand their flaves. This deputation confided of Mr. Braith- waite, a member of the council; Mr. Rudlidge, one of the affembly ; and Mr. Binian, clerk of the affembly. But the governor of St. Auguftin, though in time of profound peace, peremptorily refufed to deliver them up ; and declared he had orders to receive all fuch as fhould come thither, and protect them. Upon this, and the petitions which were fent from the Highlanders at Darien, and the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer, repre- fenting the danger and the inconvenience of the introduction of negroes ; the truftees lent, under their leal, an anfwer to the reprefentation from fome of the inhabitants of Savannah.
In this anfwer, which is dated June the 20th, 1739, the truftees fay, “ That they fhould deem thenffelves very unfit for the trull repoled in them by their Majefty on their behalf, if they-xould be prevailed on by any fuch irrational attempt, to give up a conftitution framed with the greateft caution, for the prefervation of liberty and property ; and of which the laws againft the ufe of flaves, and for the entail of lands, are the fureft foundations; and the truftees are the more confirmed in their opinions of the unreafonablenefs of this demand, and that they have received notions from Darien, and the other parts of the province, reprefenting the inconvenience and danger which mull arife to the good people of the province, from the introduction of negroes; and as the truftees thenffelves are fully convinced, that befides the hazards attending of that introduction, it would deftroy all induftry among the white inhabitants, and that, by giving them a power to alien their lands, the colony would foon be too like its neighbours, void of white inhabitants, filled with blacks, and reduced to be the precarious property of a few, equally expofed to domeftic treachery, and foreign invafion; and therefore the truftees cannot be fuppofed to be.in any difpofition of granting this requeft ; and if they have not before this, lignified their diflike.of it, their delay is to be imputed to no other motives but the hopes they had conceived, that time and experience would bring the complainants to a better mind. And the truftees readily join iffue with them, in their appeal to pofterity, who ihall judge between them, who were their bell friends, thofe who endeavoured to preferve for them a property in their lands, by tying up the hands of their unthrifty progenitors, or they who wanted a power to mortgage or alien them ? Who were the beft friends to the colony, thofe who, with great labour and coft, had endeavoured to form a colony of his Majefty’s fubjefts, and perfecuted Proteftants from other parts of Europe ; had placed them on a fruitful foil, and ftrove to fecure them in their poffeffions by thofe arts, which naturally tend to keep the colony full of ufeful and induftrious people, capable both to cultivate and defend it; or thofe, who to gratify the greedy and ambitious views of a few negro-merchants, would put it into their power to become foie owners of the prov'nce, by introducing their baneful commodity ; which it is well known, by fad experience, has brought our neighbour colonies to the brink of ruin, by driving out their white inhabitants, who were their glory
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and ftrength, to make room for black, who are now become the terror of their unadvifed mailers.”
The trullees had great reafon for proceeding jas they did in this refpect; fince among the perfons to whom grants were made, in order to their fettling at their own expence in the colony, fome never went over to take them up, or to fettle at all; others were gentlemen of Carolina, who neglected the profecution of their grants, and never fo much as defired to have their lands laid out; and of the reft, feveral had quitted their plantations, and the laborious life of planters, to go and refide more at their eafe at Savannah ; where, by the exercife of their feveral trades and profeflions, they brought many of their people in debt; and befides all this, horfe-races and other diverfions were fet on foot, and fuch a fpirit of idlenefs began to prevail, as very eafily accounted for their eagernefs in defiring to have negroes granted them; and plainly Ihewed with what fatal confequences it mull have been attended, if the trullees had not remained firm to their firft refolutions, and had not given fuch an anfwer as Ihewed they were refolved to preferve that fpirit in the colony upon which it was fettled, and which could alone render it worth that care, which had been hitherto taken of it by the public. However, to make the people as eafy and contented as they could, they publilhed an advertifement in the London Gazette, the 8th of September, 1739, anc * other papers, which were continued for feveral days, and ordered it to be publilhed in the South Carolina Gazette; that they had refolved to enlarge their grants on failure of iffue male, and to make a certain provifion for the widows of the grantees, in the following manner, viz. that the lands already granted, and fuch as Ihould hereafter be granted, Ihould, on failure of iffue male, defcend to the daughters of fuch grantees ; and in cafe there Ihould be no iffue male or female, that the grantees might devife fuch lands ; and for want of fuch devife, that fuch lands Ihould defcend to their heirs at law, with a provifo that the poffeffion of the perfon who Ihould enjoy fuch devife, Ihould not be increafed to more than five hundred acres; and that the widows of the grantees Ihould hold and enjoy the dwelling houfe, garden, and one moiety of the lands their hulband Ihould die poffeffed of, for, and during the term of their lives. The trullees directed in the advertifement, that thofe who intended to have the benefit given them, Ihould enter their refpeSive claims, in order that proper grants and conveyances in the law might be forthwith prepared and executed for thatpurpofe; and that no fee or reward was to be taken for the entering any fuch claim, direCtly or indirectly, by any perfon or perfons whatfoever. It appears clearly from thefe conceflions, how very defirous the trullees were of giving the people, fettled in Georgia, all imaginable fatif- faCtion, confiftent with the fcheme'they had formed of fecuring thefe lands to the aCtual planters, and thereby prevent thofe inconveniencies, to which others, particularly the fouthern colonies were liable, and which would have been fo much the more fatal in a colony, the chief inducement to eftablilh which, was the making a Itrong frontier.
9. The French, who by degrees grew more and more uneafy at the fettlement of Georgia, and our intercourfe with the Indians, began to make ufe of every method they could devife, in order to create differences and jealoufies between us and the'Creeks, which was no fooner known, than it greatly alarmed, not only the people fettled in Georgia, but the whole province of Carolina, from a juft fenfe of the danger they Ihould be in, if the French, either by their artifices or prefents, Ihould draw over the Creek Indians to their party;, as appears by their applications both to Colonel Oglethorpe, and to the government at home. Upon this Mr. Oglethorpe thought it
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neceffary to enter into a dofe alliance with this nation ; and therefore refolved upon a journey to the Coweta town, though at the diftance of no lefs than five hundred miles from Frederica, where he then was, and through a country very little known to, and very difficult for Europeans to travel. He provided him, however, with horfes and prefents fit for the purpofe; fet out for that place, and after a painful and fatiguing journey, reached it in fafety, where he was received by the Indians with all imaginable marks of friendffiip and refpect; and where he had an opportunity of conferring, not only with the chiefs of all the tribes of this nation, but alfo with the deputies of the Cho&aws and Chickefaws, who lie between the Englilh and French fettlements, and who had fent their deputies thither with that view. The confequence of this meeting was, the making a new, more full, and explicit treaty with the lower Creeks than the former ; which was of fo great confequence that Colonel Bull, lieutenant-governor of Carolina, declared that if the Creeks could be fecured, they fhould be under no apprehenfions from the intrigues of the French with the other nations ; and, that this was effectually done, the reader will perceive from the perufal of the treaty then concluded with that nation; of which the following is a copy from an inftrument, containing the exemplification of the faid treaty, under the feal of the province of Georgia, with all the neceffary certificates from the magiftrates indorfed thereupon ; and which ought therefore to be confidered as the moll authentic evidence of that gentleman’s diligence, zeal and fuccefs, in the fervice of his country, and of the Britifh colonies in America.
Proceedings of the affembled Eftates of all the Lower Creek Nations, held on Saturday, the nth day of Auguft, Anno Domini 1739.
“ By powers from His Moft Sacred Majefty George the Second, by the grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, &c. General James Oglethorpe being appointed commiffioner, was prefent in the behalf of his Majefty, and opened the affembly by afpeech. There were alfo prefent at the faid affembly of eftates, the mico, or king of the Coweta town; Chickley Ninia, mico of the faid town; Malachio, mico, fon of Brim, late emperor of the Creek nation, and the chief men and warriors of the Coweta towns; the mico or chief king of the Cuffitas; and Scifkeligo, mico, next to the king of the Cuffitas ; Ilkeigo, third chief man of the Cuffitas, and the other chief men and warriors of the faid town ; and alfo Ocakchapakho, and the chief men of the town of Polachuchulas; Kolatto, chief war-captain, and other chief men and warriors; being deputies, fent with full powers to conclude all things neceffary for the faid town. Tawmawme, mico of the Ufawles, with feveral other chief men and warriors; being deputies fent with full powers to conclude all things neceffary for the faid town. Metalcheko, war-captain of the Echetees, with feveral other chief men and warriors ; being deputies fent with full powers to conclude all things for the faid town. Neathacklo, chief man of Ofcachees, with feveral other chief men and warriors, fent with full powers to conclude all things for the faid town. Occullaveche, chief man of the Checaws, with feveral other chief men and warriors; being deputies fent with full powers to conclude all things for the faid town. Howanawge Thalacko, chief man of the Oxmulges, with feveral other chief men and warriors ; being deputies fent with powers to conclude all things for the faid town. The mico, or chief king of the Occouys, with feveral chief men and warriors, having full powers to conclude all things for the faid town. Nealhoclo, a fecond chief man of the Swales, with feveral other chief men and -warriors $ being deputies fent with full powers to conclude all things for the
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faid town. The faid eftates being folemnly held, and opened at the great fquare in the town of Coweta, and adjourned from thence to the town Cuffitas; and the deputies having drank black drink together, according to the ancient cuftom of their nation (being a religious form tranfmitted down by their anceftors), the whole eftates declared, by a general confent without one negative, that they adhered in their ancient love to the king of Great Britain, and to their agreements made in the year one thoufand feven hundred and thirty-three, with the truftees for eftabliihing the colony of Georgia in America ; a counter-part of which agreement was then delivered to each town; and the deputies of the feveral towns produced the fame; and farther declared, that all the dominions, territories and lands, from the river,Savannah, to the river St. John’s, and all the iflands between the faid rivers; and from the river St. John’s to the bay Appallache, within which are all the Appallache old fields ; and from the faid bay of Appallache to the mountains 5 doth by ancient right belong to the Creek nation, and * they have maintained poffeflion of the faid right, againft all oppofers by war; and can Ihew the heaps of bones of their enemies fain by them in defence of the faid lands. And the faid eftates further declare, that the Creek nation hath for ages, had the protection of the kings and queens of England, and that the Spaniards, nor ho other nation, have any right to any of the faid lands, and that they will not fuller them, or any other perfon, except the truftees for eftabliihing the colony of Georgia in America, to fettle on the faid lands. And they do acknowledge, by the grant
they have already made to the truftees for eftabliihing a colony of Georgia in America, all the lands upon the Savannah river, as far as the river Ogeeche ; and all the lands along the fea coaft, as far the river St. John’s, and as high as the tide flows, and all the iflands as far as the faid river, particularly the iflands of Frederica, Cumberland, and Amelia, to which they have given the names of his Majefty’s family, out of gratitude to him. But they declare, that they did and do referve to the Creek nation, all the land from Pipemakes Bluff, to Havannah and the iflands of St. Catharina, Offebaw, and Sappalo. And they further declare, that the faid lands are held by the Creek nation as tenants in common. And the faid commifiioner doth declare, that the Englilh {hall not enlarge, or take up any other lands except thefe granted as above by the Creek Indian nation to the truftees ; and doth promife and covenant, that he will punifh any perfon that {hall intrude upon the faid lands which the Creek nation hath reserved as above. Given under my hand and feal this 21ft day of Auguft, at the Coweta town, 1739. ' “ James Oglethorpe.”
At this diftance, it is a very difficult if not impracticable thing, to give the reader a clear and diftinft intelligence of the difficulties furmounted, and the advantages acquired by Mr. Oglethorpe’s journey, and his fuccefs in concluding this alliance ; we will, however, endeavour to represent them as clearly and as fully as we can. In the firft place, his making fuch a journey as this, gained him a great reputation with the Indians j impreffed upon them fentiments of deep refpeft for the Englilh nation, and of particular affection for the colony of Georgia. At the fame time it {truck the French with amazement; fome of their governors of Canada had indeed made conflderable journeys from Quebec in order to confer with the Indians, and to conclude treaties with them *, but then they always thought it requifite to be well attended, and never made thefe excurfions but at the head of a conflderable body of regular troops. Whereas General Oglethorpe had no fuch attendants, but relied entirely on the good faith of the Indians, and of his own behaviour towards them. He knew the confequence of their living in fincere amity with the Englilh; and he was willing to run any perfonal
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hazard neceffary to eftab’iifh it. In ffiort, he found it requifite for the welfare of the colony which he had fettled, that they fhould be able to place an intire confidence in the Indians, and the Indians in them ; which reciprocal confidence he actually procured, by repofing himfelf entirely on their faith ; and by the treaty that he concluded with them.
His coming to the Coweta town diffipated all their fears, and extinguifhed all their jealoufies; they told him fo fairly in their firft conferences. They faid it had been in- finuated to them, that he was come into that country to deprive them of their land ; and that they had been allured, he was actually preparing to invade them ; but they were now convinced that thefe were all falfhoods and calumnies ; that he really meant them alL the good they could expect •, and that inftead of injuring them by the fettle- ment he was making, it would prove a new fecurity to them, as well as to the Englifh ; and put it out of the power of their common enemies to hurt either. For which reafon they were on their parts, ready to do all that he could expect from them, and were perfectly fatisfied that he would perform his engagements towards them, with the like punctuality. There is no wonder therefore, if the French were exceffively alarmed on the news of this conference, and of the alliance which General Oglethorpe had concluded ; fince they could confider it in no other light than as the firft ftep to a general confederacy with all the Indian nations that had met at, or fent deputies to the Coweta town; from whence they forefaw many and great inconveniences to themfelves; for, in the nr ft place, this new treaty with the Creeks, defeated all the meafures they had been taking, unravelled all their defigns, and conne&ed that nation more clofely than ever with the Englifh, which in itfelf was a very great and unlooked for dif- appointment.
But that was not all, they clearly comprehended that by this means we fhould not only keep ou r old friends, but diav/ off alfo fome of theirs. Of all the nations that bordered upon them, they are rnoft afraid of the Chickefaws, whom they look upon as the fierceft and braved race of Indians in America, with whom they have never been upon good terms, more efpecially fince the year 1^31, when they difcovered, or pretended to difcover a defign they had formed, to furprife and deftroy all their advanced fettlements. They were alfo in a very great fear of the Chodaws, or as the French call them Tchoftas, both becaufe they are a very numerous nation, and are fo fituated as to be able at any time, to difturb and difquiet their fettlements. But it foon appeared by experience, that the new treaty operated fuccefsfully, fince the governor of New York, having given information to Colonel Bull, of Carolina, of the march of a body of French troops, and Indians from Quebec,'with intent to attack the Indians in friendfhip with England ; but though this put the people of Carolina and Georgia upon their guard, there followed nothing from it; for the French found the Indians well prepared and difpofed to receive them, and therefore defifted from their defign, for fear it fliould produce a general war, that might prove fatal to the colonies on the Miffiffippi river ; the people of which were exceffively apprehenfive of what might happen from the general confederacy of the neighbouring Indians againft them.
The truftees proceeded as vigoroufly as it was poffible in the execution of every part of their icheme ; and having, with luch unwearied diligence, provided for the fettle- ment of a new colony, and for the fecurity of its frontiers, they began next to employ their ffiill and pains to promote all kinds of improvements ; and u r ere efpecially felicitous to obtain from thence fome fpecimens of the pofiibility of raifing, in that country, the commodities that were expected from it. They very well knew that this required hard labour, and that nothing had accrued to Great Britain worth fpeaking of, from
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any of the colonies in America, in many years longer than this fettlement of Georgia had been made- But on the other hand, they alfo knew that the Englilh nation was naturally impatient ; that great fums of money had been iffued for the fervice of this colony ; that great expectations were had of it; and that, if nothing foon appeared, however certain in themfelves, and juft in their nature, no excufes would prevail. They therefore recommended it to their fervants in Georgia, to ufe their utmoft (kill and diligence in promoting the culture of mulberry trees and filk, fo that it might be, at leaft, demonftrated, that they were not deceived in their expectations ; but that in due time, and with reafonable encouragement, the nation might hope to fee a full return in that commodity, for the expence the had been, and muft be, at, in bringing the colony of Georgia to perfection. For they perfuaded themfelves, that from the methods they had ufed in fending over proper perfons for the management of that bufinefs, their demands, with a due degree of care and diligence in their fervants, might be anfwered, which would afford them an anfwer to all objections.
A parcel of raw filk was accordingly brought this year from Georgia, by Mr. Samuel Auglpourguer, who made an affidavit before a mafter in chancery, that he received it from the hands of Mr. Thomas Jones, the truftees ftore-keeper at Savannah, who told him it was the produce of Georgia; and the faid Samuel Augfpourguer, who refided in the fouthern part of the province, faid, that when at Savannah, he faw the Italian family there winding off filk from the coquons. The filk was Ihewed at the truftees office, to Mr. John Zacary, an eminent raw-filk merchant, and Mr. Booth, one of the greateft filk-weavers in England, who declared it was as fine as any Italian filk; and that it was worth, at leaft, twenty ffiillings a pound. This Mr. Samuel Augfpourguer, who joined the colony in the beginning of the year 1736, left it in July 1739, with two men fervants and their children, on his plantation, and came over to obtain a grant of five hundred acres of land, and to get fome of his countrymen from the canton of Bern in Switzerland, to go with him as fervants, on his .return to Georgia, in order to proceed more effectually in the cultivation of his lands.
The truftees, this year, alfo took further methods for the fatisfaCtion of the people in the province. They extended the tenures, by which the daughter of a grantee, or any other perfon, was made capable of enjoying, by devife, or inheritance, any quantity of lands which did not increafe her or his poffeffion, to more than two thoufand acres. A licence was alfo granted for all the prefent poffeffors of land in Georgia, to make leafes of any part of their lots, for any term not exceeding three years, to any perfon refiding in Georgia, and who ffiould refide there, during the term of fuch leafe. A general releafe was likewife paffed, by which no advantage was to be taken againft any of the prefent poffeffors of land in Georgia, for any forfeiture incurred at any time before Chriftmas 1740, to the tenure or cultivation of land ; and the pofleffors of fifty acres were not obliged to cultivate more than five acres thereof, in ten years from their grants ; and thofe of under fifty acres in proportion ; and the poffeffors of five hundred acres of land were not obliged to cultivate more than one hundred and twenty acres thereof, in twenty years from their grants ; and thofe of under five hundred acres, and above fifty acres, in proportion, to prevent any forfeiture for want of cultivating the quantities required. Under thefe circumftances it is prefumed that no complaint can now, with reafon, be made againft the tenure, by which the inhabitants at this time hold their lands, fince they have more power than is generally given by marriage fettle- ments, in which the grantees are only tenants for life, incapable of mortgaging, or alienating, or making any difpofition by their laft will; whereas the freeholders in Georgia are now become tenants in tail-general, and may, with the licence of the com-
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mon council of the truftees, upon application made to them for that purpofe, mortgage, or alien, and further, without application, have it abfolutely in their power, on failure of iffue in tail, to difpofe thereof by their laft will. At leaft this was all the truftees thought themfelves at liberty to do, confidering the obligation they were under to the public, as well as to the fettlement; and that they were as much bound to provide, that the nation had a juft fatisfadtion for what Ihe dilburfed in favour of the colony, as that the inhabitants of Georgia fliould be made eafy in their fettlements, and meet with fufficient encouragement to proceed with induftry in all their undertakings,; and with this double view, to the fervice of the public, and the welfare of the fettlement, all their applications at home, and all their directions abroad, are to be referred.
9. We have now run through the hiftory of this province for above feven years, that is, from the time of projecting fuch a fettlement as this on the fouth frontier of Carolina, to the carrying that deftgn into execution, and bringing the new province into fome tolerable degree of order; and, in the courfe of our hiftory, we have had occafion to obferve, from time to time, what care and circumfpedtion has been ufed, to render it ufeful to thofe ends for which it was intended. We have taken notice of the fenfe which the whole province of Carolina had of the neceflity, as well as expedience, of fuch a fettlement. We have {hewn, that thofe who were fent over were difciplined in fuch a manner, as to be able to defend, as well as acquire, property. We have fet down the realons why negroes were prohibited ; and thofe reafons very clearly prove, that the colony could not have anfwered any of thofe ends for which it was eftablilhed, if negroes had been permitted. We have given fome account, and, if the bounds of of this chapter would have permitted, we fliould have given a further account, of the jealoufies entertained by the Spaniards and the French on account of this fettlement, which we conceive to be fo many demonftrative proofs of its utility. We have given the reader a large extraCt from the memorial of the affembly of South Carolina, fetting forth, in the cleared: and ftrongeft terms, the wants of that province, and the points in which they flood in need of afliftance. We have {hewn, by a plain narrative, of faffs, how agreeable the conduCt of General Oglethorpe was to the demands of that memorial; and how far, by the happy fuccefs attending thofe endeavours, they have been anfwered, more efpecially by his laft treaty with the Creek Indians, which, as we {hall have occafion to {hew hereafter, has effectually anfwered his ends and theirs, fo as not only to come up to, but even to exceed and go beyond, their expectations. We have likewife, from time to time, exhibited the alterations that in compliance with the people’s deftres, the truftees have thought fit to make in their conftitution, for the eafe and encouragement of the planters. And we have likewife given an inftance, that they have not been difappointed in their views as to the produce of this new colony ; but that it is both poffible and practicable to make therein as good filk as we can purchafe with money (which is, generally fpeaking, the cafe at prefent), from any part of the world.
It remains, according to the plan that we have laid down, to give a defeription of this new province in the manner it is now fettled, that the reader may fee what the fruits have been of the care and expence of the legiflature, the prudence and attention of the truftees, and the vigilance and activity of thofe intrufted by them in the management of their affairs in this part of the world. And though, as yet, they have not received fo copious and fo exaCt a defeription of their new colony as they expeCt ; yet, from what we are enabled to fay upon this fubjeCt, it will inconteftibly appear, that much has been done, that many towns have been fettled, great improvements made in the neighbourhood of each of them, feveral fortreffes ereCted, due care taken of the
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frontiers, and, in a word, as much performed 'as could be rationally expected in f» ihort a fpaee of time, and all circumftances confidered.
The town of Savannah is about ten miles up the river Savannah. There are, befides warehoufes and huts, at leaft one hundred and thirty houfes in the town. As thefe, for the fake of air, and to prevent the fpreading of any fire, are built at fome diftance from each other, they make feveral fpacious fquares and wide ftreets. There is a regular magiftracy fettled in the town, which the truftees are obliged to be at the expence of fupporting, till the colony arrives at fufficient ftrength to do it. There are, in the town a court-houfe, a ftore houfe, a gaol, a houfe for the truftees fervants, a wharf, a guard-houfe, and fome other public buildings. A church is at prefent building, and a clergyman is fettled there. The town is excellently fituatect for trade, the navigation of the river being very fecure, and fhips of three hundred tons can lie within fix yards of the town, and the worm does not eat into them. About four miles from Savannah, inland from the river, are the two villages, Highgate and Hamftead, which lie at about a mile diftance from each other ; the people fettled there apply themfelves chiefly to gardening, and fupply the town of Savannah with quantities of greens, and garden-fluff; there are twenty plantations within twenty miles round Savannah, which have each of them from five to thirty acres of land, fhared.
About fifteen miles from Savannah is a village called Abercorn ; about twenty miles farther up the river is the town of Ebenezer, where the Saltfburgers are fettled with two minifters ; one of whom computed, that the number of his congregation, in July 1738, confifted of one hundred and forty-fix j therefore, as the infants could not be reckoned in the computation, and as feven more have fince been fent and fettled with them, it is believed the numbers have increafed, efpecially fince the town is fo heaithly, that by a letter fent to the fociety for promoting Chriftian knowledge, by the Reverend Mr. Bolzius, one of the minifters at Ebenezer, dated the 26th of June 1740, he declared, that in a year’s time one perfon only had died, which was a child fourteen years old. The people are induftrious and fober, they raife not only a fufficient quantity of corn and other produce for their own fubfiftence ; but they fell great quantities to thofe at Savannah, who have not been fo careful of their plantations. They have great herds of cattle, and are in fo thriving a condition that not one perfon has abandoned his fettlement, or fent over the leaft complaint about the tenures, or .the want of negroes j on the contrary, they in a body petitioned againft the ufe of negroes; and their minifters have declared, that their figning that petition was a voluntary a£t ; and at their defire another embarkation of their countrymen, who are willing to go from Germany and join them, is defigned to be fent with all convenient fpeed.
About ten miles from hence, upon a river running into Savannah, is a place called Old Ebenezer, where is a cow-pen, and a great number of cattle for the ufe of the public, and for breeding. At a confiderable diftance from hence is the town of Augufta, before defcribed, which, from the great refort of traders and Indians, is in a thriving condition, and is, and will be, a great protection to both the provinces of Carolina and Georgia againft any deftgns of the French. In the fouthern part of the province is the town of New Invernefs, upon the River Altamaha, where the Highlanders are fettled. And about twenty miles from hence, on the illand of St. Simon, near the fea, is the town of Frederica, with a regular magiftracy as at Savannah, fup- ported at the expence of the truftees : ftrong fortifications round the town are almoft finilhed. And at the fouth-eaft point of the illand, are barracks for three hundred and thirty men. There are fettlements on the iflands of Iekyl and Cumberland, which lie
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a frnall diftance from each other to the fouthward of Frederica; and on the lafb two fors are built, one of which was defcribed before, and the other was finilhed in April 1740.
Upon the fouth end of the ifland it commands the inlet of Amelia Sound, is ftrongly pallifaded with flankets, and is defended by eight pieces of cannon ; barracks are built upon this ifland for two hundred and twenty men, with ftore-houfes, which were finilhed in October 1738. There are fix forts in the province, and a battery of cannon erefted to fecure the harbour at St. Simon’s, under which {hips may fafely lie. The Indians, from the prefents which they have annually received from the truftees, and from the juftice and humanity with which they have been treated, are fecured, in the Britilh intereft, notwithlfanding the arts both of the French and Spaniards to feduce them. By this, South Carolina has been free from wars, in which (as the preamble to his Majefty’s charter fet forth) they had frequently buffered, and fo late as the year 1715 had been laid almoll walte with fire and fword ; and by the fecurity which South Carolina received by fuch a frontier as Georgia is to it, very large tradls of land have been cultivated in the fouthern part of that province, which no perfon would venture to fettle on before ; and a great quantity of rice raifed thereon.
This is a clear ptfoof of the injuftice of fuppofing that the nation hath hitherto received no advantage from this colony ; fince whatever has been gained by Carolina, in virtue of tire protection Ihe enjoys by the fettlement of this new province, ought to be looked upon and confidered as the produce of Georgia ; and though even this may not be any great matter hitherto, yet as it is an inftance of the benefits to be expected from this colony it ought to be kindly accepted, as an earned: of better things. As to the number of people fent over to, and fettled in, Georgia, within the fpace of eight years, they amounted to upwards of two thoufand, taking in thofe that went at their own expence, which, if compared with the frnall number of people that were in Carolina, after it had been fettled forty years, will enable us to diftinguilh between the confequences of attention to private profit, and concern for tire public good: to fay the truth ; of all the methods that have been hitherto tried, in fixing colonies in' diftant parts of the world, this may very truly and on good grounds be pronounced the belt ; becaufe by it due provifion is made, that the people fent over (hall all be carefully fettled and well taken care of, and fupported from time to time with proper fupplies ; that this care Ihould not ceafe immediately, on their having plantations, but be continued till the people are in a condition to fupport themfelves.
By this method towns are formed, not at random and by chance, but in proper fituations, and for good reafons ; not purely for the fake of immediate advantage, but with views to the general good, and future benefit of the colony. By this means, every ftep made by the rifing plantation may be directed to public ufe, and every meafure be calculated for the fervice of the mother-country ; winch cannot be expefted where grants are made to the ufe, and for the fervice, of particular people, where numbers, of men rranfport themfelves for the fake of a better livelihood, at their own expence, orwhere people are tranfported again!! their will; fince in all thefe cafes it is to be prefumed, that men will follow the bias of their inclinations or interefts ; but as in this cafe, where the public is at the expence, and where the management is intrufted with. perfons of diftin&ion for the benefit of the public, nothing of this kind can happen; they will be lure to difeharge their duty, and in proportion as the colony incr.eafes and anfwers the ends of thofe who compofe it, it will be likewife fure to anfwer thofe ends for which it was fettled. Befides all this, the form of government, the enacting proper laws, and
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the fpirit originally infufed into the people, will render fuch a colony more dutiful and obfervant to her mother-country, than any that want thefe advantages.
Laftly, we may be fure that in fuch a colony, the produce will be managed mod to the advantage of the country from whence it is fettled ; as for inftance in this of which we are fpeaking, due care will be certainly taken that they do not run into the cultivation of fuch commodities as are already produced in the neighbouring colonies, but bend their endeavours to the promoting of fuch as have not been yet railed to any great advantage in thofe colonies, though perhaps their foil and climate were fufficiently fit for them. Flax, which as we have before Ihewn, may be cultivated here to the greateft advantage, will be certainly attended to ; and fo alfo potalhes and filk, which above all things claim our care, of which we had formerly great hopes from Virginia ; and with a view of obtaining of which Carolina was actually fettled ; but in both we were difappointed for want of fome proper authority to direft a continued application in the planters fettled there for that purpofe, without which nothing that does not turn to large profit immediately can be brought to perfection ; but in colonies fettled by trullees, their recommendation will go far, their authority farther enforce what they defire, and premiums enable them with certainty to procure fuccefs; as we {hall have occafion to fhew hereafter.
Our aim at prefent is to prove the excellency of this method of fettling, which far furpaffes that of eftablilhing exclufive companies, as will be evident if we confider that they regard their own profit folely, and as foon as they have fallen into ways of promoting it effectually, they forget the obligation received from the public, as is but too evident in many cafes, and has juftly occafioned almolt a general outcry again!! fuch companies ; whereas a board of trullees conllituted for a limited time, inlpeCt the concerns, and promote the welfare, of a rifing colony, and by their commiffion ceafe to have power over it when their care is no longer necelfary ; but as for companies, they keep all who belong to them continually in leading-firings, and never confider how trading may be made beneficial to a nation in general; but how it may be ordered fo as to become moll beneficial to themfelves. But it is time to quit thefe reflections, in order to relume the thread of our hiftory, and to Ihew how, after a few years peace, this colony became Itrong enough, not only to hold up her head and preferve her being, but to repulfe her enemies, and prove a fecurity to all her neighbours in time of war ; a thing wonderful in all refpefts, and of which, polterity will l'peak with admiration, though from an unaccountable negligence, and want of attention, in the prefent age, we are fcarce fo well acquainted with that tranfaclion as it deferves.
11. The government in Great Britain having, after many repeated infults and provocations, found themfelves under a neceflity of obtaining fatisfaclion from Spain by force, a fquadron for that purpofe was fent to the Welt Indies, and orders iffued to the governors of our refpedlive colonies, and others his Majeffy’s officers in America, to annoy the Spaniards by all methods poffible. Thefe orders were received by Mr. Oglethorpe, in quality of general commander in chief, in the latter end of the month of September 1739. Whereupon he immediately confidered of ways and means for putting them in execution; in order to which he put his own regiment, and all the forces he could raife in Georgia, into the bell condition poffible. He fent to inform the Cherokees, and other Indian allies, of the fituation that affairs were in, and to impower them to enter into the Spanilh territories. He alfo fent up to Charles Town to acquaint the governor and alfembly with the prefent pofture of things ; and to acquaint them with his readinefs to undertake an expedition againll St. Augultin; for the joint fervice of Carolina and Georgia. The plain reafon that he was defirous

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of beginning to a£t offenfively againft the Spaniards was, to raife the fpirits of his own people, to divert the Spaniards from the defigns which they were forming to our prejudice, and to keep the war at the greateft diftance poffible.
It is very clear, that from the fituation of things in Georgia, it was altogether im- poffible for him to obtain a force fufficient for the execution of thefe defigns, without the afliftance of the province of Carolina ; and as it was of equal importance to that province, that thofe defigns fhould be carried into execution, it was but reafonable for him to expect, that all the afliftance poffible fhould be given him. Governor Bull, upon the General’s application, acquainted the affembly of Carolina with what had been propofed ; and as they were very fenfible of the importance of the undertaking, of the views the Spaniards had to their prejudice, and of the preparations they were making to annoy both provinces, they fhewed a difpofition to give him what afliftance was in their power.
But at the fame time that they had thefe inclinations, they could not help confidering the fituation of the province, which under its circumftances at that time, was very far from being in a condition to enter into a large expence, unlefs there was a great probability of fuccefs; by which it feems they underftood the reducing the fortrefs of St. Auguftin, with the ftrength of which, as it was a regular fortification, had always in it a good garrifon, and was highly confidered by the Spaniards, they were very well acquainted ; and they knew, befides, that feveral former attempts upon that place had been difappointed. That they might act therefore in fuch a manner as might equally fhew their zeal for his Majefty’s fervice, and their regard for the welfare of their confti- tuents, the affembly directed, that General Oglethorpe fhould be defired to explain himfelf fully, as to the nature of the afliftance he expected, and the.ends he conceived it might anfwer, in cafe they fhould agree to grant him the afliftance he required.
Upon which the General, by the following letter, dated at Frederica, December the 29th, 1739, laboured to give them all the fatisfaftion that was poftible, as well in regard to the matters under their confideration, as with refpett to his own conduct, in reference to the defigns he had in view, and the afliftance he expected. This letter was conceived in the following terms, viz. “ I fend up with this an officer to concert meafures for the fiege of St. Auguftin ; it will be neceffary to have twelve cannons of eighteen pounders each, with two hundred (hot for each gun, and powder proportion- able ; one mortar-piece, and bombs, with powder fufficient; eight hundred pioneers, negroes or white men, with tools fufficient for that number of men ; fuch as fpades, hoes, axes, and hatchets, to dig trenches, make gabelines, and facines. If they are negroes, there mull be white men fufficient to guard them, and overfee them ; veffels and boats fufficient to carry the artillery-men, provifions, &c. We fhall have one thou- fand Indians ; fix thoufand bufhels of corn will be neceffary to feed them, or rice proportionable ; alfo as many horfemen as can be had, who may pafs over the river Savannah, and paffing the Oakmulgy, and Orony, and from thence to the ferry, on the river Alata, where they may pafs over into the Spanifh Florida. Captain M'Pherfon or Mr. Jones of Ponpon, can fhew them the path ; for I fhould think the people of Carolina would do very well to raife a troop of rangers, under the command of Captain M'Pherfon, who is a very good officer. Captain Warren affuredme that he would be very willing to afiift in convoying the veffels, and in carrying cannon &c. The Cherokee Indians have promifed me to be down in March ; I have not heard from the Creek nation lately, but I expedt them down about the fame time, and have had a party of them with me for fome months. I can march four hundred men of the regiment, and leave fufficient for the garrifons behind me. I have ordered three troops of
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twenty men each to be raifed, but I have been difappointed of horfes by Captain Cuth- bert’s death, fo I have got yet only twelve. If the Carolina people will pay them, I believe they may raife fifty very good men at Purrifburg. I fliould defire four months provifions for four hundred men of the regiment, of rice and meat, with boats for carrying it to St. Auguftin, at the rate of one pound of each per diem for each man. I have thirty-fix cohorns, and about eighteen hundred fhells: of the people of the province of Georgia J cannot draft many, becaufe I muft not leave the country naked; and, as they are poor, if they neglect their planting feafon, it will be difficult for them to fubfift; therefore I would only raife two hundred, which is equal to the number of foldiers I fhall leave behind, and this I cannot do unlefs I can pay them. I believe they will be content with 9I. Carolina currency per month, and fix pounds of meat, and fix pounds of rice, each per week, befides which there muft be pay to the officers. Therefore, if the affembly ffiould grant me a fum fufficient to pay them, and the provifions, I would raife the men. This is my opinion with relation to the preparations for diflodging the Spaniards at St. Auguftin, without which we certainly cannot do it. The legiflative power of Carolina will be the belt judges of the fervice it will be to them. For my own part, I think that if we do not take this happy opportunity of attacking St. Auguftin whilft it is weak,, the Havanna being blocked up by our men of war, which renders them incapable of receiving fuccours from Cuba, all North America, as well as Carolina and this province, will feel it feverely. As foon as the fea is free, they will fend a large body of trooDs from Cuba. You remember the account you fent to England, of the preparations fome time fince made at Havanna; every thing is there ftill, and if they fhould come up and land in Florida, we muft then make a defenfive war, and they may then chufe who they will attack feparately. They may moleft all North America with their privateers, and if they can by any means get the ftart of the men of war, they can run into Ihoal-water, where they cannot follow them. I am willing myfelf to do all I poffibly can for annoying the enemy as his Majefty has ordered, and fhall fpare no perfonal labour or danger towards freeing Carolina of a place from whence their negroes are encouraged to maffacre their mafters, and are openly harboured after fuch attempts. The Spaniards attacked the ifland of Amelia, and murdered two men there -, I, to return their civility, landed in Florida ; the Spanilh horfe with a party of negroes and Indians advanced as if they intended to attack us; but before they were within two miles of us went very fall off. Our Indians purfued them to their forts, and killed one of the negroes who had run away from Carolina, within a few miles of St. Auguftin. I hope you will excuie this long letter, and believe me to be, &c.”
It is very clear from this letter, that the general meant to make the affembly of Carolina perfectly acquainted with his intentions, and with every thing relating to the execution of them; and that this might be more fully and effectually done, he went himfelf to Charles Town, where, after many conferences and much deliberation on both fides, a fcheme of aCtion was agreed upon, and an att of affembly was palled April the 5th 1740, for carrying the fame into execution ; the Carolina regiment for this fervice was raifed, and put under the command of Colonel Vanderduffen, and Mr. Oglethorpe, as general and commander in chief, publilhed a proclamation, fettling the terms of the expedition, and amongft other things declared that he would give whatever Ihare of plunder came to him as commander in chief, towards the relief of fuch men as might happen to be maimed or wounded, towards the affiftance of the widows and children of fuch as might be killed, and towards rewarding thofe that might diftin- guilh themfelves in the fervice. All things being prepared for entering upon this expedition,

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pedition, with the troops of both provinces ; the rendezvous for all the forces was appointed at the mouth of St. John’s river, where, accordingly, moll of them arrived the 9th of May. Butfome time before this the general had attacked and taken St. Francis de Pupa, a little Spanilh fort, wherein were a ferjeant and twelve foldiers, about feven- teen miles from St. Auguftin.
From the mouth of St. John’s River the army marched on the 10th of May to attack Fort Diego, about twenty miles diftant; which fort had nine fwivels, two carriage guns of two pound {hot, and fifty men ; and having furrounded it, on the 12th they fent in a Spanilh prifoner with a drum, to fummon the garrifon, who immediately capitulated on the following conditions : 1 ft. The garrifon to furrender prifoners of war, and deliver up the fort, with the guns and ftores, to the king of Great Britain. 2dly, That they Ihould have liberty to keep their baggage, and not be plundered. 3dly, That Seignior Diego Spinofa, to whom the fort belonged, being built at his expence, and on his lands, Ihould hold his lands, Haves, and fuch other effects as were not already plundered in the field. 4-thly, That no deferters or runaways from Carolina, Ihould have the benefit of this capitulation, but be furrendered at difcretion. This fort was garrifoned by fixty of the general’s forces ; and from thence they returned to the place of rendezvous, where they were joined by Colonel Vanderdulfen, with the reft of the Carolina regiment, on the 19th of May, whence they marched again to Diego the 31ft ; and from thence,, in two days, to Fort Moofa, in view of, and near two miles diftant from St. Auguftin, and twenty-three from Diego. The Spaniards having deferted Moofa, the general ordered the gates to be burnt, and three breaches to be made in the walls, which was plainly with a defign to prevent any of his own people from taking poll within the place.
They then proceeded with the whole army to reconnoitre the town and caftle, after which they returned back to Diego ; from thence the general ordered Colonel Van- derduflen to march with his regiment, and take poffeflion of Point Quartell, lying to the north of the bar, and feparated from Port Moofa by a creek; while the general, with about two hundred and fixty men of his regiment, and the greateft part of the Indians embarked on board the men of war, and arrived at the ifland of Anaftatia, oppofite to the caftle ; leaving behind him on the Main but between ninety and one hundred white men, highlanders and others, in his pay, with forty-two Indians, and two commiffioned officers, to alarm the Spaniards on that fide ; but he gave a verbal command of the whole to Colonel Palmer, a volunteer from that province. About the fame time two hundred failors, from the fhips, were landed upon that ifland, which the Spaniards direftly abandoned, under the command of Captain Warren, Captain Law, and the honourable Captain Townfend, who were all very inftrumental in that fervice.
While things were in this fituation, the Spaniards, on the 15th of June, marched a very confiderable body of their forces from St. Auguftin, in the grey of the morning, in order to attack the people under Colonel Palmer, at Moofa, in which they were but too fuccefsful; fince they furprized the people that were, there, cut many of them to pieces, and took part of the reft prifoners, which was owing to the negleft of the orders given them not to ffiut themfelves up in a place which had been difmantled and ruined, on purpofe to fhew that the general did not intend to keep or ufe it as a fortification. But the conveniency of lying under cover, tempted them to forget thofe falutary inftrudions, which brought on their misfortune, and gave the general inex- preflible concern, more efpecially for Colonel Palmer, who was a gentleman of experi-
vol. xii. 3 p ence

DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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ence and intereft, as well as a volunteer, who ferved purely out of zeal for the public good, and therefore juftly efteemed.
To prevent any accident of the like nature, and the more effeclualjy to block up the place, which for want of numbers they were not able regularly to inveft, the Carolina regiment was fent over to Anaftatia. In this ifland there were three batteries eredted, all above a mile from St. Auguftin; but, however, they fired from them warmly, with fome prejudice to the place; from whence they were as warmly anfwered, but were moft hurt from the fire from fix Spanilh half-galleys that lay within the harbour. This induced a propofal to the captains of the three men of war, to attempt the burning of thefe half-galleys ; and upon a confultation between them and the land officers, this was agreed to ; but afterwards the fea captains declared they thought it impracticable, for want of fufficient depth of water at the entrance ; yet this was difproved on the 27th of June, by the going in of Captain Robert Tyrrel, and his coming out again on board a fchooner, who reported that there was water enough ; yet the majority voted the defign Hill impracticable, which hindered any attempt to carry it into execution, though the land officers confidered it as a point that would have greatly contributed to the reducing of the place.
When it was firft propofed to attack the galleys, it was projected in the following manner, viz. the general was to make a diversion on the Main, by attacking the town; Colonel Vanderduffen, with part of his regiment, was to keep a continual fire on the town and caftle, from the batteries, while Captain Tyrrel was to have let upon the galleys, with the feamen, and the reft of the colonel’s regiment. The general was accordingly on the Main with his troops, expecting that fervice; but the commodore difapproving this, and it being yet a fecond time agreed to be attempted, upon the remonftrances of Colonel Vanderduffen, and Captain Warren; when the commodore’s lieutenant was to have commanded the attack, new difficulties were further ftarted when they came on fhore, and fo it was ftill unattempted. Yet it appears, that foon after the men of war flipping their cables, and putting out to fea in a ftorm, the colonel endeavoured to revive the attempt on the galleys in their abfence; but propofing it to the commodore’s lieutenant, Mr. Swanton, who appeared to be a gentleman of fpirit, arid commanded the feamen left on fhore, he was told, “ He had orders left not to venture any of them before the return of the fliipping.”
Towards the end of June, fome floops, with a fupply of provifions for the garrifon, got in fafe at the fouth entrance, to the harbour of St. Auguftin, called the Metanfas, without having been difcovered by any of our men of war, till it was too late to- intercept them. How this happened has not been hitherto accounted for, but it was a feafonable relief to the garrifon, who had not then above three days provifion of bread- kind in the place; and the hurricane feafon coming on, the commodore gave notice to the general, that he muft leave his ftation, and fail away with the King’s fhips on the 5th of July. Upon this it was reprefented, “ That fince the men of war were obliged to fail away, it would be neceffary to fend the two men of war floops into the Metanfas, to guard that, and either fecure the retreat of the forces to Anaftatia, if they fhouid be reduced to one, or affift in continuing the blockade, till they fhouid be enabled to aft more offenfively, by a further affiftance.”
To this propofal it was agreed, provided the floops of war had water enough to get in there; and a council was held July the 3d, wherein fome of the pilots that had been fent to lound, declared upon oath, £ ‘ There was not water enough on the bar of the Metanfas for the floops to go in, and if they could go in, they could not lie fafe there from
2* a hurricane,

v OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 475
a hurricane, nor could they fight above one a-breaft in cafe they were attacked by the galleys.”
But the commodore, afterwards afking Mr. Blomfield Barradel, lieutenant of the Wolf Hoop, who had been along with the pilots, and happened to be aboard his fhip that night, with fome captains, what he had to fay in that affair ? he replied, that the pilots had given their opinion, and that he was not then to be examined ; but if they afked his opinion he would give it. They then defired he would ; he affirmed, “ That there was water enough on the bar for the Hoops to get in; that they could lie fafe from a hurricane when in ; and that there was alfo fufficient room, when in, to fight three a-breaft, in cafe they were attacked.” Upon the pilots afterwards objecting to their lying fafe, he afked them, “ Whether they remembered to have feen fuch an iiland when they were there ?” And when they acknowledged they did, he replied, “ That they ought to know they could lie fafe from a hurricane under that ifland.” Notwithftanding which it was refolved afterwards in council, that they ffiould take off all their men, and fail away, leaving Captain Townfend at Frederica ; which put an end to the enterprize.
Thus ended this expedition, which, though not attended with the fuccefs fome expected from it, I mean the taking the fortrefs of St. Auguftin, was neverthelefs of very great confequence, inafmuch as it kept the Spaniards for a long time upon the defen- five; when if the fiege had not been undertaken, they would certainly have been otherwife employed ; it laid all the country open, fo that the Indians, in friendfhip with us, made excursions up to the gates of the fortrefs; and the war being carried on in this manner for a length of time, and in conjunction with the Indians, bound them fo ftrongly to the Englifh intereft, that with a very little aififtance from the people of Georgia, they kept the war at a diftance ; fo that the inhabitants of Carolina felt none of its effects as a colony, except the Ioffes fuffered by their privateers, till the Spaniards executed their long projected invafion, in 1742 ; in which they employed the whole of their ftrength, and from which they expected to have changed the whole face of affairs on the Continent of America ; and even then the people of Carolina fuffered only by their fears.
12. This expedition of the Spaniards, as has been already hinted to the reader, was. really meditated before the war commenced, and had very probably taken place, if reprifals had not been made upon the Spaniards, on account of the depredations committed by their guarda coftas ; at leaft we have reafon to judge fo, from the memorial of Sir Thomas Fitzgerald, before mentioned ; in which he afferted, that Georgia belonged to the crown of Spain, and which he repeated in a fubfequent memorial. But the operations of our fleet in the Weft Indies, under Admiral Vernon, put a ftop to their preparations at the Havanna ;■ and the fiege of St. Auguftin, and its confe- quences, retarded them likewife for fome time. Yet as the Spaniards are not apt to defift from projects they have once formed, and as the miniftry at Madrid had very high expectations from the execution of this, they ftill kept it on foot, and only waited for a favourable opportunity for performing what they imagined would have entirely changed the l'cene of things in North America. As to the manner in which they executed it at laft, and the amazing difappointment they met with notwithftanding the vaft force they employed, and the fmallnefs of that by which they were afiifted, we had fo full, fo clear, and fo authentic an account publiftted by authority, that I know of no method more fit to convey an idea of it, or lefs liable to any exceptions, than tranfcrib- ing it, the rather becaufe as it (lands here connected with the hiftory of Georgia, the reader will have all the lights that are rtecefiary to render every circumftance in it
3 p 2 perfedly

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perfectly intelligible. Thus then that account, tranfmitted to us by General Ogle- thorpe, ran : “ The beginning of May laft the Spaniards fitted out their fleet from the Havanna, confifling of fifty-fix fail, and between feven and eight thoufand men, with an intent to invade Georgia and South Carolina, and the other northern colonies. At their firfl fetting out, in turning the Moor caftle, they loll a large fettee with one hundred and fifty men, and a few days after the fleet was difperfed by a ftorm ; fo that all the Ihipping did not arrive at St. Auguftin. The latter end of May or beginning of June, Captain Haymer of the Flamborough, in his cruife to the fouthward, lent in to General Oglethorpe for intelligence ; who acquainted him, that he would probably meet with fome Spanilh veffels to the fouthward of St. Auguftin; which he accordingly did and engaged ten fail of the Mofquetos and drove fome of them alhore ; but in the action loft feventeen of his men. He on his return acquainted the general with what had happened, and could not then come in for the defence of Georgia, but proceeded to Charles Town, to clean his fhip. The general thereupon fent Lieutenant Maxwell by water, and Lieutenant Hugh Mackay over land to Carolina, with advice to the governor, but no afliftance came from thence till after the retreat of the Spaniards. Lieutenant Colonel Cook was at Charles Town, in his way to London, when Lieutenant Maxwell arrived with the faid advice.
“ The 21ft of June, nine fail endeavoured to come into Amelia found ; but the eighteen-pounders from Fort William, and the guard fchooner with eighty men, commanded by Captain Dunbar, fired fo brifkly that they fheered off as faft as they could. The general, on this advice, refolving to fupport the forts on Cumberland, fet out with a detachment of the regiment on board his boats ; fent Captain Horton with hjs com- pany of grenadiers before, and was himfelf obliged to fight his way with two boats, through fourteen fail of Spanilh veffels which endeavoured to intercept him in Cumberland Sound. In this engagement feveral of the Spaniards being killed, the faid veffels fet out to fea, and did not join their fleet till the day before they left St. Simon’s Sound. Lieutenant Tolfon, who commanded the boat' of the greateft ftrength, inftead of following the general, run into a marlh, where he remained till next morning, when he returned to St. Simon’s ; for which behaviour he was put in arreft, in order to be tried. Major Heron, from the Ihore, feeing the general furrounded by the enemy, and hid in fmoke, concluded him loft ; but next day, to the great joy of the people, he returned in the guard fchooner to St. Simon’s, after having drawn the command from St. Andrew’s, and the ftores and artillery that were there, and reinforced Fort William, where he left one of the boats he had with him.
“ He having laid an embargo on all the veffels in the harbour, took Capt. Thomfon’s fhip, which mounted twenty guns, into the King’s fervice, and manned her out of the fmall veffels which were of no force. He alfo called in the Highland company from Darien. Captain Carr’s company of marines, and the rangers, from where they were differently detached; and fent Mr. Mullryne to Carolina, to get all the men he could. The 28th of June the Spanilh fleet came to anchor off St. Simon’s bar, who were diverted from coming in, or landing any of their troops for feveral days •, in which time the general railed another troop of rangers; and by rewarding thofe who did extraordinary duty, and promifing great encouragement to all who Ihould fignalize themfelves on this occafion, he kept up the fpirits of the people, and increafed their number daily. The 5th of July, with the tide of flood, and brilk gale, thirty-fix Spanilh veflels entered 3 t. Simon’s harbour, nine of which were large top-maft veffels. We received them with a brilk fire from our batceries and Ihips, killed fome of them with our eighteen-pounders from the fort, and our four-pounders from the lower
*1 battery.

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battery. The Spanifh commodore, on board a fhip of twenty-two guns, with a fettee, with an eighteen-pounder and two nine-pounders in her bow, attemped to board Captain Thomfon’s fhip ; but he with his great guns, Captain Carr with his company of marines, Lieutenant Wall and Enfign Otterbridge with a party of the regiment, made fo brave a defence, that the Spaniards were obliged to "retire with lofs. A fnow of fix- teen guns at the fame time attempted to board our guard fchooner, but was alfo re- pulfed by Captain Dunbar ; the engagement laded upwards of three hours, in which the enemy loft feventeen men, and had ten wounded. They pafied all our veffels and proceeded up the river, upon w hich the general held a council of war at the head of his regiment, where it was the opinion of the whole immediately to march up to Frederica, for the defence of that place.
“ The general accordingly gave orders for the regiment to march, and ordered all the troops that were on board the veffels, to come afhore, and directed Captain Thom- fon, with the guard fchooner and prize floop, to make the bell of their way to Charles Town; and this was all done in fight of the enemy. The general, during this action, being obliged to be fometimes on fhipboard, fometimes at the batteries, and to act as engineer, found himfelf under a neceffity of having a lieutenant colonel with his regiment ; he therefore appointed Major Alexander Heron lieutenant colonel in the abfence of Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was alfo engineer, and the fub-engineer, having attended him to Charles Town, was alfo abfent. Late at night the general arrived at Frederica, after having deftroyed all the dores at St. Simon's, and funk the veffels that might be of ufe to the enemy, and rendered the guns incapable of fervice, and ordered the wounded to be carried off on horfeback. That night the enemy landed their forces on a dry marfh about a mile and an half from the camp, under cover of their great guns. They lay all that night under arms, and the next morning took poffeflion of the camp which we left.
“ 13. About noon the Creek Indians brought us five Spanifh prifoners, from whom we had intelligence, that Don Manuel de Monteano, governor of St. Auguflin, commanded in chief the expedition; and that Major-General Antonio de Redondo chief engineer, and two brigadiers came with the forces from Cuba; that their whole number confided of about five thoufand, and that the night before they had landed about four thoufand three hundred men. One of the prifoners the general fent with Mr. Bedon to Charles Town. The 7th of July, at nine in the morning, a ranger of the patrol brought an account, that the enemy were marching within a mile and an half of the town. Whereupon the general immediately ordered four platoons of the regiment to march, and in the meantime went himfelf with the Highland company, who was then under arms. The Indians, and a party of rangers, came up with the enemy about a mile from the town, as they were entering the Savannah to take poffeflion of a ditch they had a mind to ufe as an entrenchment, but the enemy were attacked fo brifkly that the general foon overcame them ; mod of their party, which confided of one hundred and twenty of their bed woods-men, and forty Indians, being killed or taken prifoners. The general took two prifoners with his own hands; Lieutenant Scroggs of the rangers took Captain Sebadian Sachio, prifoner, who commanded the party. Toeanoeowi, being fhot through his right arm by Captain Mageleto, drew his piftol with the left, and fhot him through the head.
“ The general purfued the enemy near two miles, and halted on an advantageous piece of ground until the party of the regiment came up; he poded them with the Highlanders in a wood, with a large favannah or meadow in the front, over which the Spaniards mud pafs in their way, to Frederica. After which he hadened back to
Frederica,

■DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
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Frederica, and ordered the rangers, and company of men, to make ready. In the meantime two companies of Spaniards of fifty men each, and two hundred more of the enemies bell troops, came up with fliouts, and drums beating; whereupon the general hearing platoons firing, immediately made hafte that way, and met three of the platoons, who in the fmoke and drizzling rain had retreated in diforder, and the fire continuing, he ordered his men to rally and follow him, who haftening on, found that Lieutenant Sutherland, w'ith his platoon, and Lieutenant Charles Mackay, with the Highlanders, had entirely defeated the faid three hundred of the enemy, in which action Don Antonio Barba was made prifoner, and mortally wounded ; feveral others were killed, and two grenadiers were taken prifoners. Captain Demeret, and Enfigir Gibbon, rallied their platoons, and came up to the ground. Captain Carr, with his company of marines, and lieutenant Cadogan, with a party of the regiment, came up at the lame time, and were followed by Major Heron, with the body of the regiment. In both actions the enemy loft two captains, one lieutenant and two ferjeants; two drummers, and about one hundred and fixty private men ; and one captain and nineteen men were taken prifoners. The general, with the regiment, halted all night, about a mile and a half from the enemy’s camp, to intercept all thofe who had ftraggled in the woods ; and expecting the enemy to make a fecond attempt to march in the morning ; but the general having advanced with a party of Indians, before daybreak, towards the Spanifh camp, found them all retreated into the ruins of the fort, and under cover of their cannon.
“ Next morning, the 8th of July, the general and his men returned to Frederica, and he appointed a general ftafF, viz. Lieutenant Primrofe Maxwell, and Hugh Mackay, aids-de-camp ; Lieutenant Sutherland, brigade-major; and ferjeant John Stuart, fecond enfign, for his brave behaviour in the late engagement. The gth and 10th of July all hands were employed in the works at Frederica, and the Indians brought in fome fcalps and prifoners. The 11th of July a fettee and two quarter-galleys came within gun-lhot of the town ; but on our firing fome guns and bombs from the fort, and the general going towards them with his boats, they returned to their fleet, and with the reft drew up in line of battle. The next morning, being the 12th of July, an Englifh prifoner efcaped from them, who informed us that the enemy, on their landing, had refolved to give no quarter ; but from the day their grenadiers were defeated, they were in great terror, and entrenched, theinfelves, and gave orders that none fhoukl go without their fentinels, for fear of being furprized by the Indians. By other prifoners and deferters we were alfo told, that upon their calling over their rolls, there were two hundred and forty men and nineteen of their Indians miffing ; that there were great divifions among them, infomueh that Don Antonio de Redondo, who commanded the Cuba forces, encamped feparate from thofe of St. Auguftin, and that the commodore had ordered all his feamen on board. That night the^general and five hundred men marched within a mile of the enemy’s camp, intending to furprize them, but was prevented by the treachery of a Frenchman, who was got among the company of boatmen, and fired his piece and gave alarm to the enemy, and then defected to them. When the general found his intention dilcovered, he ordered all his drums to beat the grenadier’s march, and then returned to Frederica.
“ The general, the next day being the 13th of July, in order to defeat the information of the French deferter, directed a letter to be wrote, and fent by a Spanifh prifoner, who, for the fake of money the general gave him, and the promife of liberty, undertook to deliver it to the faid Frenchman, wherein he was inftrudted to acquaint the enemy’s commanding officer of the defencelefs ftate of Frederica, and encourage them
to

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA.
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to come up by water under his pilotage; which letter the Spanifh prifoner delivered to the Governor of St. Auguftin, and it had fo good an eft eft, that the faid Frenchman was immediately taken into cuftody, and looked upon as a double fpy, and thereupon put into irons. The next morning, being the 14th of July, the Spaniards burnt the barracks and officers houfes at St. Simon’s, and Captain Horton’s houfe on lekyll and the fame night they reimbarked with fo much precipitation, that they left a quantity of ammunition, provifions, and fome guns behind them. On the 15th all the large veffels with the Cuba forces on board failed fouthward, and the governor and troops from St. Auguftin on board the fmall craft, went within land, and encamped in St. Andrew’s, and caught fifty horfes, with a defign to carry them away ; but on the general’s appearing in his boats, the enemy fhot the fame horfes, and burnt the fort and houfes at St. Andrew’s. The general the next day, being the iGthofJuly, followed the Spaniards with all his fmall craft, but was not ftrong enough to attack them. He landed a man out of his boat on Cumberland, who that night paffed the enemy’s camp, and early the next morning came to Fort William, with advice to Enfign Stuart, that the Spaniards were beat off St. Simon’s, and that the general was coming with fuccours, and ordered him to defend the fort to the utmoft. On the 1 Sth of July twenty-eight fail of Spanilh appeared off Fort William, fourteen of which came within land, and attacked the fort from their galleys and other veffels, and attempted to land, but were repulfed by a party of rangers from behind the fand-hills. Enfign Stuart, who commanded with fixty men in the fort, defended it fo bravely, that after an attack of upwards of three hours, they were obliged to put to fea with confiderable lofs.
“ The eighteen-pounders there difabled two of their galleys. The 19th of July the general was on his way to Fort William. The 20th of July the general arrived at Fort William, and fent his boats and rangers as far as the river St. John, who returned next day, and brought advice that the enemy was quite gone ; upon which the general gave the neceffary orders for repairing Fort William, and on the 22d returned to Frederica. A few days afterwards the men of war from CharlesTown cartfe off St. Simon’s bar, and Captain Thompfon with fome volunteers from Carolina ; our guard fchooner and two galleys came into St. Simon s harbour ; and Captain Hardy of the Rye man of war, receiving a ineffage from the general, by lieutenant Maxwell, who went on board him, fent for anfwer, that he would take a cruize with the reft of the King’s flips. But the general apprehending the Spaniards, upon recovering their fright, might return with more courage and better conduft, continued Captain Thompfon’s fliip in the King’s fervice, and fent expreffes over land to the northern provinces on this occafion.
“ Thefe forces were commanded by Don Manual de Monteano, governor of St. Auguftin, commander in chief of the expedition ; Major-General Antonio de Rodondo engineer-general, two colonels with brevets of brigadiers ; and confifted of one regiment of dragoons difmounted, with their faddles and bridles ; the regiment called the battalion of the Havanna, ten companies of fifty men each, drafted off from feveral regiments at Havanna; one regiment of the Havanna militia, confiding of ten companies of too men each; one regiment of negroes, regularly officered by negroes; one ditto of mulattoes, and one company of miquelets ; one company of train, with proper artillery ; Auguftin forces confifting of about three hundred men, ninety Indians and fifteen negroes, who run away from South Carolina. To thefe accounts I fhall add the following depofition of Samuel Cloake, formerly belonging to his Ma- jefty’s fhip the Flamborough, and taken prifoner off St. Auguftin-by- the Spaniards in May 1742.
“ Frederica

4?o
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS
“ Frederica in Georgia, fs.
“ This deponent, being duly fworn, faith, T hat he was put prifoner on board a Ihip called the Pretty Nancy, taken by the Spaniards from the Englilh, fitted out with ten carriage and fix fwivel guns, which was part of the fleet that carried the troops from St. Auguftin for the invafion of Georgia and South Carolina : That flie had one hundred and fifty foldiers on board, befides failors : That he counted forty-four fail, be- fides the launches and thofe that went in land, and pettiauguas which carried the Indians: That they failed from St. Auguftin the beginning of June, and met with very hard gales for three days, which difperfed the fleet: That the chief pilot on board the commodore was one Parris, belonging to Port Royal in South Carolina, and who was married there, and had a plantation in that province: That they came to an anchor with part of their fleet off Frederica bar, to the northward of it; and the Spaniards faid that they fhould not have found out Georgia, had it not been for Parris their pilot; that they lay feveral days at anchor off the bar, during which time the men were put into fmall boats in order to land ; but feeing feveral men marching on the beach, they were afraid to land, as they intended, and came on board again ; for about three days after, holding a council of war, they refolved not to land any men till they had made themfelves mafters of the harbour. During the time they lay off this bar, the Spaniards often whetted their fwords, and held their knives to this deponent’s and other Englilh prifoner’s throats, faying, they would cut the throats of thofe they Ihould take at Georgia. They failed on the 5th of July with a ftrong eafterly wind and tide of flood : That the Englilh fired from the batteries and Ihips very brilkly, and the Spaniards faid that the Englilh flood very well: That a four-pound fhot hulled the Ihip where the deponent was; and one eighteen-pound Ihot from the battery killed feven men on board the large Ihip : That there were of the Spaniards eight three-maft Ihips ; the commodore’s was a twenty-gun Ihip ; there was alfo a fnow with fourteen nine- pounders, and a galley with three large guns, one of which he heard was a twelve- pounder, which was manned with' above one hundred men; there were alfo feveral privateers, fome of them with ten guns, and fome with eight: That the Spaniards and fome Irifhmen on board told him, that in the whole fleet there were about five or fix thoufand men, and were come with a defign to take Georgia, and after that go to Port Royal in South Carolina. He further fays, that they had a whole regiment of negroes, with a company of grenadiers, in the fame manner as other regiments have, and cloathed in the fame livery as-other Spanilh regiments ; they were commanded by negro officers, and he faw the officers walking along with the Governor of St. Auguftin alhore; that they were dreffed in gold and filver laced cloaths, like other officers, and that they were kept in the fame pay as the other regiments. He further faith, that the ihip where this deponent was, was loaded with grenadiers and dragoons, who had on board faddles, bridles, piftols, and all accoutrements : That they landed all them from on board his Ihip, and put a fmall guard of ten men on board: That two or three days afterwards one of the captains and one ferjeant of the grenadiers came on board, and this deponent alking the ferjeant whether he had been at Frederica, he anfwered, that the woods were fo full of Indians that the devil could not go through them, and that the Indians had killed about one hundred and fifty of their belt men, and that there were but very few foldiers: Thofe who came on board were fo down-hearted that they could hardly fpeak a word: That upon this they were ordered to get water on
board,

OF THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 4^1
aboard, in order to get to fea in a hurry, which this deponent took the advantage of and made his efcape to General Oglethorpe.
Mark.
Samuel x Cloaice.
14. It may be truly faid, that there never happened in this part of the world, any thing more honourable for the Englifh nation, or more likely to ftrike a terror into their enemies, than this entire and total defeat of fo formidable an invafion, by fuch a handful of forces. Inftead of railing and heightening this fuccefs, to do honour to the general’s character, we ought rather to lefTen or dimini lh fome of its circumftances, to render it in fuch an age as this more credible; but we have taken no liberties at all, the fads are reprefented ftep by ftep as they happened; and the reader is left to judge how far it appears from hence that Georgia is a true frontier, in refpeft to Carolina; and what advantages are to be hoped for in cafe the new colony Ihould increafe in a reafonable proportion for twenty years to come ; but to help the reader’s judgment in. this refpefl, and to Ihew him in what light this tranfaflion was conftdered by all our colonies in America; the inhabitants of which were certainly the ableft, and molt equitable judges; it is requifite to obferve that John Tinker, Efq. governor of the Bahama Iflands ; Lewis Morris, Efq. governor of New Jerfey; William Gooch, Efq. governor of Virginia; George Clark, Efq. lieutenant-governor of New York ; Gabriel Johnfon, Efq. governor of North Carolina; Thomas Bladen,Efq. governor of Maryland; and George Thomas, Efq. Governor of Penfylvania; all wrote to general Oglethorpe upon this memorable occafion, to congratulate him upon being the happy inftrument in fo honourable and fo important a fervice; to affure him of the fhare they took in the honour he had acquired, and of the true fenfe they had of the great deliverance that providence had wrought for all the Britifh colonies in North America, by his con dud: and courage. Stronger teftimonies than thefe, with refpefl to the confequence of the aftion he had performed, it was impoffible for him to receive, and better evidence than thefe letters afford it is likewife impoffible that we Ihould have here at home; and therefore to fet this faft in its true light, and that the people of Great Britain may have a juft notion of the advantages arifing from this wife and well condufted defence, in which the bravery of Britifh foldiers, their aftedion for and confidence in their commander is fo clearly expreffed, I thought it reafonable to annex the copies of the letters written by the three firft mentioned gentlemen, as being equally honourable for' them, and for the perfon to whom they are.addreffed; and if I add no more, it is to avoid being tedious, and that I may have an opportunity of doling the hiftorical part of this Chapter, with papers that do fo much honour to the new colony of which it treats.
Copy of a letter from his Excellency John Tinker, Efq. Governor of the Bahama Iflands, to General James Oglethorpe.
Sir, N. Providence, Nov. 6.. 1742.
I am favoured with both of your Excellency’s letters of 31 ft of July and 16th of September, with an inclofed account of the Spaniards defcent upon your province, and your fortunate viftory over them : upon which I beg leave to congratulate you, and to affure you none of your acquaintance can receive more real fatisfaflion at an event that muft contribute fo much to your honour and reputation as this laft. I rejoice too for the public, becaufe I am fure if you had not given fo good an account of them, the neighbouring provinces would have been in imminent danger. I know the general had vol. xii, 3 q orders

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orders to attack this ifland upon their return, fo I may juftly thank you for faving me a great deal of trouble.
If there is any thing in this government that can contribute to your pleafure, and facilitate the continuance of our friendfhip and future correfpondence, I {hall, with joy, embrace the propofition. The bearer has been a long time here, and can give you an exaCt account of the Carte du Pais. We are at prefent employed in repairing the fortifications, and making fome additional ones, which will, I hope, be compleated this winter. I have the honour to be, with great regard and truth,
Your Excellency’s raoft obedient humble fervant,
(Signed) John Tinker.
Copy of a letter from his Excellency Lewis Morris, Efq. Governor of New Jerfey, to
General James Oglethorpe.
S x r, Burlington, the 2d of Nov. 1742.
I received the honour of yours of the 31ft of July laft, by the exprefs you fent along the continent, who is now got thus far back in his return to you. The contents of it gave me very great pleafure, as it informed me of your health, and of the great (or rather wonderful) fuccefs God has been pleafed to give to his Majefty’s arms under your conduCt; and I doubt not has effectually convinced the aggreffors how unable they are to cope with refolute Britilh troops; and I hope will be a fufficient difcouragement to a fecond attempt of that kind ; which, if the firft had fucceeded, might prove of dangerous confequence to his Majefty’s plantations on the continent, efpecially the moft fouthern ones.
You have gathered unenvied laurels, and well deferve to wear them. I take leave to affure you no body can be better pleafed with your fuccefs, than,
Sir, your moft humble and obedient fervant,
(Signed) Lewis Morris.
ExtraCl of a letter from the honourable William Gooch, Efq. Governor of Virginia,
to General James Oglethorpe.
Sir, OCtober the 12th, 1742-
I received the letter of the 31ft of July your Excellency honoured me with, by the hands of your trufty courier, Mr. Watkins, and with it a very fenfible fatisfa&ion; I rejoice to hear your courage and conduCt have had their deferved fuccefs, info unequal a trial. Your prudential behaviour on the occafion cannot be too much applauded, nor aCtions fo truly laudable too much admired. The whole continent is under lading obligations to you, for your extraordinary vigilance and magnanimity, when, not thinking your fervices to your king and country compleated, nor your valour fufficiently proved in the defence of your infant fettlement, againft the repeated attacks of cruel and inhuman foes, more than could be expeCted, confidering their numbers ; with an uncommon refolution you forced them in the field to a precipitate retreat, and effectually defeated the defperate defigns of an enemy that had the vanity to flatter themfelves with the hopes of making an eafy conqueft of fome, at Ieaft, of the Britifh provinces.
As thefe great aCtions are to be attributed to your fortitude, fo in my judgment the unexpected and vigorous oppofition they met with, ending in fo fevere a rebuff, has thrown them into fiich diforder, that I am confident thofe troops, were they all together in St. Auguftin, could not fo foon recover fufficient courage to animate them to the
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like undertaking ; the confufion and hurry in which they reimbarked, are fuch evident tokens of their being terrified and difniayed, that with your ufual watchfulnefs you may reft fecure from further difturbance, &c.
I am, Sir, your moft obedient and moft humble fervant,
(Signed) William Gooch.
15. We have notv compleated the hiftory of the Englifh colonies in America in fuch a manner, that the reader cannot help difcerning their intrinfic value and great importance; there is therefore no neceffity of our adding any thing on this fubject here, and therefore we will confine our remarks entirely to the colony of Georgia, and eudeavour to Ihew from what views, upon what hopes, and in how a great degree the public is interefted in the maintenance and fupport of this new colony. In the firft place, we have feen that the truftees originally defigned it for a boundary or frontier, to cover the other provinces upon the continent; that it was extremely proper for this, the very fituation of it lhews; that it was extremely wanted we may gather from the hiftories of the other provinces, in which we find various inftances of the ruin of their advanced fettlements; from their leaving fo large a country as Georgia uncultivated, a plain fign of their fear of becoming nearer neighbours to the Spaniards; and from the names of places, fuch as Bloody Point, which commemorate the maflacres that have been heretofore committed in thofe parts ; but the ftrongeft and cleared proof of all, is the memorial from the affembly of Carolina, in which the reader has feen this matter ftated in the fulleft and faireft light; from all which I infer, that the eftablifhing of fuch a barrier, was a point worthy of public attention; and that the benefits accruing from it to Carolina, and all the provinces to the northward, might very well be confidered as a fufficient recompence for any expence that might attend the eftablifhing of fuch a frontier. That the public were not amufed in the hopes that were given them by the truftees of Georgia in this refpect; that the fending a regiment thither, was not a needlefs or ufelefs expence ; and that the money employed in fortifying there, was not either wafted or thrown away, manifeftly appears by their repulfing the Spaniards in the late invafion. If this was folely owing to the bravery, firmnefs, and ftrength of the new colony, then furely there is no room to find fault with it; and if the province is as fome people would have it, thinly peopled, and very little capable of defence, what applaufe is due to the general, who, without the lead affiftance from any other place, could repel fuch a force, and thereby fecure all our colonies in North America. Take it either way, we are fure of a barrier while we have Georgia under his direftion.
In the fecond place, this country was defigned as an afylum for diftreffed people in our own country, and for fuch induftrious foreign Proteftants as ffiould be willing to go thither. If we confider the thing in this light, the fupporting this defign was no favour in the government; for it is the duty of every government to provide for fuch of its poor fubjedts as are willing to work ; and the lead they can do, is to fend them to the colonies, fince it muft be owing to their mifmanagement that they have not employment at home; but it is not their duty only, it is their intereft alfo ; for men active and induftrious, who can find nothing to do, and are at a lofs to find any thing to eat, are not apt to remain long in fuch a condition; and furely it is better to fend fuch people abroad, though at a fmall expence, than to fee them for want of fuch care, fend themfelves to the gallows. In times of general and continued peace, there will, however, be fuch overflowing in moft nations; under arbitrary princes from mens avernon to flavery, under free governments from a fuperabundance of people. In both
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cafes that government is to be commended, which, laying hold of thefe overflowings, applies them to its own ufe. To give fuch people territories, is to acquire, though it feems a folecifm in fpeech, the very territories you give; for land without people is of no ufe; but land inhabited and cultivated by white people, let it lie where it will, is of great value* and that value is much enhanced when that land is cultivated, and thofe people are fettled precifely where you want them mod. This is the cafe of Georgia * for the Carolina memorial tell us, that white men were not to be raifed there for money ; which was the fame thing as if they had told the government, that the bell way they could employ their money, was in fending of white people thither. But when we conlider the expence of fending white men, and compare it with the purchafe of negroes, the cafe appears Hill more advantageous ; fince the white men come cheaper, and are of much greater advantage ; by fettling them you acquire ufeful fubjecls, and confequently < increafe your force ; by purchaling negroes, you only gain fo many flaves that increafe your danger and terror, by lefiening your force. Your own people and foreign Pro- teftants will be always yours, but negroes are any body’s that will but promile them better conditions than they have under you, which may be very eafdy done ; and of what ill confequence this may prove, appears from the negro regiment in the Spanilh fervice ; for had they fucceeded in their invalion, and once penetrated into a colony full of negroes, they might have raifed new regiments by barely beating their drums 5 regiments that would have been equally terrible to us, and ufeful to them from their knowledge of the country, and from their hatred to their old mailers.
There was a third advantage propofed in the fettling this new colony where it is fettled, and from the terms upon which it was fettled ; and that was, the fecuring the nations of Indians which inhabited the vail countries to the fouth and fouth-welt of Georgia, in the Britilh interelt. A thing fo much the more necelfary, confidering the views that the French had of the fame kind ; and of vail importance to all the colonies, as the maintaining of friendlhip with thefe nations, mull neceflarily interrupt the cor- refpondence between the French colonies of Canada and Louvifiana, upon which their being formidable to us North America abfolutely depends 5 fince if ever they complete it, every child that can be brought to comprehend a map, will fee that they will furround all our colonies on the main, from Nova Scotia to Georgia; but by this lafl colony, we have bid fair for interrupting their defign, by engaging in our interelt thofe Indian nations moll capable of doing us good and them hurt; as for inllance, the Lower and Upper Creeks, a nation fo called from their country being interfered with rivers, which country extends from the river Savannah to the lakes of Florida, fouth- ward and weltward, to the Cherokee mountains and the river Coufa; fo that we may eafily difcern how ufeful their friendlhip mull be to the colonies of Georgia and Carolina, more efpecially when it is confidered that they are a very brave, a very numerous, and a very faithful nation, as appears from their conduct in the prefent war; in which they have Ihewn as heroic courage as any the Greek hillory records, and a fidelity to their allies, equal to that of the early Romans, which has been owing to alliances concluded with equity and fuppqrted by integrity, and the fame conduit con- llantly purfued towards them, will for ever bind them to our fervice.
The Cherokees poflefs the mountainous country wellward to the river Miffiffippi, as the Chickefaws do the plains to the fouth-well of the country of the Cherokees, both brave and numerous nations, enthufiallically fond of liberty; in which it is our interell to iupport and maintain them againll the French. Hence it appears that in this light the truftees were both well informed, and have happily fucceeded ; ‘the reafon of the thing, and the hillory of the country plainly proves this ; and, befides, they have the only kind
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of evidence in credit with the moderns; I mean, that all they promifed themfelves has been verified by the event.
By the happy fituation of this country, the inhabitants of it will not only be enabled to protect and defend the northern colonies that lay behind it, but may be alfo of great ufe to Jamaica and the Leeward iflands. I am fenfible that there are many that will affeCt to treat the fiift pait of this affertion as ridiculous, and to fneer at the latter as chimerical; but I have confidered very well what I have alferted, and am from thence convinced of the truth of what I fay. I can very eafily forefee that it may be objected, my own book Ihews that there are thoufands and ten thoufands in Virginia, Penfylvania, New York, the Jerfeys, and New England ; and therefore it is a jell: to fay that thefe great and populous countries are to be protected by a handful of poor people juft fettled in Georgia ; yet for all this the faCt muft be true, or that colony abandoned. If we, here at home, continue to protect and to fupport the people of Georgia, and in con- fequence of that protection and fupport, induce them to confult their private intereft, by . purfuing fuch fchemes as are moft for the public advantage, Georgia will very foon be full of people, and of ufeful people, who muft have their tools, their cloathing, and other necefiaries from hence; and who will be in a condition to pay us plentifully for all they have. Georgia, if attended to, may become as populous as Barbadoes, or the Bahama Iflands,. and that in a very fhort fpace of time; for if a large bounty were given for a certain number of years, upon every pound of filk imported from thence, we fhould fee it a rich and thriving colony, and people would flock thither from all parts; who, by maintaining their treaties with the Indians, might eftablifh an effectual barrier againft both the French and Spaniards, with all their Indian allies. All this is highly poflible and practicable, nay, and very probable too ; and when once it comes to be a faCt, there will be no fort of abfurdity in faying the people of this colony, and their Indian allies, will afford fhelter and protection to the fettlements that lie to the north of them. But this is not all, for as I obferved before, if the inhabitants of Georgia once become numerous, they will then, in confequence of their fituation, bq moft able to help Jamaica, by a fupply of ftout, well difciplined, white men, in cafe of any attack by the French or Spaniards ; or, which is an evil they are not altogether fecure from, any fudden infurreCtion of their negroes. I very readily grant that I argue from an uncertainty, that is to fay, we are not fare that this colony will be 10 proteded and fupported; but if it be, the confequences are abfolutely certain; and the confideration of thefe confequences ought to be no mean argument with our government to maintain and fupport it.
We are now come to the very laft article of our remarks, which is the hopes that may be rationally entertained of the produce of this country. We will begin with what; the truftees certainly defigned fhould be the ftaple 'commodity . of Georgia ; I mean filk. That this country is very happily fituated, that its foil and climate render it very fit for producing filk, cannot be denied by any who are at all acquainted with this rich branch of commerce, which fome very good judges have affirmed to be much more confiderable than either the linen or woollen manufacture. This country lies along the fea-fide, is well watered within land, has a foil extremely proper for the culture of the mulberry-tree, and is feated in a latitude and climate we might judge would prove agreeable to the filk-worm. Thefe circumftances might very naturally lead one to expeCt that the inhabitants might fet about the production of filk in this country, for their own advantage. With a view to this, proper perfons have been fent thither : the experiment has been tried, filk made in Georgia has been fent over, and Sir Thomas Lombe, and other excellent judges of that commodity, have declared.

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that it is in all refpects as good, and works to the full as well or better than any Piedmont filk, which (lands us in twenty (hillings a pound. At the very time that this Chapter is under my hand a letter has been received from the reverend minider of the Protedant congregation at Ebenezer, by which it plainly appears, that (ilk may be produced in the greated perfection, and without any confiderable difficulty in this country, provided the people had proper encouragement. We are not to underhand by this, that the people in that country affect to make terms with us, and refufe to raife (ilk unlefs we will give them more for it than it is worth ; for the fact is quite otherwife, the encouragement they demand, is not fo much on their own behalf as for the fake of the commodity.
All beginnings are hard, and thefe people, in undertaking this work, are beginning two things at the fame time, viz. to raife filk, and to raife a fubfiftence: if thefe interfere with each other, it is very plain that the former muff give way to the latter. It is natural for people to wiffi to live well, but it is neceffary that they (hould live fome way or other; and therefore this poor clergyman honedly tells us, that his people having now got into a way of winding the filk off the cocones, they would apply them- felves more diligently to this bufmefs, if they were not called off by other cares, that is, to get wherewithal to live upon. If therefore we really mean to promote the railing of filk in general, and aim, inftead of curiofity, to make it a commodity, we need only declare a bounty upon it; this would fpeedily do the bufmefs; it would encourage every body there to turn their hands to this work, and it is a work to which all hands may be turned, women and children as well as men j and no fuch hard labour as to render (laves neceffary. What this might produce we may in fome meafure guefs, from what the culture of fdk produces in Italy; where four and five pounds an acre are common prices for lands that bear mulberry trees, where the leaves are fold at a high rate, and where the poor people willingly give their time and labour, in feeding and attending the worms, for half the price of the (ilk; which is but divided between the labourer and the landholder ; amounting commonly to between three and four pounds a tree. If once this bufmefs was effectually fet a-going, there is no queftion but the progrefs would be very fpeedy, and the bounty paid for a few years, would mod effectually eftabliffi both commodity and colony.
On the other hand it ought to be confidered, that the price of Georgia fdk, and the bounty upon it, would be both paid in our own commodites; whereas we pay now for Piedmont fdk wholly in ready money ; fo that the difference to the nation will be but a very trifle; perhaps I (hould not carry the thing too far, if I faid nothing. It is very poffible, that when this trade came to flourift in Georgia, it might alfo be fet up in Carolina, and even in Virginia, there being no fort of doubt, that with due attention and application, (ilk might be produced in both thefe colonies; neither is this any new difcovery, but what has been obferved by all the writers upon the affairs of the plantations for many years pad; but if it (hould be the cafe, it would not be at all detrimental to this nation j but on the contrary, this very thing will lay us under a new obligation to Georgia, for then we (hould have the filk manufacture as much in our hands, if not more, than we have the woollen; and how vad an alteration this would make in the balance of our trade, may be eafily (hewn.
It is to be obferved, that in all fdk manufactures there are two kinds of filk employed, one for the warp or cane, which is the very fdk that our colonies would produce; but before this filk can be ufed, it mud be thrown by an engine into what is called organ- zine, for which there is at prefent but one engine in this kingdom, which is the famous fdk-mill at Derby; fince the eredting of which his Sardinian majedy has prohibited
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the exportation of raw filk from his dominions ; fo that what we have 'from his country is organzine. He has done ftill more for the benefit of his fubjeChfi; for he has laid fuch high duties upon our manufactures, as amount almoft to a prohibition ; fo that as I have more than once faid, we are obliged to pay for this filk'in ready money, for it is fo neceffary to us, that our filk manufactures cannot be carried on without it; and by this means his fubjeCts take annually from this nation about two hundred thoufand pounds in money. Befides what we receive from Piedmont, we have likewife con- fiderable quantities of raw filk of the fame kind with that from Genoa, and other parts of Italy ; which is thrown into organzine by the engine at Derby.
As to the other kind of filk, which makes the woof or finite, it comes to us from many places, but particularly by the way of Turkey ; fo that if we had the former kind of filk from our plantations, it would enable us to confume a much greater quantity of this other filk that cometh to us by the way of Turkey, for which we pay in our woollen manufactures ; fo that here is plainly a double advantage; fir ft, of faving the ready money which is paid for one kind of filk; and next, increafing the exportation of our own goods, for which we bring home in exchange that other kind of filk; and if once we were in poffeffion of thefe advantages, there would follow a third, equal, if not fuperior to both ; for we fhould be then inconteftibly able to fabricate all kinds of wrought filks at fo cheap a rate as to underfell molt parts of Europe ; which would draw a demand from Germany, Flanders, Spain, and Portugal, to the inconceivable benefit of the merchants and manufacturers of this kingdom, who are beyond all queftion in conjunction with the feamen, who muff thrive when they do, the molt valuable people in it, and by whofe induftry the reft are maintained. Thus we fee that the defign of eftablifhing the bufinefs of raifing filk in Georgia, is in itfelf a matter of vaft moment, not to the truftees or the inhabitants of that new colony only, but to the whole nation ; a thing that would give a new turn to our trade ; employ a multitude of hands at home, by promoting both the filk and woollen manufactures ; enlarge our commerce abroad, encreafe our fhipping, augment the number of our feamen, and enable us the better to bear thofe vaft expences into which, it is faid, the circumftances of affairs abroad have neceffarily plunged us.
Before I part with this fubjeft, I think it becomes me to add fomewhat with refpect to the conduCt of the King of Sardinia, which, from what I have faid above, may be thought in fome meafure unkind towards this nation ; whereas, properly underftood, nothing of that fort will appear. The firft and great concern of every prince, or at leaft of every wife and good prince, is the welfare of his own fubjeCts ; and with refpeCt to the monarch of whom we are fpeaking, he has purfued it with great fteadinefs and prudence. His duties upon French commodities are very low; fo that his fubjeCts are furnilhed from thence with woollen manufactures at very reafonable rates, and by putting our goods under a very high cuftom his fubjeCts fell their filk dear, and for ready money ; and thus, by the interpofition of the government, they make the moft 0 f their goods, and are as rich as the nature and extent of their country will permit them to be. It muft indeed be allowed, that as things Hand at prefent his Sardinian Majefty’s political and commercial concerns are in a manner oppofite to each other; but this does not hinder him from purfuing both. The balance of power in Italy is a thing of vaft importance to him, fince, if it fhould be loft, he would fcarce be able to keep his dominions ; but the trade of his fubjefts is likewife of great importance, for without that his dominions would be hardly worth keeping. His conduCt therefore, in both refpects is wife and juft, though it falls out to be in fome meafure prejudicial to us, and that too in our tendereft concerns, our manufactures and our trade.
But

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But what then, ought we to differ with or blame him? nothing like it; we ought, on the contrary, to admire and imitate him; we ought to make the fame dif- tinction that he does, between our political and commercial interefts; we ou ght to Ihew ourfelves firm in fupporting the former, and in order to it we muff be vigorous in promoting the latter. We fee very plainly and clearly, or at lead we may fee it if We will, that there is nothing more practicable in the world, than the railing the filk trade in Georgia; the country is fit for it, the climate is fit for it; we have raifed, and may raife, what quantities of mulberry-trees we willthe filkworm thrives there wonderfully well, which however is the cafe of very few countries; and the filk brought from thence has been found excellent. If all this does not pafs for demonftration in a matter of this nature, it is in vain to look for demonftration. On the other hand, that the raifing of filk in Georgia would fill that country with white people; would fecure to us the affeCtion, and the afliftance of the neighbouring Indian nations, and fo render it an effectual frontier is beyond all difpute; and that the advantages accruing to this kingdom, by enabling that plantation to furnifh us with filk equal in quality to the Italian, are fo plain and certain that I make no fcruple of affirming, that if due care was taken in this refpeCt, all the expence neceffary to eftablilh the filk trade there, would not amount to above one year’s purchafe of the profits, five and twenty years hence; by which I mean, that the advantages accruing from this colony to Great Britain, in 1771; fuppofing the filk trade immediately fettled there, and by immediately, I mean no more than as foon as poffible, will equal all that the public has or may lay out upon that fettlement before it becomes able to maintain itfelf. We manure our lands before we expeCt crops from them ; we manufacture our goods before we fend them to market; we educate our children before we expeCt they ffiould provide for themfelves; and why Ihould not we take the fame care of this colony, before we expeCt public advantages from thence.
It has been already lhewn what may be expeCted from the different method purfued in the eftablifbing this and other colonies; and how eafily, and how entirely, it may be turned to the fervice of Great Britain, fo as in the compafs of a few years to anfwer national expectations, better than colonies that have been much longer fettled. But we muff keep thefe points in view j we muff proceed as we have begun, or all that we have hitherto done will be thrown away; and if it fliould, we can blame nobody but ourfelves. We have feen the filk trade planted there; we havefeenit take root, and even bring forth bloffoms, which, if the bell judges may be trufted, promife the faireft fruit; let it not then be loft for a little care or a little expence, if that be neceffary, in pruning and watering it. .
I might likewife take notice of the raifing wine here; indeed, I have promifed it, but I have infilled fo long upon filk, that I can be but fhort upon this head; yet fome- thing I will fay. There were great hopes that this improvement might foon have been brought to perfection, but fome difficulties have been found in the way, and they are chiefly thefe: The coat of the natural grape is not ftrong enough, and therefore when it grows ripe they burft. The froft, about the vernal equinox, frequently kills the vines when they are lhooting; and as to the European grapes, it is found that the infeds of the country deftroy them. Yet experience has lhewn, that by grafting the European on the wild vine, all thefe inconveniencies are in a great meafure prevented; for then it Ihoots later, and fo efcapes the froft better; the grape lkins become thicker and ftronger, and infers do it lefs prejudice: fo that there are Hill hopes that wine may be made there, both in great plenty, and in great perfection; and if we refleCt on the nfiftake we made, with refpeCt to the Cape of Good Hope, which we abandoned as worth nothing, and which the Dutch, by their indultry, have made one of the
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tH~ THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA. 489
finefl and moil valuable plantations in the world; we fhall not be hally in flighting thefe hopes.
Befides, there is nothing wanting in this country but a fufficient number of inhabit- ants, to render it, in every refpect, a fertile and a pleafant fettlement. They reap very good wheat here in May; they mow their grafs in June; they might cultivate rice here to great advantage, if that was judged proper, which, however, for many good reafons, is thought not fo ; olives fiourifh there in the greateft perfe&ion; and fo do oranges in the fouth part of the province, where (I fpeak on the credit of eye-witneffes) an orange tree has been known, in feven years time, to have been fifteen feet from the root to the branches.
Thefe confiderations, with refpedt to the confequences that may follow from the improvement of this lad fettlement, which I look upon to be the honour of the prefent age, have proceeded folely from a regard to truth, and to the public fervice which are the fame motives that have directed me through the courfe of this undertaking. It appeared to me that there were many things, in relation to moil of the colonies, and particularly in refpect to this, about which the world in general was either mifinformed or not informed at all; and therefore I thought it would be doing fome fervice to trade, to the colonies, and to the public, if thefe points were fully and fairly treated; for which purpofe I took pains to procure the bed materials I could, and have digeded them in the bed method I was able, but in fuch a way that the principal facts appear all along with their proper authorities ; fo that the reader fees to what he gives credit, and is not obliged to take any thing upon trud from me; all my reafonings being fub- mitted, as they ought to be, to his judgment, with full liberty to admit as little or as much as he thinks fit, when he has duly weighed the arguments that are offered in fupport of them. It is in this way, and in this way only, that fedentary perfons can make themfelves ufeful to fociety, and in this way they may be very ufeful, by furnifh- ing others with an opportunity of viewing and reflecting upon things which otherwife might never have come to their notice.
One thing more I mud obferve before I conclude this chapter, which is, that if there be any thing in it, or indeed in any of thofe relating to the Britilh plantations, which ought, in a particular manner, to claim the attention of the public; it is, in a great meafure, due to the lights afforded by the Honourable James Oglethorpe, from whom, if the author has caught any part of that generous fpirit, which inclines a man to bend all his thoughts, and turn all his labours, to the fervice of his country, it is but jud that he Ihould acknowledge it; and this he is the more ready to do, becaufe if there be any merit in his performance, capable of making it known to and edeemed by poderity, he would willingly confecrate it as a mark of his edeem and gratitude, for the many informations he has received, and the right turn that has been given to his inquiries, by that knowing and worthy perfon, who is equally happy in rendering the greateff perfonal fervices himfelf to the community, and by infufing the like difpofition in others, both by his example and converfation.
o
v>
R
vol. xir.
THE

C 49° )
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF M. MARTIN FROBISHER,
TO THE NORTH-WEST,
FOR THE SEARCH OF THE STRAIGHT OR PASSAGE TO CHINA ;
Written by CHRISTOPHER HALL, Master in the Gabriel,
And made in the Year of our Lord 1576. *
T HE 7th of June being Thurfday, the two barks, viz. the Gabriel and the Michael, and our pinnace, fet fail at Ratcliffe, and bare down to Deptford, and there we anchored; the caufe was, that our pinnace burft her bowfprit and foremalt aboard of a lhip that rode at Deptford j elfe we meant to have palled that day by the Court then at Greenwich.
The eighth day, being Friday, about twelve o’clock, we weighed at Deptford, and fet fail, all three of us, and bare doWn by the Court, where we lhot off our ordnance, and made the bell Ihew we could. Her Majelty, beholding the fame, commended it, and bade us farewell, with lhaking her hand at us out of the window. Afterward Ihe fent a gentleman aboard of us, who declared that her Majelty had good liking of our doings, and thanked us for it j and alfo willed our captain to come the next day to the court to take his leave of her.
The fame day, towards night, Mr. Secretary Woolly came aboard of us, and declared to the company, that her Majelly had appointed him to give them charge to be obedient and diligent to their captains and governors in all things, and wifhed us happy fuccefs.
The 12th day, being over again!! Gravefend, by the callle or blockhoufe, we ob- ferved the latitude, which was 51 degrees 33 minutes, and in that place the variation of the compafs is 11 degrees and a half.
The 24th day, two o’clock in the afternoon, I had fight of Faire Ille, being from us fix leagues North and by Eaft; and when I brought it N.W. by N. it did rife at the fouthernmoft end with a little hummock, and fwarnp in the midlt.
The 25th day, from four to eight o’clock in the forenoon, the wind at N.W. by N. a frelh gale, I call about to the weftward, the fouthernmoft; head of Schetland, called Swinborne Head, N.N.W. from me, and the land of Faire Ille W. S.W. from me, I failed directly to the north head of that faid land, founding as I ran in, having 60, 50, and 40 fathoms, and grey red Ihells; and within half a mile of that illand, there are 36 fathoms; for I failed to that illand to fee whether there was any roadfted for a N.W. wind; and I found, by my founding, hard rocks, and foul ground, and deep water, within two cables length of the lhore, 28 fathoms, and fo did not anchor, but plied to and fro with my forelail and mizen, till it was high water, under the illand. The tide fetteth there N.W. and S. E.; the flood fetteth S. E. and the ebb N.W..
The 26th day, having the wind at South, a fair gale, failing from Faire Ille to Swinborne head, I did obferve the latitude; the illand of Fowlay being W. N.W. from me fix leagues, and Swinborne Head E. S. E. from me, I found my elevation to be 37 degrees.
* Hakluyt, iii. 29.

49 1
Frobisher’s first voyage, &c.
grees, and my declination 22 degrees 46 minutes; fo that my latitude was 59degrees 46 minutes. At that prefent, being near to Swinborne Head, having a leak which did trouble us, as alfo to take in frefh water, I plied room with a found, which is called S. Tronions, and there did anchor in feven fathoms water and fair fand. You have, coming in the found’s mouth, in entering, feventeen, fifteen, twelve, ten, nine, eight, and feven fathoms, and the found lieth in N. N.W. and there we rode to a weft fun, and flopped our leak; and having refreihed ourfelves with water, at a N. N.W. fun, I fet fail from S. Tronions; the wind at S. S. E. and turned out till we were clear of the found, and fo failed weft to go clear of the ifland of Fowlay. And running off toward Fowlay, I founded, having fifty fathoms, and ftreamy ground; and alfo I founded, Fowlay being north from me, one league off that ifland, being fifty fathom at the fouth head, and ftreamy ground, like broken oatmeal, and one ihell being red and white like mackarel.
The 27th day, at a fouth fun, I did obferve the latitude, the ifland of Fowlay being from me two leagues E. N. E., I found myfelf to be in latitude 59 degrees 59 minutes, truly obferved, the wind at S. S. W. I failed W. by N.
From twelve to four o’clock in the afternobn, the wind at fouth, a fair gale, the (hip failed W. by N. fix leagues; and at the end of this watch I founded, having fixty fathoms with little ftones and fhells; the ifland from us eight leagues eaft.
The r ft July, from four to eight o’clock, we failed weft, four glafles four leagues, and at that prefent we had fo much wind, that we fpooned afore the fea S. W. two leagues.
The 3d day, we found our compafs to be varied one point to the weftwards. This day, from four to eight o'clock, we failed W. by S. fix leagues.
From eight to twelve o’clock at noon, W. by S. four leagues; at that prefent I found our compais to be varied eleven degrees and one-fourth part to the weftward, which is one point.
The nth day, at a S. E. fun, we had fight of the land of Frifeland, bearing from us W. N.W. fixteen leagues, and rifing like pinnacles of fteeples, and all covered u r ith fnow. I found myfelf in 61 degrees of latitude. We failed to the ihore, and could find no ground at 150 fathoms; we hoifted out our boat, and the captain, with four men, rowed to the ihore to get on land; but the land lying full of ice, they could not get on land, and fo they came aboard again. We had much ado to get clear of the ice, by reafon of the fog; yet, from Thurfday eight o’clock in the morning, to Friday at noon, we failed S. W. 20 leagues.
The 18th day, at a S. E. fun, I found the fun to be elevated 33 degrees, and at a S. E. fun 40 degrees. So I obferved it till 1 found it at the higheft, and then it was elevated 52 degrees. I judged the variation of the compafs to be two points and a half to the weftward.
The 21 ft day, we had fight of a great drift of ice, feeming a firm land, and we call: weftward to be cleared of it.
The 26th we had fight of a land of ice, the latitude was 6 2 degrees 2 minutes.
The 28th, in the morning, was very foggy; but at the clearing up of the fog, we had fight of land, which I fuppofed to be Labrador, with great ftore of ice about the land; I ran in towards it, and founded, but could get no bottom at 100 fathoms, and the ice being fo thick, I could not get to the fhore, and fo lay off, and came clear of the ice. Upon Monday we came within a mile of the fhore, and fought a harbour : all the found was full of ice, and our boat rowing aihore, could get no ground at 100 fathoms, within a cable’s length of the ihore. Then we failed E. N. E. along the ihore,
3 R 2 for

Frobisher’s first voyage for
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for fo the land lieth, and the current is there great, letting N. E. and S.W., and we could have gotten anchor ground, we would have feen with what force it had run ; but I judge, a Ihip may drive a league and a half in one hour, with the tide.
The 31ft, at four o’clock in the morning, being fair and clear, we had fight of a head land, as we judged, bearing from us N. by E., and we failed N. E. by N. to that land, and when we came thither, we could not get to that land for ice ; for the ice ftretched along the coaft, fo that we could not come to the land by five leagues.
Wednefday the fir ft of Auguft it calmed ; and in the afternoon I caufed my boat to be hoifted out, being hard by a great ifland of ice ; and I and four men rowed to that ice, and founded within two cables length of it, and had fixteen fathoms; and after that, founded again, within a minion fhot; and had ground at 100 fathoms, and fair fand. We founded the next day, a quarter of a mile from it, and had 60 fathoms, rough ground; and at that prefent being aboard, that great ifland of ice fell one part from another, making a node, as if a great cliff had fallen into the fea ; and at four o’clock I founded again, and had 90 fathoms, and final! black ftones, and little white ftones like pearls. The tide here did fet to the fhore.
The 10th, I took four men and myfelf, and rowed to Ihore, to an ifland one league from the main, and there the flood fetteth S. W. along the Ihore, and it floweth, as near as I could judge, fo too ; I could not tarry to prove it, becaufe the Ihip was a great way from me, and I feared a fog; but when 1 came alhore it was low water. I went to the top of the ifland, and before I came back, it was highed a foot water, and fo r without tarrying, I came aboard.
The nth, we found our latitude to be 63 degrees 8 minutes; and, this day we entered the ftraight. -
The 12th, we fet fail towards an ifland, called the Gabriels Ifland, which was ten leagues then from us.
The 13th, we efpied a found, and bare with it, and came to- a fandy bay, where we came to an anchor, the land bearing E. S. E. off us, and there we rode all night, in eight fathoms water. It flowed there at a S. E. moon. We called it Prior’s Sound being from the Gabriels Ifland 10 leagues.
The 14th, we weighed and ran into another found, where we anchored in eight fathoms water, fair fand and black ooze, and there caulked our Ihip, being -weak from: the wales upwards, and took in frefh water.
The 15th day, we weighed and failed to Priors bay, being a mile from thence.
The 16th day was calm, and we rode ftill, without ice; but prefently, within two hours, it was frozen round about the Ihip, a quarter of an inch thickand. that day; very fair and calm.
The 17th day, we weighed, and came to Thomas Williams Ifland.-
The 18th day, we failed N. N.W. and anchored again in 23' fathoms, and tough; ooze, under Butchers Ifland, which is, from the former ifland, ten leagues.
The 19th day, in the morning, being calm, and no wind, the captain and I took our boat, with eight men in her, to row us afhore, to fee if there were any people, or no, and going to the top of the ifland, we had fight of feven boats, which came rowing from the eaft fide, toward that ifland, whereupon we returned on board, again: at length we fent our boat with five men in. her, to fee whither they rowed, and fo with a white cloth brought one of their boats with their men along the Ihore, rowing after our boat, till fuch time as they faw our Ihip, and then they rowed afhore. Then I went on Ihore myfelf, and gave every of them- a threaden point,, and brought one of them aboard of me, where he did eat and drink, and then carried him on, Ihore again j
# 8 whereupon

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 493
whereupon all the reft came aboard with their boats, being nineteen perfons; and they fpake, but we underftood them not. They be like to Tartars, with long black hair, broad faces, and flat nofes, and tawny in colour, wearing feal {kins; and fo do the women, not differing in the fafhion ; but the women are marked in the face with blue ftreaks down the cheeks, and round about the eyes. Their boats are made all of feal lkins, with a keel of wood within the {kin; the proportion of them is like a Spanilh lhallop, fave only they be flat in the bottom, and {harp at both ends.
The 20th day we weighed, and went to the eaft fide of this ifland, and I and the captain, with four men more, went on {hore, and there we faw their houfes; and the people efpying us, came rowing towards our boat; whereupon we plied toward our boat, and we being in our boat, and they on fhore, they called to us and we rowed to them, and one of their company came into our boat, and we carried him aboard, and gave him a bell, and a knife: fo the captain and I willed five of our men to. fet him afliore at a rock, and not among the company which they came from ; but their wilful- nefs was fuch, that they would go to them, and fo were taken themfelves, and our boat loft.
The next day, in the morning, we flood in near the fhore, and fhot off a fauconet,. and founded our trumpet; but we could hear nothing of our men. This found we called, The five men’s found, and plied out of it, but anchored again in 30 fathoms and ooze, and riding there all night, in the morning the fnow lay a foot thick upon our hatches.
The 22d day, in the morning, we weighed, and went again to the place where we loft our men and our boat. We had fight of fourteen boats, and fome came near to us ; but we could learn nothing of our men: among the reft, we enticed one boat to our {hip’s fide, with a bell, and in giving him the bell we took him and his boat, and fo kept him, and fo rowed down to Thomas Williams Ifland, and there anchored all night.
The 26th day we weighed to come homeward, and by twelve o’clock at noon we were thwart of Trumpets Ifland.
The next day we came thwart of Gabriels Ifland, and at eight o’clock at night we had the Cape Labrador, as we fuppofed, weft from us 1 o leagues.
The 28th day we went our courfe S. E. and on the 29th we failed S. E. by E. 22 leagues.
The firft day of September, in the morning, we had fight of the land of Frifeland, being eight leagues from us; but we could not come near it, for the monftrous ice that lay about it. From this day, till the fixth of this month, we ran along Ifland, and had the fouth part of it, at eight o’clock, eaft from us ten leagues.
The 7th day of this month we had a very terrible ftorm, by force whereof one of our men was blown into the fea out of our waift; but he caught hold of the forefail Iheet, and there held till the captain plucked him again into the {hip.
The 25th day of this month we had fight of the ifland of Orkney, which was then eaft from us. The firft day of October we had fight of the Scheld, and fo failed about the coaft, and anchored at Yarmouth, and the next day we came into Harwich.
THE

( 494 )
THE SECOND VOYAGE OF MASTER MARTIN FROBISHER,
MADE TO THE WEST AND NORTH-WEST REGIONS,
In the Year 1577 ;
WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE.
Written by Master DIONISE SETTLE.
O N Whitfunday, being the 26th of May, in the year of our Lord 1577, Captain Frobifher departed from Blackwall with one of the Queen’s Majefty’s (hips, called the Aide, of nine fcore tons, or thereabouts, and two other little barks likewife, the one called the Gabriel, whereof Matter Fenton, a gentleman of my lord of Warwick, was captain; and the other the Michael, whereof Matter York, a gentleman of my Lord Admiral’s, was captain, accompanied with feven fcore gentlemen, foldiers, and failors, well furnifhed with victuals, and other provifions neceffary for one half year, on this his fecond voyage, for the further difcovering of the paffage to Cathay, and other countries thereunto adjacent, by W. and N. W. navigations; which paffage or way is fuppofed to be on the North, and N. W. parts of America; and the faid America to be an ifland, environed with the fea, where through our merchants may have courfe and recourfe with their merchandize, from thefe our northernmoft parts of Europe, to thofe oriental coafts of Alia, in much fhorter time, and with greater benefit, than any others, to their no little commodity and profit that do or fhall frequent the fame. Our faid captain and general of this prefent voyage and company having, the year before, with two little pinnaces, to his great danger and no fmall commendations, given a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof, is alfo preft, when occafion fhall be miniftered (to the benefit of his Prince and native country) to adventure himfelf further therein. As ‘for this fecond voyage, it feemeth fufficient, that he hath better explored and fearched the commodities of thofe people and countries, which in his firft voyage, the year before, he had found out.
Upon which confiderations, the day and year before expreffed, we departed from Blackwall to Harwich, where, making an accomplifhment of things neceffary, the laffc of May we hoifted up fails, and, with a merry wind, the 7th June, we arrived at the iflands, called Orcades, or vulgarly, Orkney; being in number thirty, fubjedt and adjacent to Scotland, where we made provifion of frefh water; in the doing whereof, our general licenfed the gentlemen and foldiers, for their recreation, to go on fhore. At our landing, the people fled from their poor cottages, with fhrieks and alarms, to warn their neighbours of enemies; but, by gentle perfuafions, we reclaimed them to their houfes. It feemeth, they are often frighted with pirates, or fome other enemies, that move them with fuch fudden fear. Their houfes are very Amply built with pebble ftone, without any chimnies, the fire being made in the midft thereof. The good man, wife, children, and other of the family, eat and fleep on the one fide of the houfe; and the cattle on the other; very beaftly and rudely, in refpedt of civility. They are deftitute of wood; their fire is turves and cowfhards. They have corn, bigge, and
9* oats,

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
495
oats,, with which they pay their king’s rents, to the maintenance of his houfe. They take great quantity of fifli, which they dry in the wind and fun. They drefs their meat very filthily, and eat it without fait. Their apparel is after the rudeft fort of Scotland; their money is all bafe; their church and religion is reformed according to the Scots. The filhermen of England can better declare the difpofition of thefe people than I; wherefore I remit their ufages to their reports, as yearly repair thither in their courfe to and from the iiland for filh.
We departed here hence the 8th of June, and followed our courfe between W. and N.W. until the 4th of July, all which time we had no night; but that eafily, and without impediment, we had, when we were fo difpofed, the fruition of our books and other pleafures, to pafs away the time, a thing of no fmall moment to fuch as wander in unknown feas and long navigations, efpecially when both the winds and raging furges do pafs their common and wonted courfe. This benefit endureth in thofe parts, not fix weeks 5 but where the pole is raifed to 70 or 80 degrees, it continueth much longer.
All along thefe feas, after we were fix days failing from Orkney, we met, floating in the fea, great fir trees, which were, as we judged, with the fury of great floods, rooted up, and fo driven into the fea. Ifland hath almoft no other wood nor fuel, but fuch as they take up upon their coafts. It feemeth that thefe trees are driven from fome part of the Newfoundland, with the current that fetteth from the weft to the eaft.
The 4th of July we came within the making of Frifeland. From'this Ihore xo or 12 leagues, we met great iflands of ice, of half a mile, fome more, fome lefs, in compafs, Ihewing, above the fea, 30 or 40 fathoms, and, as we fuppofed, fall on ground, where, with our lead, we could fcarce found the bottom for depth.
Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant fmells of fweet gums, and pleafant notes of mufical birds, which other countries, in more temperate zones, do yield, we tailed the moll boifterous boreal blafts, mixed with fnow and hail, in the months of June and July, not inferior to our intemperate winter: a fudden alteration, and efpecially in a place and parallel where the pole is not elevate above 61 degrees, at which height other countries, more to the north, yea, unto 70 degrees, Ihew themfelves more temperate than this doth,
All along this coaft ice lieth, as a continual bulwark, and fo defendeth the country, that thofe that would land there incur great danger. Our general, three days together, attempted with the Ihip boat to have gone on Ihore, which for that without great danger he could not accomplilh ; he deferred it until a more convenient time. All along the coaft lie very high mountains, covered with fnow, except in fuch places, where, through the fteepnefs of the mountains, of force it muft needs fall. Four days coafting along this land, we found no figns of habitation. Little birds, which we judged to have loft the Ihore, by reafon of thick fogs which that country is much fubjedt to, came flying into our fhips, which made us fuppofe, that the country is both more tolerable, and alfo habitable within, than the outward Ihore maketh {how or fignification.
From hence we departed the 8th of July, and the 16th of the fame, we came with the making of land, which land our general the year before had named the Queen’s Foreland, being an iiland, as we judge, lying near the fuppofed continent with America ; and on the other fide, oppofite to the fame, one other ifland, called Halles Ille, after the name of the mafter of the Ihip, near adjacent to the firm land, fuppofed continent with Afia; between the which two iflands there is a large entrance or ftraight, called Frobilher’s Straight, after the name of our general, the firft finder thereof. This faid ftraight is fuppofed to have paffage into the fea of Suez, which I leave unknown as yet.
It

Frobisher’s second voyage for
496
It feemeth, that either here, or not far hence, the fea fhould have more large entrance than in other parts within the frozen or intemperate zone, and that fome contrary tide, either from the eaft or weft, with main force cafteth out that great quantity of ice, which cometh floating from this coaft even unto Frifeland, caufing the country to feem more intemperate than others much more northerly than the fame.
I cannot judge that any temperature, under the pole, the time of the fun’s northern declination being half a year and one whole day (confidering that the fun’s elevation furmounteth not 23 deg. and 30 min.), can have power to diffolve fuch monftrous and huge ice, comparable to great mountains, except by fome other force, as by fwift currents and tides, with the help of the faid day of half a-year.
Before we came within the making of thefe lands we tafted cold ftorms, infomuch that it feemed we had changed fummer with winter, if the length of the days had not removed us from that opinion.
At our firft coining the ftraights feemed to be Ihut up with a long mure of ice,, which gave no little caufe of difcomfort unto us all; but our general (to whofe diligence imminent dangers and difficult attempts feemed nothing, in refpett of his willing mind for the commodity of his Prince and country), with two little pinnaces prepared of purpofes, palled twice through them to the eaft: ffiore, and the iflands thereunto adjacent ; and the Ihip, with the two barks, lay off and on fomething further into the fea, from the danger of the ice.
Whilft he was fearching the 1 country near the ffiore, fome of the people of the country ffiewed themfelves, leaping and dancing, with ftrange ffirieks and cries, which gave no little admiration to our men. Our general defirous to allure them to us by fair means, caufed knives and other things to be proffered unto them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid on the ground, and the party going away, they came and took up, leaving fomething of theirs to countervail the fame. At length two of them leaving their weapons, came down to our general and mafter, who did the like to them, commanding the company to ftay, and went unto them, who after certain dumb figns, and mute congratulations, began to lay hands upon them, but they cleverly efcaped, and ran to their bows and arrows, and came fiercely upon them, (not refpecting the reft of our company, which were ready for their defence), but with their arrows hurt divers of them : we took the one, and the other efcaped.
Whilft our general was bufied in fearching the country, and thofe iflands adjacent on the eaft Ihore, the ffiip and barks having great care not to put far into the fea from him, for that he had fmall ftore of victuals, were forced to abide a cruel tempeft, chancing in the night, amongft and in the thickeft of the ice, which was fo monftrous, that even the leaft of a thoufand had been of force fufficient to have ffiivered our ffiip and barks into fmall portions, if God, (who in all neceffities hath care upon the infirmities of man), had not provided for this our extremity a fufficient remedy through the light of the night, whereby we might well difcern to flee from fuch imminent dangers, which we avoided with fourteen boards in one watch the fpace of four hours. If we had not incurred this danger amongft thefe monftrous iflands of ice, we ffiould have loft our general and mafter, and the moll of our beft failors, which were on the ffiore deftitute of vi&uals: but by the valour of our mafter gunner, mafter Jackman, and Andrew Dyer, the mailer's mates, men expert both in navigation and other good qualities, we were all content to incur the dangers afore-rehearfed, before we would with our own fafety, run into the feas, to the deftruftion of our faid general and his company.
The day following, being the 19th of July, our captain returned to the ffiip, with .report of fuppofed riches, which ffiewed itfelf in the bowels of thefe barren mountains, wherewith we were all fatisfied.
Within

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
497
Within four days after we had been at the entrance of the ftraights, the N. W. and W. winds difperfed the ice into the fea, and made us a large entrance into the ftraights, fo that without any impediment, on the 19th of July we entered them, and the 20th thereof, our general and mailer with great diligence fought out and founded the weft Ihore, and found out a fair harbour for the Ihip and barks to ride in, and named it after our mafter’s mate, Jackman’s Sound, and brought the Ihip, barks, and all their company, to fafe anchor, except one man, which died by God’s vifitation.
At our firft arrival, after the Ihip rode at anchor, our general, with fuch company as could well be fpared from the fhips, in marching order entered the land, having fpecial care by exhortations, that, at our entrance thereinto, we Ihould all with one voice, kneeling upon our knees, chiefly thank God for our arrival; fecondly, befeech him that it would pleafe his divine Majefty long to continue our Queen, for whom he, and all the reft of our company, took pofleffion of the country; and thirdly, that by our Chriftian ftudy and endeavour, thefe barbarous people, trained up in paganifm and infidelity, might be reduced to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hope of falva- tion in Chrift our Redeemer; with other words very apt to fignify his willing mind and affection toward his prince and country, whereby all lufpicion of an undutiful fubject may credibly be judged to be utterly exempted from his mind. All the reft of the gentlemen, and others, deferve worthily herein their due praife and commendation.
Thefe things in this order accomplilhed, our general commanded all the company to be obedient in things needful for our own fafeguard, to Mafter Fenton, Mailer Yorke, and Mafter Beaft, his lieutenant, while he was occupied in other neceffary affairs concerning our coming thither.
After this order, we all marched through the country, with enfign difplayed, fo far as was thought needful, and now and then heaped up ftones on high mountains and Other places, in token of pofleffion, as likewife to fignify unto fuch as might hereafter chance to arrive there, that pofleffion is taken in behalf of fome other prince, by thofe who firft found out the country.
Whofo maketh navigations to thofe countries, hath not only extreme winds and furious feas to encounter withal, but alfo many monftrous and great illands of ice ; a thing both rare, wonderful, and greatly to be regarded.
We were forced fundry times, while the Ihip did ride here at anchor, to have continual watch with boats and men ready with hawfers to knit fall unto fuch ice, as with the ebb and flood were tolled to and fro in the harbour, and with force of oars to haul them away, for endangering the Ihip.
Our general certain days fearched this fuppofed continent with America, and not finding the commodity to anfwer his expeftation, after he made trial thereof, he departed thence with two little barks, and men fufficient, to the eaft Ihore, being the fuppofed continent of Afia, and left the Ihip, with moll of the gentlemen, foldiers and failors, until fuch time as he either thought good to fend or come for them.
The ftones of this fuppofed continent with America be altogether fparkled, and glifter in the fun like gold ; fo likewife doth the fand in the bright water, yet they verify the old proverb, “ all is not gold that gliftereth.”
On this weft Ihore we found a dead filh floating, which had in his nofe a horn ftraight and torquet, of length two yards lacking two inches, being broken in the top, where we might perceive it hollow, into the which fome of our failors putting fpiders, they pre- fently died. I faw not the trial hereof, but it was reported unto me of a truth, by the virtue whereof we fuppofed it to be the fea-unicorn. vol. xii. 3 s
After

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After our general had found out good harbour for the fhip and barks to anchor in, and alfo fuch (tore of fuppofed gold ore, as he thought himfelf fatisfied withal, he returned to the Michael, whereof Mafter Yorke aforefaid was captain, accompanied with our mafter and his mate; who, coafting along the weft Ihore, not far from whence the fhip rode, they perceived a fair harbour, and willing to foundthe fame, at the entrance thereof they efpied two tents of feal fkins, unto which thecaptain, our faid mafter, and other company reforted. At the fight of our men the people fled into the mountains: neverthelefs they went to their tents, where leaving certain trifles of ours, as glaffes, bells, knives, and fuch like things, they departed, not taking any thing of theirs, except one dog ; they did in like manner leave behind them a letter, pen, ink, and paper, whereby our men whom the captain loft the year before, and in that people’s cuftody, might (if any of them were alive) be advertifed of our prefence and being there.
On the fame day, after confultation had, all the gentlemen, and others likewife that could be fpared from the fhip, under the conduct and leading of Mafter Philpot, (unto whom in our general’s abfence, and his lieutenant, Mafter Beaft, all the reft were obedient,) went afhore, determining to fee, if by fair means we could either allure them to familiarity, or otherwife take fome of them, and fo attain to fome knowledge of thofe men whom our general loft the year before.
At our coming back again to the place where their tents were before, they had removed their tents further into the faid bay or found, where they might, if they were driven from the land, flee with their boats into the fea. We parting ourfelves into two companies, and compafling a mountain, came fuddenly upon them by land ; who efpying us, without any tarrying fled to their boats, leaving the moft part of their oars behind them for hafte, and rowed down the bay, where our two pinnaces met them and drove them afhore : but if they had had all their oars, fo fwift are they in rowing, it had been loft time to have chafed them.
When they were landed, they fiercely affaulted our men with their bows and arrows, who wounded three of them with our arrows, and perceiving themfelves thus hurt, they defperately leaped off the rocks into the fea and drowned themfelves, which if they had not done, but had fubmitted themfelves, or if by any means we could have taken them alive (being their enemies as they judged), we would both havefaved them, and alfo have fought remedy to cure their wounds, received at our hands. But they, altogether void of humanity, and ignorant what mercy meaneth, in extremities look for no other than death ; and perceiving they fhould fall into our hands, thus miferably by drowning rather defired death, than otherwife to be faved by us ; the reft perceiving their fellows in this diftrefs, fled into the high mountains. Two women not being fo apt to efcape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being incumbered with a young child, we took. The old wretch, whom divers of our failors fuppofed to be either a devil or a witch, had her bufkins plucked off to fee if fhe were cloven-footed, and for her ugly hue and deformity we let her go. The young woman and the child we brought away. We named the place where they were {lain Bloody Point, and the bay or harbour, York’s Sound, after the name of one of the captains of the two barks. Having this knowledge both of their fiercenefs and cruelty, and perceiving that fair means as yet is not able to allure them to familiarity, we difpofed ourfelves, contrary to our inclination, fomething to be cruel, returned to their tents and made a fpoil of the fame ; where we found an old ftlirt, a doublet, a girdle, and alfo (hoes of our men, whom we loft the year before ; on nothing elfe unto them belonging could we fet our eyes.
Their
I

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 499
Their riches are not gold, filver, or precious drapery, but their faid tents and boats made of the {kins of red deer and feal {kins ; alfo dogs like unto wolves, but for the moll part black, with other trifles, more to be wondered at for their ftrangenefs, than for any other commodity needful for our ufe.
Thus returning to our fhip the 3d of Auguft, we departed from the weft ftiore, fup- pofed firm with America, after we had anchored there thirteen days, and fo the 4th thereof we came to our general on the eaft fliore, and anchored in a fair harbour named Ann Warwicke’s Sound, unto which is annexed an ifland both named, after the Countefs of Warwicke, Ann Warwicke’s Sound and Ifland.
In this ifle our general thought good for his voyage to freight both the fhip and barks with fuch ftone, or fuppofedgold mineral, as he judged to countervail the charges of his firft and this his fecond navigation to thefe countries.
In the mean time of our abode here, fome of the country people came to {hew themfelves unto us fundry times, on the mainlhore, near adjacent to the faid ifle. Our general, defirous to have fome news of his men whom he loft the year before, with fome company with him repaired with the {hip’s boat to commune, or fign with them for familiarity, whereunto he is perfuaded to bring them. They at the firft {hew made tokens that three of his five men were alive, and defired pen, ink, and paper, and that within three or four days they would return, and (as we judged) bring thofe of our men which were living with them.
They alfo made figns or tokens of their king, whom they called Cacough, and how he was carried on men’s {houlders, and a man far furmounting any of our company in bignefs and ftature.
With thefe tokens and figns of writing, pen, ink, and paper was delivered to them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid upon the fliore, and the party gone away, they took up ; which likewife they do, when they defire any thing for change of theirs, laying for that which is left fo much as they think will countervail the fame, and not coming near together. It feemeth they have been ufed to this trade or traffic with fome other people adjoining or not far diftant from their country.
After four days, fome of them {hewed themfelves upon the firm land, but not where they were before. Our general very glad thereof, fuppofing to hear of our men, went from the ifland with the boat and fufficient company with him. They feemed very glad, and allured him about a certain point of the land ; behind which they might perceive a company of the crafty villains to lie lurking, whom our general would not deal withal, for that he knew not what company they were, and fo with few figns difmified them and returned to his company.
Another time, as our faid general was coafting the country with two little pinnaces, whereby at our return he might make the better relation thereof, three of the crafty villains, with a white {kin, allured us to them. Once again, our general, for that he hoped to hear of his men, went towards them. At our coming near the fliore, whereupon they were, we might perceive a number of them lie hidden behind great ftones, and thofe three in fight labouring by all means poflible, that fome would come on land; and perceiving we made no hafte by words nor friendly figns, which they ufed by clapping of their hands, and being without weapon, and but three in fight, they fought further means to provoke us thereunto. One alone laid fleflron the fliore, which we took up with the boat-hook, as necefiary victuals for the relieving of the man, woman, and child, whom we had taken, for that as yet they could not digeft our meat; wh'ereby they perceived themfelves deceived of their expectation, for all their crafty allurements. Yet once again to make (as it were) a full {how of their crafty natures, and fubtle
3 s 2 Heights,

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heights, to the intent thereby to have entrapped and taken fome of our men, one of them counterfeited himfelf impotent and lame of his legs, who feemed to defcend to the water-fide with great difficulty, and to cover his craft the more, one of his fellows came down with him, and in fuch places where he feemed unable to pafs, he took him on his Ihoulders, fet him by the water-fide, and departed from him, leaving him (as it ihould feem) all alone, who playing his counterfeit pageant very well, thought thereby to provoke fome of us to come on Ihore, not fearing but that one of us might make our party good with a lame man.
Our general having compaffion of his impotency, thought it good (if it werepoffible) to cure him thereof; wherefore he caufed a foldier to ffioot at him with his caleever, which grazed before his face. The counterfeit villain deliverly fled, without any impediment at all, and got him to his bow and arrows, and the reft from their lurking holes, with their weapons, bows, arrows, flings, and darts. Our general caufed fome caleevers to be ihot off at them, whereby fome being hurt, they might hereafter ftand in more fear of us.
This was all the anfwer for this time we could have of our men, or of our general’s letter. Their crafty dealing at thefe three feveral times being thus manifeft unto us, may plainly Ihew their difpofition in other things to be correfpondent. We judged that they ufed thefe ftratagems, thereby to have caught fome of us, for the delivering of the man, woman, and child, whom we had taken.
They are men of a large corporature and of a good proportion, their colour is not much unlike the fun-burnt countryman, who laboureth daily in the fun for his living. They wear their hair fomething long, and cut before either with ftone or knife, very diforderly. Their women wear their hair long, and knit up with two loops, Ihewing forth on either fide of their faces, and the reft foltred upon a knot. Alfo fome of their women race their faces proportionally, as chin, cheeks, and forehead, and the wrifts of their hands, whereupon they lay a colour which continueth dark azurine.
They eat their meat all raw, both flelh, filh, and fowl, or fomething parboiled, with blood and a little water, which they drink. For lack of water they will eat ice that is hard frozen, as pleafantly as we will do fugarcandy, or other fugar.
If they for neceffity fake ftand in need of the premifes, fuch grafs as the country yieldeth they pluck and eat, not daintily, or faladwife, to lure their ftomachs to- appetite, but for neceffity fake, without either fait, oils, or waffling, like brute beafts devouring the fame ; they neither ufe table, ftool, or table-cloth, for comelinefs ; but when they are embrued with blood knuckle deep, and their knives in like fort, they ufe their tongues, as apt inftruments to lick them clean; in doing whereof, they are- allured to lofe none of their victuals.
They frank or keep certain dogs not much unlike wolves, which they yoke together as we do oxen and horfes, to a fled or trail, and fo carry their necefiaries over the ice and fnow from place to place, as the captive whom we have, made perfect figns; and' when thofe dogs are not apt for the ufe, or when with hunger they are conftrained for the lack of other victuals, they eat them, fo that they are needful for them in refpect of their bignefs, as our oxen are for us.
They apparel themfelves in the Ikins of fueh beafts as they kill, fewed together with the finews of them. All the fowl which they kill, they Ikin and make thereof one kind of garment or other, to defend themfelves from the cold.
They make their apparel with hoods and tails, which tails they give when they think to gratify any friendlhip ffiewed unto them ; a great fign of friendlhip with them. The men have them not fo fide as the women.
The

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. SOI
The men and women wear their hofe clofe to their legs, from the waift to the knee, without any open before, as well the one kind as the other. Upon their legs they wear hofe of leather, with the fur fide inward, two or three pair on at once, and efpecially the women ; in thofe hofe they put their knives, needles, and other things needful to bear about. They put a bone within their hofe, which reacheth from the foot to the knee, whereupon they draw their faid hofe, and fo in place of garters, they are holden from falling down about their feet.
They drefs their Ikins very foft and fupple with the hair on ; in cold weather or winter they wear the fur fide inward, and in fummer outward. Other apparel they have none but the faid ikins.
Thofe beafts, fiihes, and fowls which they kill, are their meat, drink, apparel, houfes, bedding, hofe, ihoes, thread and fails for their boats, with many other neceifaries whereof they Hand in need, and almoft all their riches.
Their houfes are tents, made of feal ikins, pitched up with four fir quarters, foursquare, meeting at the top, and the ikins fewed together with finews, and laid thereupon'; they are fo pitched up, that the entrance into them is always fouth or againil the fun.
They have other houfes which we found not to be inhabited, which are raifed with ftones and whalebones, and a ikin laid over them to withftand the rain or other weather, the entrance of them being not much unlike an oven’s mouth, where I think they refort for a time to fiih, hunt, and fowl, and fo leave them until the next time they come thither again.
The weapons are bows, arrows, darts, and flings: their bows are of wood of a yard long, finewed at the back with ftrong finews, not glued to, but fail girded and tied on ; their bow-ftrings are likewife finews; their arrows are three pieces nocked with bone, and ended with bone, with two ends, and the wood in the midil; they pafs not in length half a yard, or little more ; they are feathered with two feathers, the pen end being cut away, and the feathers laid upon the arrow, with the broad fide to the wood, infomuch that they feem- when they are tied on, to have four feathers. They have alfo three forts of heads to thofe arrows ; one fort of ftone or iron, proportioned like to a heart ; the fecond fort of bone, much like unto a ilopt head, with a hook on the fame ; the third fort, of bone likewife, made iharp at both fides, and iharp pointed. They are not made very fail, but lightly tied to, or elfe fet in a nocke, that upon fmall occafion the arrows leave thefe heads behind them ; and they are of fmall force, except they be very near when they fhoot.
Their darts are made of two forts; the one with many forks of bones in the fore end, and likewife in the midft; their proportions are not much unlike our toafting irons, only longer, but thefe they call out of an inftrument of wood very readily. The other fort is greater than the firft aforefaid, with a long bone made iharp on both fides, not much unlike a rapier, which I take to be their moil hurtful weapon.
They have two forts of boats made of leather, fet out on the inner fide with quarters of wood, artificially tied together with thongs of the fame ; the greater fort are not much unlike our wherries, wherein 16 or 20 men may fit; they have for a fail, dreil the guts of fueh beafts as they kill very fine and thin, which they few together ; the other boat is but for one man to fit and row in with one oar.
Their order of fiihing, hunting, and fowling, are with thefe faid weapons; but in what fort, or how they ufe them, we have no perfect knowledge as yet.
I can fuppofe their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither their houfes nor apparel are of fuch force to withftand the extremity of cold that the country feemeth to be infected withal; neither do I fee any fign likely to perform the fame.
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Thofe houfes, or rather dens, which Hand there, have no fign of footway, or any thing elfe trodden, which is one of the chiefeft tokens of habitation ; and thofe tents which they bring -with them, when they have fufficiently hunted and fiffied, they remove to other places, and when they have fufficiently flowed them of fuch victuals as the country yieldeth or bringeth forth, they return to their winter flations or habitations. This conjecture do I make for the infertility which I conjecture to be in that country.
They have fome iron, whereof they make arrow heads, knives, and other little in- ftruments, to work their boats, bows, arrows, and darts withal, which are very unapt to do any thing withal, but with great labour.
It feemeth that they have converfation with fome other people, of whom for exchange they fhould receive the fame. They are greatly delighted with any thing that is bright, or giveth a found.
What knowledge they have of God, or what idol they adore, we have*no perfect intelligence: I think them rather Anthropophagi, or devourers of man’s flefh, than otherwife ; for that there is no flefh or fifh which they find dead, (fmell it never fo filthily), but they will eat it, as they find it, without any other dreffing. A loath- fome thing, either to the beholders or hearers.
There is no manner of creeping beafl hurtful, except fome fpiders, (which fome affirm are figns of great ftore of gold), and alfo certain flinging gnats, which bite fo. fiercely, that the place where they bite fhortly after fwelleth and itcheth very fore.
They make figns of certain people that wear bright plates of gold in their foreheads, and other places of their bodies.
The countries on both fides the flreights lie very high, with rough flony mountains, and great quantity of fnow thereon. There is very little plain ground, and no grafs, except a little which is much like unto mofs that groweth on foft ground, fuch as we get turfs in. There is no wood at all. To be brief, there is nothing fit or profitable for the ufe of man, which that country with root yieldeth or bringeth forth : howbeit, there is great quantity of deer, whofe fkins are like unto affes ; their heads and horns do far exceed, as well in length, as alfo in breadth, any in thefe our parts or countries; their feet likewife are as great as our oxen’s, which we meafured to be feven or eight inches in breadth. There are alfo hares, wolves, fiffiing bears, and fea fowl of fundry forts.
As the country is barren and unfertile, fo are they rude and of no capacity to culture the fame to any perfection, but are contented by their hunting, fiffiing, and fowling, with raw fleffi and warm blood, to fatisfy their greedy paunches, which is their only glory.
There is great likelihood of earthquakes or thunder, for that there are huge and monftrous mountains, whofe greateft fubftance are Hones, and thofe Hones fo ffiaken with extraordinary means, that one is feparated from another, which is difcordant with all other quarries.
There are no rivers or running fprings, but fuch as through the heat of the fun, with fuch water as defcendeth from the mountains and hills, whereon great drifts of fnow do lie, are ingendered.
It argueth alfo that there ffiould be none; for that the earth, which with the extremity of the winter is fo frozen within, that that water which ffiould have recourfe within the fame to maintain fprings, hath not its motion, whereof great waters have their original, as is feen otherwhere. Such vallies as are capable to receive the water,
3* ( that

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 503
that in the fummer time by the operation of the fun defcendeth from great abundance of fnow, which continually lieth on the mountains, and hath no paffage, finketh into the earth and fo vanilheth away, without any runnell above the earth, by which occafion, or continual Handing of the faid water, the earth is opened, and the great froH yieldeth to the force thereof; which in other places, four or five fathoms within the ground, for lack of the faid moifiure, the earth (even in the very fummer time) is frozen, and fo combineth the Hones together, that fcarcely infiruments with great force can unknit them.
Alfo where the water in thofe vallies can have no fuch paflage away, by the continuance of time in fuch order as is before rehearfed, the yearly defcent from the mountains filleth them full, that at the lowefl bank of the fame they fall into the valley, and fo continue as fifhing-ponds or Hagnes in fummer time full of water, and in the winter hard frozen, as by fkarres that remain thereof in fummer may eafily be perceived ; fo that the heat of fummer is nothing comparable or of force to diffolve the extremity of cold that cometh in winter.
Neverthelefs, I am affured, that below the force of the froH within the earth, the waters have recourfe, and empty themfelves out of fight into the fea, which through the extremity of the frofi are confirained to do the fame; by which occafion the earth within is kept the warmer, and fprings have their recourfe, which is the only nutriment of gold and minerals within the fame.
There is much to be faid of the commodities of thefe countries, which are couched within the bounds of the earth j which I let pafs till more perfect trial be made thereof.
The 24th of AuguH, after we had fatisfied our minds with freight fufficient for our veflels, though not our covetous defires with fuch knowledge of the country, people, and other commodities as are before rehearfed, we departed therehence. The 17th of September we fell in with the land’s-end of England, and fo failed to Milford Haven, from whence our general rode to the court, for order to what port or haven, to condudt the fhip.
We loH our two barks in the way homewards, the one the 29th of AuguH, the other the 3 xH of the fame month, by occafion of a great tempefi and fog; howbeit God refiored the one to Brifiowe, and the other made his courfe by Scotland to Yarmouth. In this voyage we loH two men, one in the way by God’s vifitation, and the other homeward, caH overboard with a furge of the fea.
THE

THE THytD AND LAST VOYAGE UNTO META INCOGNITA* MADE BY M. MARTIN FROBISHER IN THE YEAR 1578. WRITTEN BY THOMAS ELLIS.
ri|THESE are to let you know, that upon the 25 th of May, theThomas Allen being vice- j admiral, whofe captain was M. Yorke, M. Gibbs mafter, Chriftopher Hall pilot; accompanied with the rear-admiral named the Hopewell, whofe captain was M. Henry Carewe, the M. Andrew Dyer, and certain other Ihips came to Gravefend, where we anchored, and abode the coming of certain of our fleet, which were not yet come.
The 27th of the fame month, our fleet being now come together, and all things put in a readinefs, the wind favouring, and tide ferving, we being of fails in number eight, weighed anchor and hoifted our fails towards Harwich to meet with our admiral,and the refxdue, which then and there abode our arrival, where we fafely arrived the 28th thereof, finding there our admiral, whom we with the difcharge of certain pieces, faluted, according to order and duty ; and were welcomed with the like courtefy, which being finiffied we landed; where our general continued muftering his foldiers and miners, and fetting things in order appertaining to the voyage, until the laft of the faid month of May, which day we hoifted our fails, and committing ourfelves to the conducing of Almighty God, we fet forward toward the weft country in fuch lucky wife and good fuccefs, that by the 5th of June we pafied the Durfies, being the utmoft part of Ireland to the weftward.
And here it were not much amifs, nor far from our purpofe, if I fliould a little dif- courfe and 1 fpeak of our adventures and chances by the way, as our landing at Plymouth, and alfo the meeting certain poor men, which were robbed and fpoiled of all that they had by pirates and robbers; amongft whom was a man of Briftow, on whom, our general ufed his liberality, and fent him away with letters into England.
But becaufe fuch things are impertinent to the matter, I will return (without any more mentioning of the fame) to that from the which I have digrelfed and fwerved, I mean our ihips now failing on the furging feas, fometimes pafling with pleafiire with a wifhed eaftern wind, fometimes hindered of our courfe again by theweftern blafts, until the 20th day of the aforefaid month of June, on which day in the morning we fell withFrizeland,which is a very high and cragged land, and was ahnoft clean covered with fnow, fo that we might fee nought but craggy rocks, and- the tops of high and huge hills, fometimes (and for the moft part) all covered with foggy mifts. There might be alfo perceived the great ifles of ice lying on the feas, like mountains, fome fmall and fome big, of fundry kinds of- fhapes, and fuch a number of them, that we could not come near the fhore for them.
Thus failing along the coaft, at the laft we faw a place, fomewhat void of ice, where our general (accompanied with certain others) went afhore, where they faw certain tents made of beafts fkins, and boats much like unto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnilhed with flefh,fifh Ikins, and other trifles; amongft the which was found a box of nails, whereby we did conjecture that they had either artificers amongft them, or elfe
a traffic

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, 505
a traffic with fome other nation. The men ran away, fo that we could have Ho conference or communication with them. Our general (becaufe he would have them no more to flee, but rather encouraged to Hay, through his courteous dealing) gave commandment that his men ffiould take nothing away with them, faving only a couple of white dogs; for which he left pins, points, knives, and other trifling things, and departed without taking or hurting any thing, and fo came aboard, and hoifted fail, and paffed forwards.
But being fcarce out of the fight thereof, there fell fuch a fog and hideous milt, that we could not fee one another ; whereupon we ftruck our drums, and founded our trumpets, to the end we might keep together, and fo continued all that day and night, till the next day that the mill broke up, fo that we might eafily perceive all the flips thus failing together all that day until the next day, being the 2ad of the fame ; on which day we faw an infinite number of ice, from the which we call about, to fhun the danger thereof.
But one of our fmail barks, named the Michael, whofe captain was Mailer Kinderllie, the mailer Bartholomew Bull, loll our company, infomuch that we could not obtain the fight of her many days after ; of whom I mean to fpeak further anon, when occa- fion lhall be miniltered, and opportunity ferve. Thus we continued in our courfe until the 2d of July, on which day we fell with the Queen’s Foreland, where we faw fo much ice, that we thought it impoflible to get into the .freights ; yet at the laft we gave the adventure, and entered the ice.
Being amongft it, we faw the Michael, of whom I fpake before, accompanied with the Judith, whofe captain was Mailer Fenton, the mailer Charles Jackman, bearing into the aforefaid ice, far dillant from us, who in a Itorm that fell that prefent night, (whereof I will at large, God willing, difcourfe hereafter,) were fevered from us, and being in, wandered up and down the freights amonglt the ice, many days in great peril; till at the laft (by the Providence of God) they came fafely to harbour in their wifhed port, in the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, the 20th of July aforefaid, tea days before any of the other Ihips. Who going on Ihore, found where the people of the country had been, and had hid their provifion in great heaps of Hones, being both of flelh and filh- which they had killed: whereof we alfo found great flore in oth r plac r • , • arrival. They found alfo divers engines, as bows,
flings and darts. r l nie ' t rr , ; hkewife certain pieces of the pinnace, which our general le i f - d re the ii- .ore, which pinnace he had funk, minding to have it again the next year.
Now feeing I have entreated fo much of the Judith and the Michael, I will return to the reft of the other Ihips, and will fpeak a little of the ftorm that fell, with the milhaps that we had, the night that we put into the ice; whereof I made mention before.
At the firft entering into the ice at the mouth of the ftreights, our paffage was very narrow and difficult; but being once got in, we had a fair open place without any ice for the molt part, being a league, the ice being round about us and inclofing us, as it were, within the pales of a park. In which place, becaufe it was almoft night, we minded to take in our fails, and lie a hull all that night. But the ftorm fo increafed, and the waves began to mount aloft, which brought the ice fo near us, and coming on fo fall upon us, that we were fain to bear in and out, where we might efpie an open place. Thus, the ice coming on us fo fall, we were in great danger, looking every hour for death. And thus paffed we on in that great danger, feeing both ourfelves
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and the reft of our fhips fo troubled and tolled amongft the Ice, that it would make the ftrongeft heart to relent.
At the laft the bark Dionyfe, being but a weak {hip, and bruifed afore amongft the ice, being fo leaky that no longer {he could tarry above the water, funk without faying any of the goods which were within her ; which fight fo abafhed the whole fleet, that we thought verily that we ftiould havetafted of the famefauce. But neverthelefs, we feeing them in fuch great danger, manned our boats and faved all the men in fuch wife, that not one periftied, God be thanked.
The ftorm ftill increafed, and the ice inclofed us, fo that we were fain to take down top and top-mafts; for the ice had fo environed us, that we could fee neither land nor fea, as far as we could ken; fo that we were fain to cut our cables to hang over-board for fenders, fomewhat to eafe the {hip’s fides from the great and dreary ftrokes of the ice ; fome with capftan bars, fome fending off with oars, fome with planks of two inches thick, which were broken immediately with the force of the ice , fome going out upon.the ice to bear it off with their fhoulders from the {hips. But the rigoroufnefs of the tempeft was fuch, and the force of the ice fo great, that not only they burft and fpoiled the aforefaid provifion, but likewife fo raifed the fides of the {hips, that it was pitiful to behold, and caufed the hearts of many to faint.
Thus we continued all that difmal and lamentable night plunged in this perplexity, looking for inftant death; but our God (who never leaveth them deftitute which faithfully call upon him, although he often punilheth for amendment fake), in the morning caufed the wind to ceafe, and the fog, which all that night lay on the face of the water, to clear; fo that we might perceive about a mile from us, a certain place clear from any ice, to the which with an eafy breath of wind, which our God fent us, we bent ourfelves. And furthermore, he provided better for us than we de- ferved or hoped for ; for when we were in the aforefaid clear place, he fent us a frelh gale at weft, or at W. S. W. which fet us clear without all the ice. And further he added more, for he fent us fo pleafant a day, as the like we had not of a long time before, as after punifhment confolation.
Thus we joyful wights being at liberty, took in all our fails- and lay a hull, praying God for our deliverance, and flayed to gather together ^r fleet; which once being done, we feeing that none of them had any great hurt, nei> inu any of them wanted, faving only they of whom I fpake before, and the {hip which vTas loft ; then at the laft we hoifted our fails, and lay beating off and on, till fuch time as it would pleafe God to take away the ice that we might get into the {freights.
And as we thus lay off and on, we came by a marvellous huge mountain of ice, which furpaffed all the reft that ever we faw; for we judged it to be near four-fcore fathoms above water, and we thought it to be aground for any thing that we could perceive* being there ninefcore fathoms deep, and of compafs about half a mile.
Alfo the 5th of July there fella hideous fog and mift, that continued till the 19th of the fame; fo that one {hip could not fee another. Therefore we were fain to bear a fmall fail, and to obferve the time; but there run fuch a current of a tide, that it fet us to the N, W. of the Queen’s Foreland, the backfide of all the {freights; where (through the contagious fog, having no fight either of fun or ftar) we fcarce knew where we were. In this fog the 1 oth of July, we loft the company of the vice-admiral, ihe Anne Francis, the Buffe of Bridgewater, and the Francis of Foy*
The 1 6th day, one of our fmall barks, named the Gabriel, was fent by our general
to

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
to bear in with the land to defcry it; where being on land, they met with the people of the country, which feemed very humane and civil, and offered to traffic with our men, proffering them fowls and fkins for knives and other trifles, whofe courtefy caufed us to think that they had fmall converfation with other of the ftreights.
Then we bareback again to go with the Queen’s Foreland, and the 18th day we came by two iflands whereon we went on fliore, and found where the people had been; but we faw none of them. This day we were again in the ice, and like to be in as great peril as we were at firft; for through the darknefs and obfcurity of the foggy miff, we were almoft run on rocks and iflands before we faw them. But God (even miraculoufly) provided for us, opening the fogs that we might fee clearly, both where and in what danger we prefently were, and alfo the way to efcape ; or elfe without fail we had ruinoufly run upon the rocks.
When we knew perfectly our inftant cafe we caff about to get again on fea-board ; which, God be thanked, by night we obtained, and praifed God. The clear continued fcarce an hour, but the fog fell again as thick as ever it was.
Then the Rear-admiral and the Bear got themfelves clear without danger of ice and rocks, ftruck their fails and lay a hull, flaying to have the reft of the fleet come forth, which as yet had not found the right way to clear themfelves from the danger of rocks and ice, until the next morning, at what time the Admiral difcharged certain warning pieces to give notice that the had efcaped, and that the reft (by following her) might fet themfelves free, which they did that day.
Then having gathered ourfelves together, we proceeded on our purpofed voyage, bearing off and keeping ourfelves diltant from the coaff till the 19th day of July ; at which time the fogs brake up and difperfed, fo that we might plainly and clearly behold the pleafant air, which fo long had been taken from us, by the obfcurity of the foggy mills ; and after that time we were not much encumbered therewith, until we had left the confines of the country.
Then we efpying a fair found, fuppofed it to go into the ftreights between theQueen’s Foreland and Jackman’s Sound, which proved as we imagined, for our general fent forth the Gabriel to difcover it, who palled through with much difficulty, for there ran fuch an extreme current of a tide, with fuch a horrible gulph, that with a frefh gale of wind they were fcarcely able to Item it; yet at the length with great travail they paffed it, and came to the ftreights, where they met with the Thomas Allen, the Thomas of Ipfwich, and the Buffe of Bridgewater; who altogether ventured to bear into the ice again, to fee if they could obtain their wifhed port. But they were fo encumbered that with much difficulty they were able to get out again, yet at the laft they efcaping, the Thomas Allen and the Gabriel bare in with the weftern fliore, where they found harbour, and there moored their fhips until the 4th of Augufl, at which time they came to us in the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound. The Thomas of Ipfwich caught a great leak, which caufed her to call again to fea-board, and fo was mended.
We failed along ftill by the coaft, until we came to the Queen’s Foreland, at the point whereof we met with part of the gulph aforefaid, which place or gulph (as fome of our mailers do credibly report) doth flow nine hours, and ebbs but three. At that point we difcovered certain lands fouthward, which neither time nor opportunity would ferve to fearch. Then being come to the mouth of the ftreights we met with the Anne Francis, who had lain bulting up and down ever fince her departure alone, never finding any of her company. We met then alfo the Francis of Foy, with whom
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again we intended to venture and get in, but the ice was yet fo thick, that we were com* pelled again to retire, and get us on fea.board.
There fell alfo the fame day, being the a 6th of July, fuch an horrible fnow, that it lay a foot thick upon the hatches, which froze as it fell.
We had alfo at other times divers cruel ftorms, both of fnow and hail, which rnani- feftly declared the diftemperature of the country. Yet for all that we were fo many times repulfed and put back from our purpofe, knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for us, but hurtful to our voyage, we mutually confented to our valiant general once again, to give the onfet.
The 28th therefore of the faid July we effayed, and with little trouble (God be praifed) we palled the dangers by day-light. - Then night falling on the face of the earth, we hulled in the clear, till the cheerful light of the day had chafed away the noifome darknefs of the night; at which time we fet forward toward our wifhed port: by the 30th day we obtained our expe&ed defire, where we found the Judith and the Michael; which brought no fmall joy unto the general, and great confolation to the heavy hearts of thofe wearied wights.
The 30th day of July we brought our fhips into the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, and moored them ; namely, thefe fhips, the Admiral, the Rear-admiral, the Francis of Foy, the Bear, Armenel, the Salomon, and the Buffe of Bridgewater ; which being done, our general commanded us all to coineafhore, upon the Countefs’s Ifland, where he fet his miners to work upon the mine, giving charge with expedition to difpatch with their lading.
Our general himfelf, accompanied with his gentlemen, divers times made roads into fundry parts of the country, as well to find new mines, as alfo to find out and fee the people of the country. Fie found out one mine upon an ifland by Bear’s Sound, and named it the Countefs of Suffex Ifland. One other was found in Winter’s For- nace, with divers others, to which the fhips were fent funderly to be laden. In the fame roads he met with divers of the people of the country at fundry times, as once at a place called David’s Sound ; who fhot at our men, and very defperately gave them the on- fet, being not above three or four in number, there being of our countrymen above a dozen; but feeing themfelves not able to prevail, they took themfelves to flight; whom our men purfued, but being not ufed to fuch craggy cliffs, they foon loft the fight of them, and fo in vain returned.
We alfo faw of them at Bear’s Sound, both by fea and land in great companies ; but they would at all times keep tire water between them and us. And if any of our fhips chanced to be in the Sound, (as they came divers times becaufe the harbour was not very good,) the flrip laded and departed again ; then fo long as any fhips were in fight, the people would not be feen. But when as they perceived the fhips to be gone, they would not only flrew themfelves ftanding upon high cliffs, and call us to come over unto them, but alfo would come in their boats very near to us, as it were to brag at us ; whereof our general having advertifement, fent for the captains and gentlemen of the fhips, to accompany and attend upon him, with the captain alfo of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come unto us; for they and the Fleebote having loft us the 26th day in the great fnow, put into an harbour in the Queen’s Foreland, where they found good ore, wherewith they laded themfelves, and came to feek the general; fo that now we nad all our fhips, faving one bark which was loft, and the Thomas of Ipfwich, who (compelled by what fury I know not) forfook our company, and returned home without lading,
Our

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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Our general, accompanied with his gentlemen (of whom I fpake), came all together to the Countefs of Suffex Iiland, near to Bear Sound, where he manned out certain pinnaces, and went over to the people, who perceiving his arrival, fled away with all (peed, and in hafte left certain darts, and other engines behind them, which we found ; but the people we could not find.
The next morning, our general perceiving certain of them in boats upon the fea, gave chafe to them in a pinnace under fail, with a frelh gale of wind, but could by no means come near unto them ; for the longer he failed, the farther off he was from them, which well (hewed their cunning and activity. Thus, time wearing away, and the day of our departure approaching, our general commanded us to lade with all expedition, that we might be again on lea-board with our (hips ; for whilft we were in the country, we were in continual danger of freezing in: for often fnow and hail often falling, the water was fo much frozen and congealed in the night, that in the morning we could fcarce row our boats or pinnaces, efpecially in Dier’s Sound, which is a calm and (till water; which caufed our general to make the more hafte, fo that by the 30th day of Auguft we were all laden and made all things ready to depart.
But before I proceed any further herein, to (hew what fortune befell our departure, I will turn my pen a little to M. Captain Fenton, and thofe gentlemen, which lhould have inhabited all the year in thofe countries, whofe valiant minds were much to be commended ; for doubtlefs they had done as they intended, if luck had not withftood their willingnefs.
For the bark Dionyfe, which was loft, had in her much of their houfe which was prepared and (hould have been builded for them, with many other implements. Alfo the Thomas of Ipfwich, which had 1110ft of their provifion in her, came not into the (freights at all, neither did we fee her fince the day we were feparated in the great fnow, of which I fpake before. For thefe caufes, having not their houfe nor yet provifion, they were difappointed of their pretence to tarry, and therefore laded their (hips, and fo came away With us.
But before we took dripping, we builded a little houfe in the Countefs of War wick’s Ifland, and garniflied it with many kind of trifles, as pins, points, laces, glades, combs, babes on horfeback and on foot, with innumerable other fuch fancies and toys; thereby to allure and entice the people tofome familiarity againft other years.
Thus having finilhed all things, we departed the country, as I faid before; but becaufe the Bufle had not lading enough in her, (he put into Bear’s Sound, to take in a little more. In the meanwhile the Admiral, and the reft without at fea (fayed for her. And that night fell fuch an outrageous temped, beating on our (hips with fuch vehement rigour, that anchor and cable availed nought; for we were driven on rocks and iflands of ice, infomuch that (had not the great goodnefs of God been miraculoufly (hewed to us) we had been caft away every man. This danger was more doubtful and terrible than any that preceded or went before, for there was not any one (hip(I think)that efcaped without damage. Some loft anchor and alfo cables, fome boats, forne pinnaces, fome anchor, cable, boats, and pinnaces.
This boifterous (form fo fevered us one from another, that one (hip knew not what was become of another. The Admiral knew not where to find the Vice-admiral or Rear- admiral, or any other (hip of our company. Our general being on land in Bear’s- Sound, could not come to his (hip, but was compelled to go aboard the Gabriel, where he continued all the way homeward (which was God’s favour towards us), will we, nill we, in fuch hafte, as not any one of us were able to keep in company with other,

£io Frobisher’s third voyage, &c.
hut were feparated. And if by chance any one {hip did overtake other, by fwlftnefs of fail, or met, as they often did, yet was the rigour of the wind fo hideous, that they could not continue company together the fpace of one whole night.
Thus our journey outward was not fo pleafant, but our coming thither, entering the coafts and country, by narrow {freights, perilous ice, and fwift tides, our times of abode there in fnow and {forms, and our departure from thence the 31ft of Auguft, with dangerous bluftering winds and tern pelts, which that night arofe, was as uncomfortable ; feparating us fo as we failed, that not any of us met together until the 28th of September, which day we fell on the Englifh coafts, between Scilly and the Land’s-end, and paffed the channel, until our arrival in the river of Thames.
The Report of Thomas IViars , Pajfenger in the Emanuel , otherwife called the Bujfe of Bridgewater, wherein James Leech was Majler, one of the Ships in the lajl Voyage of MaJterMartin Frobijher , 1578, concerning the Difcovery of a great JJland in their Way homeward , the 12 th of September.
T HE Buffe of Bridgewater was left in Bear’s Sound at Meta Incognita, the 2d day of September, behind the fleet in forne diftfefs, through much wind, riding near the lee-fhore, and forced there to ride it out upon the hazard of her cables and anchors, which were all a-ground but two. The 3d of September being fair weather, and the wind N. N. W. {he fet fail and departed thence, and fell with Frizeland on the 8th day of September at fix of the clock at night, and then they fet off from the S.W. point of Frizeland, the wind being at eaft and E. S. E. but that night the wind veered foutherly, and fluffed oftentimes that night; but on the 10th day in the morning, the wind at W. N. W. fair weather, they fteered S. E. by S. and continued that courfe, until the 1 ath day of September, when about eleven of the clock before noon, they deferied a land which was from them about five leagues, and the fouthermoft part of it was S. E. by E. from them, and the northermoft next N. N. E. or N. E. The mafter accounted that the S. E. point of Frizeland was from him at that inftant, when he firft deferied this new ifland N. W. by N. 50 leagues. They account this ifland to be 25 leagues long, and the longeft way of it S. E. and N. W. The fouthern part of it is in the latitude of 57 degrees and one fecond part, or thereabout. They continued in fight of it from the 12th day at eleven of the clock, till the 13th day at three of the clock in the afternoon, when they left it, and the laft part they faw of it, bare from them N. W. by N. There appeared two harbours upon that coaft ; the greateft of them feven leagues to the northwards of the fouthermoft point, the other but four leagues. There was very much ice near the fame land, and alfo 20 or 30 leagues from it, for they were not clear of ice till the 15 th day of September afternoon. They plied their voyage homewards, and fell with the weft part of Ireland about Galway, and had firft fight of it on the 25th day of September.
CAPTAIN

( 5 11 )
CAPTAIN FROBISHER’S FIRST VOYAGE.
[another account */]
O UR general, Captain Frobilher, being thoroughly furnifhed of the knowledge oF the fphere, and all other {kills appertaining to the art of navigation, as alfo of the confirmation he hath of the fame by many years experience both by fea and land, and being perfuaded of a new and nearer paffage to Cataya than by Capo de Buona Speran$a, which the Portugals yearly ufe ; he began firft with himfelf to devife, and then with his friends to confer, and laid a plain plot unto them, that that voyage was not only poffible by the N. W., but alfo he could prove, eafy to be performed. And further he determined and refolved with himfelf, to go make full proof thereof, and to accomplifh or bring true certificate of the truth, or elfe never to return again ; knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet undone, whereby a notable mind might be made famous and fortunate. But although his will were great to perform this notable voyage, whereof he had conceived in his mind a great hope, by fundry fure reafons and fecret intelligence, which here for fundry caufes I leave untouched, yet he wanted altogether means and ability to fet forward and perform the fame. Long time he conferred with his private friends of thefe fecrets, and made alfo many otters for the performing of the fame in effect unto fundry merchants of our " country, above fifteen years before he attempted the fame, as by good witnefs {hall well appear, (albeit fome evil willers which challenge to themfelves the fruit of other men’s labours, have greatly injured him, in the report of the fame, faying that they have been the firft authors of that action, and that they have learned him the way, which themfelves as yet have never gone) ; but perceiving that hardly he was hearkened unto of the merchants, which never regard virtue without fure, certain, and prefent gains, he repaired to the court (from whence, as from the fountain of our common wealth, all good caufes have their chief increafe and maintenance), and there laid open to many great eftates and learned men the plot and fum of his device. And amongft many honourable minds which favoured his honeft and commendable enterprife, he was fpecially bound and beholden to the Right Honourable Ambrofe Dudley Earl of Warwick, whofe favourable mind and good difpofition hath always been ready to countenance and advance all honeft actions with the authors and executers of the fame; and fo by means of my lord’s honourable countenance he received fome comfort of his caufe, and by little and little, with no fmall expence and pain, brought his caufe to fome perfection, and had drawn together fo many adventurers, and fuch fums of money as might well defray a reafonable charge to furnilh himfelf to fea withal.
He prepared two fmall barks of twenty and five and twenty tons a piece, wherein he intended to accomplifh his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnifhed with the forefaid two barks, and one fmall pinnace of ten tons burthen, having therein victuals and other neceffaries for twelve months provifion, he departed upon the faid voyage from Blackball the 15th of June, Anno Domini 1576.
One of the barks wherein he went was named the Gabriel, and the other the Michael; and failing N. W. from England, upon the nth of July he had fight of an high and ragged land, which he judged to be Frizeland (whereof fome authors have made mention), but durft not approach the fame, by reafon of the great {tore of ice that lay along the coaft, and the great mills that troubled them not a little. Not far
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p, *7,
9* from
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from thence he loft company of his fmall pinnace, which by means of the great florin he fuppofed to be fwallowed up of the fea, wherein he loft only four men.
Alfo the other bark named the Michael, miftrufting the matter, conveyed themfelves privily away from him, and returned home with great report that he was call away.
The worthy captain, notwithftanding thefe difcomforts, although his mail v/as fprung, and his topmaft blown overboard with extreme foul weather, continued his courfe towards the M.W., knowing that the fea at length muft needs have an ending, and that fome land fhould have a beginning that way ; and determined therefore at the leaft to bring true proof what land and fea the fame might be fo far to the north- weft wards, beyond any man that hath heretofore difcovered. And the 20th of July he had light of an high land, which he called Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland; after her Majefty’s name. And failing more northerly along that coaft, he defcried another foreland, with a great gut, bay, or paffage, dividing as it were two main lands or continents afunder. There he met with {tore of exceeding great ice all along this coaft, and coveting ftill to continue his courfe to the northwards, was always by contrary winds detained overthwart thefe ftraights, and could not get beyond. Within few days after, he perceived the ice to be well confumed and gone, either there ingulphed in by fome fwift currents or indrafts, carried more to the fouthwards of the fame {freights, or elfe conveyed fome other way ; wherefore he determined to make proof of this place, to fee how far that gut had continuance, and whether he might carry himfelf through the fame into fome open fea on the backftde, whereof he conceived no fmall hope, and fo entered the fame the 21ft day of July, and palled above fifty leagues therein, as he reported, having upon either hand a great main or continent. And that land upon his right hand as he failed weftward, he judged to be the continent of Alia, and there to be divided from the firm of America, which lieth upon the left hand over againft the fame.
This place he named after his name, Frobifher’s Streights, like as Magellanus at the S.W. end of the world, having difcovered the paffage to the South Sea, (where America is divided from the continent of that land which lieth under the fouth pole), and called the fame {freights, Magellane’s Streights.
After he had paffed 60 leagues into this forefaid {freight, he went afhore, and found figns where fire had been made.
Fie faw mighty deer which feemed to be mankind, which ran at him, and hardly he efcaped with his life in a narrow way,'where he was fain to ufe defence and policy to fave his life.
In this place he faw and perceived fundry tokens of the people’s reforting thither. And being afhore upon the top of a hill, he perceived a number of fmall things fleeting in the fea afar off, which he fuppofed to be porpoifes or feals, or fome kind of ftrange filh; but coming nearer he difcovered them to be men in fmall boats made of leather. And before he could defcend down from the hill, certain of thofe people had almoft cut off his boat from him, having ftolen fecretly behind the rocks for that purpofe, where he fpeedily halted to his boat; and went himfelf to his halberd, and narrowly efcaped the danger and faved his boat. Afterwards he had fundry conferences with them, and they came aboard his fhip, and brought him falmon, and raw flefh and filh, and greedily devoured the fame before our men’s faces. And to {hew their agility,' they tried many mafteries upon the ropes of the {hip after our mariners faftiion, and appeared to be very ftrong of their arms, and nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of feals, and bear {kins, and fuch like, with our men; and received bells, looking- glaffes, and other toys, in recompence thereof again. After great courtefie, and many
meetings,

THE DISCOVERY OP A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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meetings, our mariners, contrary to their captain’s direftion, began more eafily to truft them; and five of our men going afhore were by them intercepted with their boat, and were never fince heard of to this day again ; fo that the captain being deftitute of boat, bark, and all company, had fcarcely fufficient number to conduct back his bark again. He could now neither convey himfelf afhore to refcue his men (if he had been able), for want of a boat; and again the fubtle traitors were fo wary, as they would after that never come within our men’s danger. The captain notwithftanding, defirous to bring fome token from thence of his being there, was greatly difcontented that he had not before apprehended fome of them ; and therefore to deceive the deceivers, he wrought a pretty policy; for knowing well how they greatly delighted in our toys, and efpecially in bells, he rang a pretty low bell, making figns that he would give him the fame that would come and fetch it. And becaufe they would not come within his danger for fear, he flung one bell unto them, which of purpofe he threw fhort, that it might fall into the fea and be loft. And to make them more greedy of the matter, he rang a louder bell, fo that in the end one of them came near the fhip’s fide to receive the bell, which when he thought to take at the captain’s hand, he was thereby taken himfelf ; for the captain being readily provided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fall, and plucked him with main force, boat and all, into his bark out of the fea. Whereupon when he found himfelf in captivity, for very choler and difdain he bit his tongue in twain within his mouth ; notwithftanding he died not thereof, but lived until he came in England, and then he died of cold which he had taken at fea.
Now with this new prey (which was a fufficient witnefs of the captain’s far and tedious travel towards the unknown parts of the world, as did well appear by this ftrange infidel, whofe like was never feen, read, nor heard of before, and whofe language was neither known nor underftood of any), the faid Captain Frobifher returned homeward, and arrived in England in Harwich the 2d of O Sober following, and thence came to London 1576, where he was highly commended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but fpecially famous for the great hope he brought of the pafl'age to Cataya.
And it is efpecially to be remembered, that at their firft arrival in thofe parts, there lay fo great ftore of ice all the coaft along fo thick together, that hardly his boat could pafs unto the ffiore. At length, after divers attempts, he commanded his company, if by any poffible means they could get afhore, to bring him whatfoever thing they could firft find, whether it were living or dead, ftock or ftone, in token of Chriftian pofleffion, which thereby he took in behalf of the Oueen’s moft excellent majefty, thinking that thereby he might juftify the having and enjoying of the fame things that grew in thefe unknown parts.
Some of his company brought flowers, fome green grafs, and one brought a piece of black ftone, much like to a fea-coal in colour, which by the weight feerned to be fome kind of metal or mineral. This was a thing of no account in the judgment of the captain at firft fight, and yet for novelty it was kept in refpect of the place from whence it came.
After his arrival in London, being demanded of fundry of his friends what thing he had brought them home out of that country, he had nothing left to prefent them withal, but a piece of this black ftone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman, one of the adventurers’ wives, to have a piece thereof, which by chance lhe threw and burned in the fire, fo long, that at the length being taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glittered with a bright marcafite of gold. Whereupon the matter being called in fome queftion, it 'was brought to certain gold-finers in London to make an eflay thereof, who gave out that it held gold, and that very richly for the quantity. Afterwards the vox,, xii. 3 u fame

frobisher’s first voyage for
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fame gold-ftners promifed great matters thereof if there were any {lore to be found, and offered themfelves to adventure for the fearching of thofe parts from whence the fame was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter, fought fecretly to have a leafe at her Majefty’s hands of thofe places, whereby to enjoy the mafs of fo great a public profit unto their own private gains.
In conclufion : The hope of more of the fame gold ore to be found, kindled a greater opinion in the hearts of many, to advance the voyage again. Whereupon, preparation was made for a new voyage againfl the year following, and the captain more fpecially directed by commiffion for the fearching this gold ore, than for the fearching any further difcovery of the paffage. And being well accompanied with divers refolute and forward gentlemen, her Majefly then lying at the Right Honourable the'Lord of Warwick’s houfe in Effex, he came to take his leave, and killing her Highnefs’s hands, with gracious countenance and comfortable words departed towards his charge.
A true Report of fuch Things as happened in the fecond Voyage of Captain Frobijher, pretended for the Difcovery of a new Paffage to Cataya , China, and the Ea/l Indies , by the North-weji. Ann. Dom. 1577*
B
EING furnifhed with one tall fhip of her Majefty’s, named the Aide, of two hundred tons, and two other fmall barks, the one named the Gabriel, the other the Michael, about 30 tons a-piece, being fitly appointed with men, ammunition, victuals, and all things neceffary for the voyage, the faid Captain Frobifher, with the reft of his company, came aboard his fhips riding at Blackwall, intending (with God’s help) to take the firft wind and tide ferving him, the 25th day of May, in the year of our Lord God 1577.
The names of fuch gentlemen as attempted this difcovery, and the number of foldiers and mariners in each fhip, as followeth :
Aboard the Aide, being Admiral, were the number of 100 men of all forts, whereof 30 or more were gentlemen and foldiers, the reft fufficient and tall failors.
Aboard the Gabriel, being Vice-Admiral, were in all 18 perfons, whereof fix were foldiers, the reft mariners.
Aboard the Michael were 16 perfons, whereof five were foldiers, the reft mariners.
Aboard the Aide, was,
General of the whole company for her Majefty His Lieutenant - -
His Enfign -
Corporal of the Shot -
The reft of the gentlemen
Martin Frobifher. George Beft. Richard Philpot. Francis Forder. f Henry Carew.
1 Edmund Stafford. John Lee.
M. Harvy.
Mathew Kinerfley. Abraham Lins. Robert Kinnerfley. Francis Brakenbury. William Armfhow.
The

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The Mailer The Mate The Pilot
The Mailer Gunner
Captain One gentleman The Mailer
Captain
One gentleman The Mailer
- - - Chriftopher Hall.
- - - Charles Jackman.
- - Andrew Dier.
- Richard Cox.
Aboard the Gabriel, was,
- - - Edward Fenton.
William Tamfield.
. William Smith.
Aboard the Michael, was,
Gilbert Yorke.
. . Thomas Chamberlaine.
• - James Beare.
On Whitfunday, being the 26th of May, Anno 1577, early in the morning, we weighed anchor at Blackwall, and fell that tide down to Gravefend, where we remained until Monday at night.
On Monday morning, the 27th of May, aboard the Aide we received all the communion by the minilter of Gravefend, and prepared us as good Chrillians towards God, and refolute men for all fortunes ; and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope.
Tuefday the 28th, about nine o’clock at night, we arrived at Harwich in Elfex, and there Hayed for the taking in of certain victuals, until Friday the 31ft, during which time came* letters from the Lords of the Council, ftraitly commanding our General, not to exceed his complement and number appointed him, which was 120 perfons ; whereupon he difcharged many proper men, which with unwilling minds departed.
He alfo difmilTed all his condemned men, which he thought for fome purpofes very needful for the voyage, and towards night, upon Friday the 3 ill of May, we fet fail and put to the feas again. And failing northward along the eaft eoalts of England and Scotland, the 7th day of June we arrived in St. Magnus Sound in Orkney Iflands, called in Latin Orcades, and came to anchor on the fouth fide of the bay, and this place is reckoned from Blackwall, where we fet fail firlt,-leagues.
Here our company going on land, the inhabitants of thefe iflands began to flee as from the enemy, whereupon the lieutenant willed every man to flay together, and went himfelf unto their houfes to declare what we were, and the caufe of our coming thither, which being underftood, after their poor manner they friendly entreated us, and brought us for our money fuch things as they had. And here our gold-finers found a mine of filver.
Orkney is the principal of the ifles of the Orcades, and fliandeth in the latitude of 59 deg. and a half. The country is much fubjeft to cold, anfwerable for fuch a climate, and yet yieldeth fome fruits, and fufficient maintenance for the people contented fo poorly to live.
There is plenty enough of poultry, ftore of eggs, filh, and fowl.
For-their bread they have oaten cakes, and their drink is ewes milk, and in fome parts ale.
Their houfes are but poor without, and fluttifh enough within, and the people in nature thereunto agreeable; for their fire they burn heath and turf, the country in moll parts being void of wood.
They have great want of leather, and defire our old Ihoes, apparel, and old ropes (before money), for their vi&uals, and yet are they not ignorant of the value of our coin. The chief town is called Kyrway.
3 u 2
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In this ifland hath been fomptiine an abbey, or a religious houfe, called Saint Magnus, being on the weft fide of the ifle, whereof the found beareth name, through which we palled. Their governor, or chief lord, is called the Lord Robert Stewart, who at our being there, as we underftood, was in durance at Edinburgh, by the Regent’s commandment of Scotland.
After we had provided us here of matter fufficient for our voyage, the 8th of June we fet fail again, and palling through Saint Magnus Sound, having a merry wind by night, came clear and loft fight of all the land, and keeping our courfe W. N. W. by the fpace of two days, the wind lhifted upon us, fo that we lay in traverfe on the feas, with contrary winds, making good (as near as we could ) our courfe to the weftward, and fometime to the northward, as the wind lhifted. And hereabout we met with three fail of Englilh filhermen from Ifeland, bound homeward, by whom we wrote our letters unto our friends in England. We travelled thefe feas by the fpace of 26 days without any fight of land, and met with much drift wood, and whole bodies of trees. We faw many monftrous fifties, and ftrange fowls, which feemed to live only by the fea, being there fo far diftant from any land. At length God favoured us with more profperous winds, and after we had failed four days, with good wand in the poop, the 4th of July, the Michael being foremoft a-head, Ihotoff a piece of ordnance, and ftruck all her fails, fuppofing that they defcried land, which by reafon of the thick mills, they could not make perfect; howbeit, as well our account, as alfo the great alteration of the water, which became more black and fmooth, did plainly declare we were not far off the coaft. Our general fent his mailer aboard the Michael (who had been with him the year before), to bear in with the place to make proof thereof, who defcried not the land perfect, but faw fundry huge illands of ice, which we deemed to be not paft 12 leagues from the Ihore, for about ten of the clock at night, being the 4th of July, the weather being more clear, we made the land perfect, and knew it to beFrifeland. And the height being taken here, we found ourfelves to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a half, and were fallen with the fouthernmoft point of this land.
This Frifeland Iheweth a ragged and high land, having the mountains almoft covered over with firow, along the , coaft full of drift ice, and feemeth almoft in- acceffible, and is thought to be an ifland in bignefs not inferior to England, and is called offome authors Weft Frifeland, I think becaufe it lyeth more weft than any part of Europe. It extendeth in latitude very far to the northward, as feemed to us, and appeareth by a defcription fet out by two brethren, Venetians, Nicholaus and Anthonius Zeni, who being driven off from Ireland with a violent tempeft, made Ihipwreck here, and were the firft known Chriftians that difcovered this land, about 200 years fince, and they have in their fea-cards fet out every part thereof, and defcried the condition of the inhabitants, declaring them to be as civil and religious people as we. And for fo much of this land as we have failed along, comparing their card with the coaft, we find it very agreeable. This coaft feemeth to have good fifhing, for we lying becalmed, let fall a hook without any bait, and prefently caught a great filh called a hollibut, who ferved the whole company for a day’s meat, and is dangerous meat for furfeiting. And founding about five leagues off from the Ihore, our lead brought up in the tallow, a kind of coral almoft white, and fmall ftones as bright as cryftal, and it is not to be doubted but this land may be found very rich and beneficial, if it were thoroughly difcovered, although we faw no creature there but little birds. It is a marvellous thing to behold of what great bignefs and depth fome illands of ice be here, fome 70, fome 80 fathom under water, befides that which is above, feeming ' illands more than half a mile in circuit. All thefe ice are in tafte freih, and feem to
5* be

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 5I7
be bred in the founds thereabouts, or in fome land near the pole, and with the winds and tides are driven along the coafts. We found none of thefe iflands of ice fait in tafte, whereby it appeareth that they were not congealed of the ocean fea-water, which is always fait, but of fome Handing or little moving lakes or great frelh waters near the- fliore, caufed either by melted fnow from tops of mountains, or by continual accefs of frelh rivers from the land, and intermingling with the fea-water, bearing yet the dominion (by die force of extreme froft) may caufe fome part of fait water to freeze fo with it, and fo feem a little brackilh, but otherwife the main fea freezeth not, and therefore there is no mare glacials, or frozen fea, as the opinion hitherto hath been. Our general tried landing here twice, but by the fudden fall of milts (whereunto this coall is much fubject), he was like to lofe fight of his Ihips, and being greatly endangered with the driving ice along the coaft, was forced aboard, and fain to furceafe his pretence till a better opportunity might ferve; and having fpent four days and nights failing along this land, finding the coall fubject to fuch bitter cold and continual milts, he determined to fpend no more time therein, but to bear out his courfe towards the ftreights called Frobifher’s Streights, after the general’s name,who being the firft that ever palled beyond 58 degrees to the northwards, for any thing that hath been yet known of certainty of Newfoundland, otherwife called the continent or fine land of America, difeovered the faid ftreights this laft year 1576.
Between Frizeland and the ftreights we had one great ftorm, wherein the Michael was fomewhat in danger, having her ftirrage broken, and her topmafts blown overboard, and being not paft fifty leagues Ihort of the ftreights by our account, we ftruck fail and lay a hull, fearing the continuance of the ftorm, the wind being at the N. E. and having loft company of the barks in that flaw of wind, we happily met again the 17th day of July, having the evening before feen divers iflands of fleeting ice, which, gave an argument that we were not far from land. Our general in the morning from the main-top (the weather being reafonably clear) deferied land; but to be better allured, he fent the two barks two contrary courfes, whereby they might defery either the South or North Foreland, the Aide lying off and on at fea, with a fmall fiiil by an illand of ice, which was the mark for us to meet again together. And about noon, the weather being more clear, we made the North Foreland perfect, which otherwife is called Hall’s Illand, and alfo a fmall illand bearing the name of the faid Hall, whence the ore was taken up which was brought into England this laft year 1576 ; the faid Hall being prefent at the finding and taking up thereof, who was then mailer in the Gabriel with Captain Frobilher. At our arrival here, all the feas about this coaft were fo covered over with huge quantity of great ice, that we thought thefe places might only deferve the name of Mare Giaciale, and be called the Icy Sea.
This North Foreland is thought to be divided from the continent of the Northerland, by a little found called Hall’s Sound, which maketh it an illand, and is thought little lefs than the Ille of Wight, and is the firft entrance of the ftreights upon the northern fide, and ftandeth in the latitude of 62 degrees and 50 minutes. God having bleffed us with fo happy a land-fall, we bare into the ftreights which run in next hand, and fomewhat further up to the northward, and came as near the Ihore as we might for the ice; and upon the 18th day of July, our general taking the gold-finers with him, attempted to go on Ihore with a fmall rowing pinnace, upon the fmall ifland where the ore was taken up, to prove whether there were any ftore thereof to be found; but he could not get, in all that ifland, a piece as big as a walnut, where the firft was found. But our men, which fought the other iflands thereabouts, found them all to have good ftore of the ore, whereupon our general with thefe good tidings returned aboard
about

probisher’s second voyage tor
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about ten of the clock at night, and was joyfully welcomed of the company, with a volley of fhot. He brought eggs, fowls, and a young feal aboard, which the company had killed alhore ; and having found, upon thofe iflands, gins fet to catch fowl, and Hicks new cut, with other things, he well perceived, that, not long before, fome of the country people had reforted thither.
Having therefore found thofe tokens of the people’s accefs in thofe parts, and being in his firff voyage well acquainted with their fubtle and cruel difpofition, he provided well for his better fafety; and on Friday the 19th of July, in the morning early, with his belt company of gentlemen and foldiers, to the number of 40 perfons, went on Ihore, as well to difcover the in-land and habitation of the people, as alfo to find out fome fit harbour for our {hips { and paffing towards the Ihore with no fmall difficulty, by reafon of the abundance of ice, which lay along the coaft fo thick together, that hardly any paffage through them might be difcovered, we arrived at length upon the main of Hall’s greater ifland, and found there alfo, as well as in the other fmall iflands, good {lore of the ore. And leaving his boats here with fufficient guard, we paffed up into the country about two Englifn miles, and recovered the top of a high hill, on the top whereof our men made a column of crofs Hones, heaped up of a good height together, in good fort, and folemnly founded a trumpet, and faid certain prayers, kneeling about the enfign, and honoured the place with the name of Mount Warwick, in remembrance of the Right Honourable Ambrofe Dudley, Earl of Warwick, whofe noble mind and good countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gave great encouragement and good furtherance. This done, we retired our companies, not feeing any thing here worthy of further difcovery ; the country feeming barren and full of ragged mountains, and in molt parts covered with fnow.
n And thus marching towards our boats, we defcried certain of the country people on the top of Mount Warwick, with a flag wafting us back again, and making great noife, with cries like the mowing of bulls, feeming greatly defirous of conference with us; whereupon the general being therewith better acquainted, anfwered them again with the like cries; whereat, and with the noife of our trumpets, they feemed greatly to rejoice, {kipping, laughing, and dancing for joy. And hereupon we made figns unto them, holding up two fingers, commanding two of our men to go apart from our companies, whereby they might do the like. So that forthwith two of our men and two of theirs met together, a good fpace from company, neither party having their weapons about them. Our men gave them pins, and points, and fuch trifles as they had; and they likewife beflowed on our men two bow-cafes, and fuch things as they had. They earneHly defired our men to go up into their country, and our men offered them like kindnefs about our {hips, but neither part (as it feemed) admitted or trufled the others courtefy. Their manner of traffick is thus; they do ufe to lay down of their merchandize upon the ground, fo much as they mean to part withal, and fo looking that the other party with whom they make trade, {hould do the like, they themfelves do depart, and then, if they do like of their part, they come again, and take in exchange the others merchandife; otherwife, if they like not, they take their own and depart. The day being thus well near fpent, in hafle we retired our companies into our boats again, minding forthwith to fearch along the coaH for fome harbour fit for our {hips, for the prefent neceffity thereof was much, confidering that all this while they lay off and on between the two lands, being continually fubject, as well to great danger of fleeting ice, which environed them, as to the Hidden flows which the coaff feemed much fub- jeft to. But when the people perceived our departure, with great tokens of affection they earneHly called 11s back again, following us almoff to our boats j whereupon, our

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 519
general, taking his mailer with him, who was bell acquainted with their manners, went apart unto two of them; meaning, if they could lay hire hold upon them, forcibly to bring them aboard, with intent to bellow certain toys arid apparel upon the one, and fo to difmifs him with all arguments of courtefy, and retain the other for an interpreter. The general, and his mailer, being met with their two companions together, after they had exchanged certain things, the one with the other, one of the favages, for lack of better merchandife, cut olf the tail of his coat (which is a chief ornament among them), and gave it unto our general for a prefent: but he prefently, upon a watch-word given him with his mailer, fuddenly laid hold upon the two favages ; but the ground underfoot being llippery with the fnow on the fide of the hill, their handfall failed, and their prey efcaping, ran away and lightly recovered their bows and arrows, which they had hid not far from them, behind the rocks; and being only two favages in fight, they fo fiercely, defperately, and with fuch fury affailed and purfued our general and his mailer, being altogether unarmed, and not miltrulling their fubtlety, that they chafed them to their boats, and hurt the general in the buttock with an arrow, who the rather fpeedily fled back, becaufe they fufpecled a greater number behind the rocks. Our foldiers (which were commanded before to keep their boats) perceiving the danger, and hearing our men calling for lhot, came fpeedily to refcue, thinking there had been a greater number. But when the favages heard the lhot of one of our calivers, (and yet having firft bellowed their arrows,) they ran away, our men fpeedily following them. But a fervant of my Lord of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger, a good footman, and uncumbered with any furniture, having only a dagger at his back, overtook one of them, and being a Cornilh man, and a good wreltler, lhewed his companion fuch a Cornilh trick, that he made his fides ache again!! the ground for a month after ; and fo being flayed, he was taken alive and brought away, but the other efcaped. Thus, with their ftrange and new prey, our men repaired to their boats, and paffed from the main to a fmall illand of a mile compafs, where they refolved for to tarry all night; for even now a fudden ftorm was grown fo great at fea, that by no means they could recover their {hips. And here every man refrelhed himfelf with a fmall portion of victuals, which was laid into the boats for their dinners, having neither eat nor drank all the day before. But becaufe they knew not how long the ftorm might laft, nor how far off the lhips might be put to fea, nor whether they Ihould ever recover them again or not, they made great fpare of their vi&uals, as it greatly behoved them ; for they knew full well, that the bell cheer the country could yield them, was rocks and ftone, a hard food to live withal; and the people more ready to eat them, than to give them wherewithal to eat. And thus, keeping very good watch and ward, they lay there all night, upon hard cliffs of fnow and ice, both wet, cold, and comfortlefs.
Thefe things thus happening with the company on land, the danger of the lhips at fea was no lefs perilous j for within one hour after the general’s departing in the morning, by negligence of the cook in overheating, and the workman in making the chimney, the Aide was fet on fire, and had been the confufion of the whole, if, by chance a boy efpying it, it had not been fpeedily, with great labour and God’s help, well extinguilhed.
This day alfo were divers ftorms and flaws, and by nine of the clock at night the ftorm was grown fo great, and continued fuch until the morning, that it put our lhips at fea in no fmall peril; for having mountains of fleeting ice on every fide, we went roomer for one, and loofed for another; fome fcraped us, and foine happily efcaped us, that the leaft of all of them were as dangerous to ftrike as any rock, and able to have fplit afunder the ftrongeft Ihip of the world. We had a fcope of clear, without ice (as
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God would), wherein we turned, being otherwife compared on every fide about; but fo much was the wind, and fo little was the fea-room, that being able to bear only our fore-courfe, we call; fo oft about, that we made fourteen boards in eight glaffes running, being but four hours; but God being our bed fteerfman, and by the induftry of Charles Jackman and Andrew Dier, the mafter’s mates, both very expert mariners, and Richard Cox, the matter gunner, with other very careful failors, then within board*, and alfo by the help of the clear nights, which are without darknefs, we did happily avoid thofe prefent' dangers, whereat fince we have more marvelled than in the prefent danger feared ; for that every man within board, both better and worfe, had enough to do with his hands to haul ropes, and with his eyes to look out for danger. But the next morning, being the 20th of July,(as God would,) the ftorm ceafed, and the general efpying the fiiips, with his new captive and whole company, came happily aboard, and reported what had palled alhore, whereupon, all together upon our knees we gave God humble and hearty thanks, for that it had pleafed Him from fo fpeedy peril to fend us fuch fpeedy deliverance; and fo from this northern Ihore we ttruck over towards the fouthern land.
The 21 ft of July we difcovered a bay which ran into the land, that feemed a likely harbour for our fiiips; wherefore our general rowed thither with his boats to make proof thereof, and with his gold-finers to fearch for ore, having never ofiayed any thing on the fouth Ihore as yet, and the firft fmall illand which we landed upon. Here all the fands and cliffs did fp glitter, and had fo bright a marcafite, that it feemed all to be gold; but, upon trial made, it proved no better than black-lead, and verified the proverb, “ all is not gold that gliftereth.”
On the 22d of July we bare into the faid found, and came to anchor a reafonable breadth off the Ihore, where thinking ourfelves in good fecurity, we were greatly- endangered with a piece of drift ice, which the ebb' brought forth of the founds, and came thwart us ere we were aware. But the gentlemen and foldiers within board, taking great pains at this pinch at the capttan, overcame the moft danger thereof, and yet for all that might be done, it ftruck on our ftern fuch a blow, that we feared left it had ftricken away our rudder ; and being forced to cut our cable in the hawfe, we were fain to fet our forefail, to run further up within, and if our ft.eerage had not been ftronger than in the prefent time, we feared we had run the fiiip upon the rocks, having a very narrow channel to turn in; but as God would, all came well to pafs, and this was named Jackman’s Sound, after the name of the mafter’s mate, who had firft liking unto the place.
Upon a fmall ifland within this found, called Smith’s Ifland (becaufe he firft fet up his force there), was found a mine of filver, but was won out. of the rocks without great labour. Here our gold-finers made effay upon fuch ore as they found upon the northern land, and found four forts thereof to hold gold in good quantity. Upon another fmall ifland here was alfo found a great dead fifh, which, as it fhould feem, had been embayed with ice, and was in proportion round like to a porpoife, being about twelve feet long, and in bignefs anfwerable, having a horn of two yards long growing out of the fnout or noftrils. This horn is wreathed and ftraight, like in faffuon to a taper made of wax, and may truly be thought to be the fea-unicorn. This horn is to be feen, and referved as a jewel by the Queen’s Majefty’s commandment, in her wardrobe of robes.
Tuefday the 23d of July, our general, with his belt company of gentlemen, foldiers, and failors, to the number of 70 perfons in ajl, marched, with enfign difplayed, upon the continent of the fouthernland (the fuppofed continent of America), where, commanding

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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rnanding a trumpet to found a call for every man to repair to the enfign, he declared to the whole company, how much the caufe imported for the fervice of her Majefty, our country, our credits, and the fafety of our own lives; and therefore required every man to be conformable to order, and to be directed by thofe he fhould affign. And he appointed for leaders, Captain Fenton, Captain Yorke, and his Lieutenant George Beft; which done, we call ourfelves into a ring, and altogether upon our knees, gave God humble thanks, for that it had pleafed Him of His goodnefs to preferve us from fuch imminent dangers, befeeching likewife the afliftance of His Holy Spirit, fo to deliver us in fafety into our country, whereby the light and truth of thefe fecrets being known, it might redound to the more honour of His Holy Name, and confequently to the advancement of our commonwealth. And fo in as good fort as the place fuffered, we marched towards the tops of the mountains, which were no lefs painful in climbing than dangerous in defcending, by reafon of their fteepnefs and ice. And having pafied about five miles by fuch unwieldy ways,,we returned unto our fhips without fight of any people, or likelihood of habitation. Here divers of the gentlemen defired our general to fuffer them, to the number of twenty or thirty perfons, to march up thirty or forty leagues into the country; to the end they might difcover the inland, and do fome acceptable fervice for their country: but he, not contented with the matter he fought for, and well confidering the fhort time he had in hand, and the greedy defire our country hath to a prefent favour and return of gain, bent his whole endeavour only to find a mine to freight his fhips, and to leave the reft (by God’s help) hereafter to be well accomplifhed. And, therefore, the 26th of July, he departed over to the north- land with the two barks, leaving the Aide riding in Jackman’s Sound, and meant, after he had found convenient harbour and freight there for his fhips, to difcover further for the paffage. The barks came the fame night to anchor in a found upon the norther- land, where the tides did run fo fwift, and the place was fo fubject to indrafts of ice, that by reafon thereof they were greatly endangered; and having found a very rich mine, as they fuppofed, and got almoft 20 ton of ore together, upon the 28th of July the ice came driving into the found where the barks rode, in fuch fort, that they were therewith greatly diftreffed: and the Gabriel riding aftern the Michael, had her cable galled afunder in the hawfe by a piece of driving ice, and loft another anchor; and having but one cable and anchor left, for fhe had loft two before, and the ice ftill driving upon her, fhe was, by God’s help, well fenced from the danger of the reft, by one great ifland of ice, which came a-ground hard a-head of her, which if it had not fo chanced, I think, furely, fhe had been caft upon the rocks with the ice. The Michael moored anchor upon this great ice, and rode under the lee thereof; but, about midnight, by the weight of itfelf, and the fetting of the tides, the ice brake within half the bark’s length, and made unto the company within board a fudden and fearful noife. The next flood, towards the morning, we weighed anchor, and went further up the ftreights, and leaving our ore behind us which we had digged, for hafte left the place by the name of Beare’s Sound, after the name of the mafter of the Michael, and named the ifland Lecefter’s Ifland. In one of the fmall iflands here we found a tomb, wherein the bones of a dead man lay together, and our favage captive being with ■us, and being demanded, by figns, whether his countrymen had not flain this man and eat his flefh fo from the bones, he made figns to the contrary, and that he was flain with wolves and wild beafts. Here alfo was found, hid under ftones, good ftore of fifh, and fundry other things of the inhabitants ; as fleds, bridles, kettles of fifh- fkins, knives of bone, and fuch other like. And our favage declared unto us the ufe «f all thofe things ; and taking in his hand one of thofe country bridles, he caught one von. xii. 3 x of

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of our dogs and hampered him handfomely therein, as we do our horfes, and with a whip in his hand, he taught the dog to draw in a fled, as we do horfes in a coach, fetting himfelf thereupon like a guide; fo that we might fee they ufe dogs for that pur- pofe that we do our horfes. And we found fince by experience, that the leffer fort of dogs they feed fat, and keep them as domeftic cattle in their tents for eating, and the greater fort ferve for the ufe of drawing their fleds.
■ The 29th of July, about five leagues from Beare’s Sound, we difeovered a bay, which being fenced on each fide with fmall iflands, lying off the main, which break the force of the tides, and make the place free from any indrafts of ice, did prove a very fit harbour for our {hips, where we came to anchor under a fmall ifland, which now, together with the found, is called by the name of that right honourable and virtuous lady, Anne Countefs of Warwick. And this is the furtheft place that this year we have entered up within the {freights, and is reckoned from the cape of the Queen’s Foreland, which is the entrance of the {freights, not above 30 leagues. Upon this ifland was found good {tore of the ore, which, in the wafliing, to our thinking, held gold, plainly to be feen ; whereupon it was thought belt rather to load here, where there was {fore and indifferent good, than to feek further for better, and fpend time with jeopardy. And therefore our general, fetting the miners to work, and {hewing firft a good precedent of a painful labourer and a good captain in himfelf, gave good examples for others to follow him. Whereupon, every man, both better and worfe, with their belt endeavours, willingly laid to their helping hands; and the next day, being the 30th of July, the Michael was fent over to Jackman’s Sound, for the Aide and the whole company to come thither. Upon the main land over againft the Countefs’s Ifland, we difeovered and beheld, to our great marvel, the poor caves and houfes of thofe country people, which ferve them, as it fliould feem, for their winter dwellings, and are made two fathom under ground, in compafs round, like to an oven, being joined fa{f one to another, having holes like a fox or coney berry, to keep and come together. They undertrenched thefe places with gutters fo, that the water failing from the hills above them, may Aide away without their annoyance 5 and are feated commonly in the foot of a hill, to fhield them better from the cold winds, having their door and entrance ever open towards the fouth. From the ground upwards they build with whales bones, for lack of timber, which bending one over another, are handfomely compacted in the top together, and are covered over with feals (kins, which, inftead of tiles, fence them from the rain ; in which houfe they have only one room, having the one half of the floor raifed with broad {tones a foot higher than the other, whereon ftrewing-mofs, they make their nefts to fleep ■ in. They defile thefe dens molt filthily with their beaftly feeding, and dwell fo long in a place, as we think, until their fluttiflinefe loathing them, they are forced to feek a fweeter air, and a new feat, and are, no doubt, a difperied and wandering nation, as the Tartarians, and live in hordes and troops, without any certain abode, as may appear by fundry circumftances of our experience.
Here, our captive being afhore with us, to declare the ufe of fuch things as we faw, flayed himfelf alone behind the company, and did let up five fmall flicks round in a circle one by another, with one fmall bone placed juft in the midft of all ; which thing when one of our men perceived, IK called us back to behold the matter, thinking that he had meant fome charm or witchcraft therein. But the belt conjecture we could make thereof was, that he would thereby his countrymen fliould underftand, that for our five men, whom they betrayed the laft year, (whom he fignified by the five ftick*s,) he was taken and kept prifoner ; which he fignified by the bone in the midft : for afterwards, when we
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fliewed him the picture of his countryman, which the laft year was brought into England, (whofe counterfeit we had drawn, with boat and other furniture, both as he was in his own, and alfo in Englifh apparel,) he was upon the fudden much amazed thereat, and beholding advifedly the fame with filence a good while, as though he would (train courtefie whether (hould begin the fpeech,(for he thought him no doubt a lively creature,) at length began to queftion with him, as with his companion, and finding him dumb and mute, feemed to fufpect him, as one difdainful, and would with a little help have grown into choler at the matter, until at laft by/eeling and handling, he found him but a deceiving picture ; and then with great noife and cries, ceafed not wondering, thinking that we could make men live or die at our pleafure.
And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance, he gave us plainly to under- ftand by figns, that he had knowledge of the taking our five men the laft year, and con- felling the manner of each thing, numbered the five men upon his five fingers, and pointed unto a boat in our (hip, which was like unto that wherein our men were betrayed ; and when we made him figns that they were (lain and eaten, he earneftly denied, and made figns to the contrary.
The laft of July, the Michael returned with the Aide to us, from the foutherland, and came to anchor by us in the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, and reported, that fince we departed from Jackman’s Sound, there happened nothing among them there greatly worth the remembrance, until the 30th of July, when certain of our company being aftiore upon a fmall ifland within the faid Jackman’s Sound, near the place where the Aide rode, did efpy a long boat with divers of the country people therein, to the number of 18 or 2operfons, whom fo foon as our men perceived, they returned fpeedily aboard, to give notice thereof unto our company. They might perceive thefe people climbing up to the top of a hill, where with a flag they wafted unto our drip, and made great outcries and noifes, like fo many bulls. Hereupon our men did prefently man forth a fmall (kiff, having not above fix or feven perfons therein, which rowed near the place where thofe people were, to prove if they could have any conference with them. But after this fmall boat was fent a greater, being well appointed for their refcue, if need required.
As foon as they efpied our company coming near them, they took their boats and hafted away, either for fear, or elfe for policy, to draw our men from refcue further within their danger ; wherefore our men conftruing that their coming hither was but to feek advantage, followed fpeedily after them; but they rowed fo fwiftly away, that our men could come nothing near them, howbeit they failed not of their belt endeavour in rowing, and having chafed them above two miles into the fea, returned into their (hips again.
The 1 ft of Auguft, being the morning following, Captain Yorke, with the Michael, came into Jackman's Sound, and declared unto the company there, that the laft night pad he came to anchor in a certain bay (which fince was named Yorke’s Sound, ) about four leagues diftant from Jackman’s Sound, being put to leeward of that place for lack of wind, where he difcovered certain tents of the country people, where going with his company aftiore, he entered into them, but found the people departed, as it (hould feem, for fear of their coming. But amongft fundry ftrange things which in thefe tents they found, there was raw and new killed fleflh of unknown forts, with dead carcafes and bones of dogs, and I know not what. They alfo beheld (to their greateft marvel) a doublet of canvas made after the Englifh fafhion, a fhirt, a girdle, three (hoes, for contrary feet, and of unequal bignefs, which they well conjectured to be the apparel of our five poor countrymen,which were intercepted the laft year by thefe country
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people, about fifteen leagues from this place, further within the {freights; whereupon ouf men being in good hope, that fome of them might be here, and yet living, the captain devifing for the beft, left his mind behind him in writing, with pen, ink, and paper alfo» whereby our poor captive countrymen, if it might come to their hands, might know their friends’ minds, and of their arrival, and likewife return their anfwer. And i’o without taking any thing away in their tents, leaving there alfo looking-glades, points, and others of our toys, (the better to allure them by fuch friendly means,) departed aboard bis bark, with intent to make hafte to the Aide, to give notice unto the company of all fuch things as he had there difcovered, and fo meant to return to thofe tents again, hoping that he might by force or policy entrap or entice the people to fome friendly conference. Which things when he had delivered to the whole company there, they determined forthwith to go in hand with the matter. Hereupon Captain Yorke, with the mafter of the Aide and his mate, (who the night before had been at the tents, and came over from the other fide in the Michael with him,) being accompanied with the gentlemen and foldiers, to the number of 30 or 40 perfons, in two fmall rowing pinnaces, made towards the place where the night before they difcovered the tents of thofe people, and fetting Charles Jackman, being the mailer’s mate, afliore, with a convenient number, for that he could beft guide them to the place, they marched over land, meaning to compafs them on the one fide, whilft the captain, with his boats, might entrap them on the other fide. But landing at laft at the place where the night before they left them, they found them with their tents removed. Notwithftanding, our men which marched up into the country, palling over two or three mountains, by chance efpied certain tents in a valley underneath them, near unto a creek by the fea- fide, which becaufe it was not the place where the guide had been the night before, they judged them to be another company, and befetting them about, determined to take them if they could ; but they having quickly defcried our company, launched one great and another fmall boat, being about 16 or 18 perfons, and very narrowly efcaping, put themfelves to fea. Whereupon, our foldiers difcharged their calivers, and followed them, thinking the noife thereof being heard to our boats at fea, our men there would make what fpeed they might to that place. And thereupon, indeed, our men which were in the boats, crofting upon them in the mouth of the found, whereby their paffage was •let for getting fea-room, wherein it had been impoffible for us to overtake them by rowing, forced them to put themfelves afliore upon a point of land within the faid found, (which, upon occafion of the {laughter there, was fince named The Bloody Point,) whereunto our men fo fpeedily followed, that they had little leifure left them to make any efcape. But fo foon as-they landed, each of them brake his oar, thinking by that means to prevent us in carrying away their boats for want of oars ; and defpe- rately returning upon our men, refilled them manfully in their landing, fo long as their arrows and darts lafted, and after gathering up thofe arrows which our men Ihot at them ; yea, and plucking our arrows out of their bodies, encountered afrelh again, and maintained their caufe until both weapons and life failed them : and when they found they were mortally wounded, being ignorant of what mercy meaneth, with deadly fury they call themfelves headlong from off the rocks into the fea, left perhaps their enemies Ihould receive glory or prey of their dead carcafes, for they fuppofed us belike to be cannibals, or eaters of man’s flelh. In this conflict one of our men was dan- geroufly hurt in the belly with one of their arrows, and of them were ftain five or fix, the reft by flight efcaping among the rocks, faving two women, whereof the one being old and ugly, our men thought Ihe had been a devil or fome witch, and therefore iet her go j the other being young and cumbered with a fucking child at her back,.
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hiding herfelf behind the rocks, was efpied by one of our men, who fuppofing fire had been a man, fhot through the hair of her head, and pierced through the child’s arm, whereupon Ihe cried out, and our furgeon meaning to heal her child’s arm, applied falves thereunto. But Ihe not acquainted with fuch kind of furgery, plucked thofe falves away, and by continual licking with her own tongue, not much unlike our dogs, healed up the child’s arm. And becaufe the day was well near fpent, our men made hafte unto the reft of our company, which on the other fide of the water remained at the tents, where they found by the apparel, letter, and other Englilh furniture, that they were the fame company which Captain Yorke difcovered the night before, having removed themfelves from the place where he left them.
And now confidering their fudden flying from our men, and their defperate manner of fighting, we began to fufpect that we had heard the laft news of our men which the laft year were betrayed of thefe people : and confidering alfo their ravenous and bloody difpofition, in eating any kind of raw flefli or carrion, howfoever flanking, it is to be thought that they had flain and devoured our men, for the doublet which was found in their tents, had many holes therein, being made with their arrows and darts.
But now the night being at hand, our men with their captives, and fuch poor ftuff as they found in their tents, returned towards their fhips; when being atfea, there arofe a fudden flaw of wind, which was not a little dangerous for their fmall boats, but as God would, they came all fafely aboard. And with thefe good news they returned (as before mentioned) into the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound unto us. And between Jackman’s Sound, from whence they came, and the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, between land and land, being thought the narroweft place of the ftreights, were judged nine leagues over at the lead. And Jackman’s Sound being upon the fouther- land, lieth diretlly almoft over-againft the Countefs’ Sound, as is reckoned fcarce thirty leagues within the ftreights from the Queen’s Cape, which is the entrance of the ftreights of the foutherland. This cape, being named Queen Elizabeth’s Cape, ftandeth in the latitude of fix'ty-two degrees and a half to the northwards of Newfoundland, and upon the fame continent, for any thing that is yet known to the contrary.
Having now got a woman captive for the comfort of our man, we brought them both together ; and every man with filence defired to behold the manner of their meeting and entertainment, the which was more worth the beholding than can be well expreifed by writing. At their firft encountering they beheld each the other very wiftly a good fpace, without fpeech or word uttered, with great change of colour and countenance, as though it feemed the grief and difdain of their captivity had taken away the ufe of their tongues and utterance ; the woman at the firft very fuddenly, as though ihe dif- dained, or regarded not the man, turned away , and began to fing as though file minded another matter ; but being again brought together, the man brake up the filence firft, and with ftern and ftaid countenance began to tell a long folemn tale to the woman, whereunto fire gave good hearing, and interrupted him nothing till he had finilhed, and afterwards being grown into more familiar acquaintance by fpeech, they were turnedtoge- ther, fo that (I think) the one would hardly have lived without the comfort of the other ; and for fo much as we could perceive, although they lived continually together, yet they did never ufe as man and wife, though the woman fpared not to do all neceflary things that appertained to a good houfewife indifferently for them both, as in making clean their cabin, and every other thing that appertained to his eafe j for when he was fea-fick, Ihe would make him clean; Ihe would kill and flay the dogs for their eating,, and drefs his meat. Only I think it worth the noting, the continency of them both ; for the man would never Ihift himfelf,. except he had firft caufed the woman to depart
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out of his cabin, and they both were mod (hamefaced, left any of their privy parts Ihould be difcovered, either of themfelves or any other body.
On Monday the 6th of Auguft, the lieutenant with all the foldiers, for the better guard of the miners and the other things afhore, pitched their tents in the Countefs’s Ifland, and fortified the place for their better defence as well as they could, and were to the number of forty perfons; when being all at labour, they might perceive upon the top of a hill over againft them a number of the country people, wafting with a flag, and making great outcries unto them, and were of the fame company which had encountered lately our men upon the other Ihore, being come to complain their late lofles, and to entreat (as it feemed) for reftitution of the woman and child, which our men in the late conflict had taken and brought away. Whereupon the general, taking the favage captive with him, and fetting the woman where they might belt perceive her, in the higheft place of the ifland, went over to talk with them. This captive, at his firft encounter of his friends, fell fo out into tears, that he could not fpeak a word in a great fpace ; but after a while overcoming his kindnefs, he talked at full with his companions, and bellowed friendly upon them fuch toys and trifles as we had given him, whereby we noted that they are very kind one to another, and greatly forrowful for the lofs of their friends. Our general, by figns, required his five men which they took captive the laft year, and promifed them not only to releafe thofe which he had taken, but alfo to reward them with great gifts and friendlhip. Our favage made figns in anfwer from them, that our men Ihould be delivered us, and were yet living ; and made figns likewife unto us, that we Ihouid write our letters unto them, for they knew very well the ufe we have of writing, and received knowledge thereof, either of our poor captive countrymen which they betrayed, or elfe by this our new captive, who hath feen us daily write, and repeat again fuch words of his language as we defired to learn; but they for this night, becaufe it was late, departed without any letter, although they called earneftly in hafte for the fame. And the next morning early, being the 7th of Auguft, they called again for the letter, which being delivered unto them, they fpeedily departed, making figns with three fingers, and pointing to the fun, that they meant to return within three days, until which time we heard no more of them, and about the time appointed they returned, in fuch fort as you fhall afterwards hear.
This night, becaufe the people were very near unto us, the lieutenant caufed the trumpet to found a call, and every man in the ifland repairing -to the enfign, he put them in mind of the place, fo far from their country wherein they lived, and the danger of a great multitude which they were fubjett unto, if good watch and ward were not kept; for at every low-water the enemy might come almoft dry-foot from the main unto us : wherefore he willed every man to prepare Him in good readinefs upon all fudden occafions ; and fo giving the watch their charge, the company departed to reft.
I thought the captain’s letter well worth remembering, not for the circumftance of curious inditing, but for the fubftance and good meaning therein contained, and therefore havere peated here the fame, as by himfelf it was haftily written.
The Form of M. Martin Frobiflier’s Letter to the Englifh Captives.
ft IN the name of God, in whom we all believe, who (I truft) hath preferved your bodies and fouls amongft thefe infidels, I commend me unto you. I will be glad to
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THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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feek by all means you can. devife for your deliverance, either with force or with any commodities within my fhips, which I will not fpare for your fakes, or any thing elfe I can do for you. I have aboard of theirs, a man, a woman, and a child, which I am contented to deliver for you ; but the man which I carried away from hence the laft year, is dead in England. Moreover you may declare unto them, that if they deliver you not, I will not leave a man alive in their country. And thus, if one of you can come to fpeak with me, they lhall have either the man, woman, or child, in pawn for you. And thus unto God, whom I trull you do ferve, in hafte I leave you, and to him we will daily pray for you. This Tuefday morning the 7th Auguft, Anno 1577.
Your’s to the uttermoft of my power,
Martin Frobisher.
£c I have fent you by thefe bearers, pen, ink, and paper, to write back unto me again, if perfonally you cannot come, to certify me of your eftate.”
Now had the general altered his determination for going any farther into the ftreights at this time, for any further difcoveryof the palfage, having taken a man and woman of that country, which he thought fufficient for the ufe of language ; and having alfo met with thefe people here, which intercepted his men laft year, (as the apparel and Englifh furniture which was found in their tents very well declared ,) he knew it was but a labour loft to feek them further off, when he had found them there at hand. And confidering alfo the fhort time he had in hand, he thought it beft to bend his whole endeavour for the getting of mine, and to leave the palfage further to be difcovered hereafter. For his commiffion directed him in this voyage, only for the fearching of the ore, and to defer the further difcovery of the palfage until another time.
On Thurfday the 9th of Auguft, we began to make a fmall fort for our defence, in the Countefs’s Illand, and entrenched the corner of a cliff, which on three parts, like a wall of good height, was encompaffed and well fenced with the fea, and we finilhed the reft with calks of the earth to good purpofe, and thisw as called Bell’s Bulwark, after the lieutenant’s name, who firft devifed the fame. This was done, for that we fufpected more, left the defperate men might opprefs us with multitude, than any fear we had of their force, weapons, or policy of battle : but as wifdom would us in fuch a place, fo far from home, not to be of ourfelves altogether carelefs; fo the figns which our captive made unto us, of the coming down of his Governor or Prince, which he called Catchoe, gave us occafion to forefee what might enfue thereof; for he Ihewed by figns, that this Catchoe was a man of higher ftature far than any of our nation is, and he is accuftomed to be carried upon men’s Ihoulders.
About midnight the lieutenant caufed a falfe alarm to be given in the illand, to prove as well the readinefs of the company there alhore, as alfo what help might be hoped for upon the fudden, if need fo required, and every part was found in good readinefs upon fuch a fudden.
Saturday the nth of Auguft, the people Ihewed themfelves again, and called unto us from the fide of a hill over againft us. The general (with good hope to hear of his men, and to have anfwer of his letter) went over unto them, where they prefented themfelves, not above three in fight, but were hidden indeed in great numbers behind the rocks, and making figns of delay with us, to entrap fome of us to redeem their own, did only feek advantage to train our boat about a point of land from fight of our company : whereupon our men juftly fufpecling them, kept aloof without their danger, and yet fet one of our company alhore, which took up a great bladder which one of
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them offered us, and leaving a looking-glafs in the place, came into the boat again. In the mean while our men, which flood in the Countefs’s Ifland to behold, who might better difcern them than thofe in the boat, by reafon they were on higher ground, made a great outcry unto our men in the boat, for that they faw divers of the favages creeping behind the rocks towards our men; whereupon the general prelently returned without tidings of his men. ,
Concerning this bladder which we received, our captive made figns that it was given him to keep water and drink in; but we fufpected rather it was given him to fwim and fhift away withal, for he and the woman fought divers times to efcape, having loofed our boats from a-llern our fhips, and we never a boat left to purfue them withal, and had prevailed very far, had they not been very timely efpied and prevented therein.
After our general’s coming away from them, they muflered themfelves in our fight upon the top of a hill, to the number of twenty in a rank, all holding hands over their heads, and dancing with great noife and fongs together ; we fuppofed that they made this dance and fhew for us to underfland, that we might take view of their whole companies and force, meaning belike that we fhould do the fame. And thus they continued upon the hill tops until night, when hearing a piece of our great ordnance, which thundered in the hollownefs of the high hills, it made unto them fo fearful a noife, that they had no great will to tarry long after. And this was done more to make them know our force, than to do them any hurt at all.
On Sunday the 12th of Auguft, Captain Fenton trained the company, and made the foldiers maintain fkirmilh among themfelves, as well for their exercife as for the country people to behold in what readinefs our men were always to be found; for it was to be thought that they lay hid in the hills thereabouts, and obferved all the manner of our proceedings.
On Wednefday the 14th of Auguft, our general,with two fmall boats well appointed, for that he fufpected the country people to lie lurking thereabouts, went up a certain bay, within the Countefs’s Sound, to fearch for ore, and met again with the country people, who fo foon as they faw our men, made great outcries, and with a white flag made of bladders fewed together with the guts and finews of beafts, wafted us amain unto them, but'lhewed not above three of their company. But when we came near them, we might perceive a great multitude creeping behind the rocks, which gave us good caufe to fufpect their traiterous meaning ; whereupon we made them figns, that if they would lay their weapons afide, and come forth, we would deal friendly with them, although their intent was manifefted unto us : but for all the figns of friendfhip we could make them, they came ftill creeping towards us behind the rocks, to get more advantage of us, as though we had no eyes to fee them, thinking belike that our fingle wits could not difcover fo bare devifes and Ample drifts of their’s. Their fpokefman earneftly perfuaded us with many enticing {hews, to come eat and fleep afhore, with great arguments of courtefy, and clapping his bare hands over his head in token of peace and ihnocency, willed us to do the like. But the better to allure our hungry ftomachs, he brought us a trim bait of raw flefli, which for fafliion fake with a boat-hook we caught into our boat: but when the cunning eater perceived his firft cold morfel could nothing lharpen our ftomachs, he caft about for a new train of warm flelh to procure our appetites \ wherefore he caufed one of his fellows in halting manner, to come forth as a lame man from behind the rocks ; and the better to declare his kindnefs in carving, he hoifted him upon his lhoulders, and bringing him hard to the water-fide where we were, left him there limping, as an eafy prey to be taken of us. His hope was that we
would

YHE DISCOVERY OE A NORTK-WESY PASSAGE.
5 2 9
■Would bite at this bait, and fpeedily leap afhore within their danger, whereby they might have apprehended fome of us, to ranfom their friends home again, which before we had taken. The gentlemen and foldiers had great will to encounter them afhore; but the general, more careful by procefs of time to win them, than wilfully at the firft to fpoil them, would in no wife admit that any man fhould put himfelf in any hazard alhore, confidering the matter he now intended was for the ore, and not for the conqueft. Notwithftanding, to prove this cripple’s footmanlhip, he gave' liberty for one to fhoot; whereupon the cripple having a parting blow, lightly recovered a rock, and went away a true and no feigned cripple; and hath learned his leffon for ever halting afore fuch cripples again. But his fellows, which lay hid before, full quickly then appeared in their likenefs, and maintained the Ikirmilh with their llings, bows, and arrows, very fiercely, and came as near as the water fuffered them; and with as defpe- rate mind as hath been feen in any man, without fear of fhot or any thing, followed us all along the coaft, but all their {hot fell Ihort of us, and are of little danger. They had belayed all the coaft along for us, and being difperfed fo, were not well to be numbered ; but we might difcern of them about a hundred perfons, and had caufe to fufpect a greater number. And thus without lofs or hurt we returned to our {hips again.
Now our work growing to an end, and having, with only five poor miners, and the help of a few gentlemen and foldiers, brought aboard almoft 200 ton of ore, in the fpace of twenty days, every man therewithal well comforted, determined luftily to work afrefh for a bone voyage, to bring our labour to a fpeedy and happy end.
And on Wednefday, at night, being the 21ft of Auguft, we fully finifhed the whole work. And it was now good time to leave, for as the men were well wearied, fo their fhoes and cloaths were well worn; their bafkets’ bottoms torn out, their tools broken, and the fhips reafonably well filled. Some, with over-ftraining themfelves, received hurts not a little dangerous, fome having their bellies ^broken, and others their legs made lame. And about this time the ice began to congeal and freeze about our fhips’ fides a-night, which gave us a good argument of the fun’s declining fouthward, and put us in mind to make more hafte homeward.
It is not a little worth the memory, to the commendation of the gentlemen and foldiers herein, who leaving all reputation a-part, with fo great willingnefs and with courageous ftomachs, have themfelves almoft overcome in fo fhort a time the difficulty of this fo great a labour ; and this to be true, the matter, if it be well weighed without further proof, now brought home doth well witnefs.
Thurfday, the 2 2d of Auguft, we plucked down our tents, and every man halted homeward, and making bonfires upon the top of the higheft mount of the illand, and marching with enfign difplayed round about the illand, we gave a volley of fhot for a farewell, in honour of the Right Honourable Lady Anne Countefs of Warwick, whofe name it beareth ; and fo departed aboard.
The 23d, having the wind large at weft, we fet fail from out of the Countefs’s Sound homeward, but the wind calming, we came to anchor within the point of the fame found again.
The 24th, about three of the clock in the morning, having the wind large at weft, we fet fail again, and by nine of the clock at night we left the Queen’s Foreland a-ftern of us, and being clear of the {freights, we bare further into the main ocean, keeping our courfe more foutherly, to bring ourfelves the fooner under the latitude of our own climate.
VOL, XII. 3 Y
t
The

frobisher’s third voyage for
The wind was very great at fea, fo that we lay a hull all night, and had fnow half a foot deep on the hatches.
From the 24th until the 28th, we had very much wind, but large, keeping our courfe S. S. E. and had like to have loft the barks, but by good hap we met again.
The 29th the wind blew much at north-eaft, fo that we could bear only a bunt of our fore-fail, and the barks were not able to carry any fail at all.
The Michael loft company of us, and lhaped her courfe toward Orkney, becaufe that way was better known unto them, and arrived at Yarmouth.
The 30th, with the force of the wind, and a furge of. the fea, the matter of the Gabriel and the boatfwain were ftricken both overboard ; and hardly was the boatfwain recovered, having hold on a rope hanging overboard in the fea, and yet the bark was laced fore and after with ropes a breaft high within board.
This mafter was called William Smith, being but a young man and a very fufficient mariner, who being all the morning before exceeding pleafant, told his captain, he dreamt that he was call over-board, and that the boatfwain had him by the hand, and could not fave him ; and fo immediately upon the end of his tale, his dream came right evilly to pafs; and indeed the boatfwain in like fort held him by one hand, having hold on a rope with the other, until his force failed, and the mafter drowned. We at this time reckoned ourfelves to be about two hundred leagues from the Queen’s Cape.
The laft of Auguft, about midnight, we had two or three fudden and great flaws or ftorms.
The firft of September, the ftorm was grown very great, and continued almoft the whole day and night, and lying a hull to tarry for the barks, our fhip was much beaten with the feas, every fea almoft overtaking our poop, fo that we were conftrained with a bunt of our fail to try it out, and eafe the rolling of our fhip. And fo the Gabriel, not able to bear any fail to keep company with us, and our fhip being higher in the poop, and a tall fhip, whereon the wind had more force to drive, went fo fall: away that we loft fight of them, and left them to God and their good fortune of fea. The lecond day of September, in the morning, it pleafed God of his goodnefs to fend us a -calm, whereby we perceived the rudder of our {hip torn in twain, and almoft ready to fall away. Wherefore taking the benefit of the time, we flung half a dozen of our belt men over-board, who taking great pains under water, driving planks and binding with ropes, did well ftrengthen and mend the matter, who returned the moll part more than half dead out of the water, and, as God’s pleafure was, the fea was calm until the work was finilhed. In this voyage commonly we took the latitude of the place by the height of the fun, becaufe the long day taketh away the light, not only of the polar, but alfo of all other fixed ftars. And here the north ftar is fo much elevated above the horizon, that with the ftaff it is hardly to be well obferved, and the degrees in the aftrolabe are too fmall to obferve minutes. Therefore we always ufed the ftaff and the fun, as fitteft inftruments for this ufe.
Having fpent four or five days in traverfe of the feas with contrary wind, making our foutherly way good as near as we could, to raife our degrees to bring ourfelves with the latitude of Scilly, the 1 ith of September, about fix o’clock at night, the wind came good S. W. we veered Iheet, and fet our courfe S. E.
The 13th, being in the latitude of Scilly, the wind W. S. W. we kept our courfe E. to run in with the Sleeve, or channel fo called, being our narrow feas, and'reckoned us Ihort of Scilly twelve leagues.
Monday*

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 531
Monday, the 15th, about four o’clock, we began to found with our lead, and had ground at fixty-one fathoms depth, white fmall fandy ground, and reckoned us upon the back of Scilly, and fet our courfe E. by N., E. N. E., and N. E. among.
The 16th, about eight o’clock in the morning founding, we had fixty fathoms oozy fand, and thought ourfelves thwart of St. George’s Channel a little within the banks ; and bearing a fmall fail all night, we made many foundings, which were about forty fathoms, and fo (hallow that we could not tell well where we were.
The 17th we founded, and had forty fathoms, and were not far off the Iand’s-end, and being within the bay, we were not able to double the point with a S. by E. way, but were fain to make another board, the wind being at S. W. by W. and yet could not double the point to come clear of the land’s-end, to bear along the Channel, and the weather cleared up when we were hard aboard the fhore, and we made the land’s, end perfect, and fo put up along St. George’s Channel; and the weather being very foul at fea, we coveted fome harbour, becaufe our fteerage was broken, and fo came to anchor in Padllow-road in Cornwall. But riding there a very dangerous road, we were advifed by the country to put to fea again, and of the two evils to choofe the lefs, for there was nothing but prefent peril where we rode ; whereupon we plied along the channel to get to Londy, from whence we were again driven; but being an open road, where our anchor came home, and with force of weather put to fea again, and about the 23d of September arrived at Milford Haven in Wales, which being a very good harbour, made us happy men, that we had received fuch long-defired fafety.
About one month after our arrival here, by order from the Lords of the Council, the fliip came up to Briftow, where the ore was committed to keeping in the caftle there. Here we found the Gabriel, one of the barks, arrived in good fafety, who having never a man within board very fufficient to bring home the fhip, after the mailer was loft, by good fortune, when Ihe came upon the coaft, met with a Ihip of Briftow at fea, which conduced her in fafety thither.
Here we heard good tidings of the other bark alfo, called the Michael, in the north parts, which was not a little joyful unto us, that it pleafed God fo to bring us to a fafe meeting again ; and we loft in all the voyage only one man, befides one that died at fea, who was fick before he came aboard, and was fo delirous to follow this enterprize, that he rather chofe to die therein, than not to be one to attempt lo notable a voyage.
THE
3 Y 2

( 53 2
THE THIRD VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN FROBISHER,
PRETENDED FOR THE DISCOVERY OF CATAYA.
BY META INCOGNITA, ANNO DOM. 1578.
rpHE general being returned from the fecond voyage, immediately after his arrival’ in England, repaired with all hafte to the Court, being then atWindfor,to advertife Her Majefty of his profperous proceeding and good fuccefs in thislaft voyage, and of the plenty of gold ore, and other matters of importance which he had in thefe feptentrional parts difcovered. He was courteoufly entertained, and heartily welcomed of many nQblemen ; but efpecially for his great adventure commended of Her Majefty, at whofe hands he received great thanks, and moft gracious countenance according to his deferts. Her Flighnefs alfo greatly commended the reft of the gentlemen in this lev vice, for their great forwardnefs in this fo dangerous an attempt; but efpecially fire rejoiced very much, that among them was fo good order of government, fo good agreement, every man fo ready in his calling, to do whatever the general Ihould command; which due commendation gracioufly of tier Majefty remembered, gave fo great encouragement to all the captains and gentlemen, that they, to continue Her Highnefs fo good and honourable opinion of them, have fince neither fpared labour, limb, nor life, to bring this matter (fo well begun) to a happy and profperous end. And finding that the matter of the gold ore had appearance, and made fhew of great riches and profit, and the hope of the paffage to Cataya by this laft voyage greatly increafed, Her Majefty appointed fpecial commiffioners chofen for this purpofe, gentlemen of great judgment, art, and fkill, to look thoroughly into the caufe, for the true trial and due examination thereof, and for the full handling of all matters thereunto appertaining. And becaufe that place and country hath never heretofore been difcovered, and therefore had no fpecial name by which it might be called and known, Her Majefty named it very properly Meta Incognita, as a mark and bound utterly hitherto unknown. The commiffioners, after fuffi- cient trial and proof made of the ore, and having underftood by fundry reafons, and fubftantial grounds, the poffibility and likelihood of the paffage, advertifed Her Highnefs that the caufe was of importance, and the voyage greatly worthy to be advanced again. Whereupon preparation was made of flrips and all other things neceffary, with fuch expedition as the time of the year then required. And becaufe it was affuredly made account of, that the commodity of mines there already difcovered, would at the leaf! countervail in all refpects the adventurers’ charge, and give further hope and likelihood of greater matters to follow, it was thought needful, both for the better guard of thofe parts already found, and for the further difeovery of the inland and fecrets of thofe countries, and alfo for further fearch of the paffage to Cataya (whereof the hope con- tiunally more and more increafeth), that certain numbers of chofen foldiers and difereet men for thofe purpoies Ihould be affigned to inhabit there. Whereupon thefe was a ltrong fort or houfe of timber, artificially framed and cunningly devifed, by a notable learned man here at home, in flrips to be carried there, whereby thofe men that were appointed to winter and ftay there the whole winter, might as well be defended from
*8 * the

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
533
tile danger of the fnow and cold air, as alfo fortified from the force or offence of thofe country people, which perhaps otherwife with too great multitudes might opprefs them. And to this great adventure and notable exploit many well-minded and forward young gentlemen of our country willingly have offered themfelves. And firfl, Captain Fenton, lieutenant-general for Captain Frobifher, and in charge of the company with him there, Captain Befl and Captain Philpot, unto whofe good difcretions the government of that fervice was chiefly commended; who, as men not regarding peril in refpedt of the profit and common wealth of their country, were willing to abide the firfl brunt and adventure of thofe dangers among a favage and brutal kind of people, in a place hitherto ever thought for extreme cold not habitable. The whole number of men which had offered, and were appointed to inhabit Meta Incognita all the year, were one hundred perfons,whereof forty fhould be mariners for the ufeofthe fhips, thirty miners for gathering the gold ore together for the next year, and thirty foldiers for the better guard of the reft, within which laft number are included the gentlemen, gold-finers, bakers, carpenters, and ail neceflary perfons. To each of the captains was afiigned one fhip, as well for the further fearching of the coafl and country there, as for to return and bring back their companies again, if the neceflity of the place fo urged, or, by mifcarrying of the fleet the next year, they might be difappointed of their further provifion. Being therefore thus furnifhed with all neceffaries, there were ready to depart upon the faid voyage fifteen fail of good fhips, whereof the whole number was to return again with their lading of gold ore in the end of the fummer, except thofe three fhips which fhould be left for the ufe of thofe captains which lhould inhabit there the whole year. And being in fo good readinefs, the general with all the captains came to the Court, then lying at Greenwich, to take their leave of Her Majefly, at whofe hands they all received great encouragement and gracious countenance. Her Highnefs, befides other good gifts and greater promfles, bellowed on the general a fair chain of gold, and the reft of the captains killed her hand, took their leave, and. departed every man towards their charge.
The Names of the Ships, with their feveral Captains.
1. In the Aide, being Admiral, was the General,
2. The Thomas Allen, Vice-admiral,
3. The Judith, Lieutenant-general,
4. The Anne Francis
5. The Hopewell
6. The Beare - -
7. The Thomas of Ipfwich
8. The Emanuel of Exeter
9. The Francis of Foy 1 o. Thu Moon
11. Emanuel of Bridgewater
12. Salomon of Weymouth - '
13. The Bark Dennis
14. The Gabriel
15. The Michael
Captain Frobifher.. Yorke.
- Fenton. Belt. Carew.
- Philpot. Tanfield. Courtney. Moyles. Upcot. Newton. Randal. Kendal.
• Harvey.
Kinnerfley.
The faid fifteen fail of fhips arrived and met together at Harwich the 27th of May, anno 1578, where the general and the othet captains made view and muftered their
companies*.

Frobisher’s third voyage for.
534
companies. And every feveral captain received from the general certain articles of direction, for" the better keeping of order and company together in the way; which articles are as followeth:
Imprimis, to banilh fwearing, vice, and card-playing, and filthy communication, and to ferve God twice a day, with the ordinary fervice ufual in the Church of England, and to clear the glafs, according to the old order of England.
The admiral lhall carry the light, and after his light be once put out, no man to go a-head of him, but every man to fet his fails to follow as near as they may, without endangering one another.
That no man lhall, by day or by night, depart further from the admiral than the- diftance of one Englilh mile, and as near as they may, without danger one of another.
If it chance to grow thick and the wind contrary, either by day or by night, that the admiral be forced to caft about, before her calling about Hie lhall give warning, by {hooting olf a piece, and to her lhall anfwer the vice-admiral, and the rear-admiral, each of them with a piece, if it be by night or in a fog; and that the vice-admiral lhall anfwer firft, and the rear-admiral lalt.
That no man in the fleet defcrying any fail or fails, give upon any occafion any chace before he have fpoken with the admiral.
That every evening all the fleet come up and fpeak with the admiral at feven o’clock, or between that and eight; and if the weather will not ferve them all to fpeak with the admiral, then fome lhall fpeak with the vice-admiral, and receive the order of their courfe of Mailer Hall, chief pilot of the fleet, as he lhall direct them.
If to any man in the fleet there happen any mifchance, they lhall prefently Ihoot olf two pieces by day, and if it be by night, two pieces, and Ihew two lights.
If any man in the fleet come up in the night, and hail his fellow, knowing him not, he lhall give him this watch-word, “ Before the world was God.” The other lhall anfwer him (if he be one of our fleet), “ After God came Chrill his Son.” So that if any be found amongll us, not of our own company, he that firft defcrieth any fuch fail or fails, lhall give warning to the admiral by himfelf or any other that he can fpeak to, that fails better than he, being neareft unto him.
That every fhip in the fleet, in time of fogs, which continually happen with little winds, and molt part calms, lhall keep a reafonable noife with trumpet, drum, or otherwife, to keep themfelves clear one of another.
If it fall out fo thick or mifty that we lay it to hull, the admiral*lhall give warning with a piece, and putting out three lights one over another, to the end that every man may take in his fails ; and at his fetting of fails again do the like, if it be not clear.
If any man diicover land by night, that he give the like warning that he doth for mifchances, two lights, and two pieces ; if it be by day one piece, and put out his flag, and ftrike all his fails he hath abroad.
If any Ihip happen to lofe company by force of weather, then any fuch lhip or Ihips
lhall get her into the latitude of-, and fo keep that latitude until they get Frif-
land ; and after they be pall the weft parts of Frilland, they lhall get them into the latitude of-and-, and not to the northward of-; and being once entered within
the ftreights, all fuch Ihips lhall every watch Ihoot off a good piece, and look out well for finoke and fire, which thofe that get in firft, lhall make every night, until all the fleet be come together.
That upon the fight of an enfign on the mall of the admiral (a piece being Ihot olf), the whole fleet lhall repair to the admiral, to underftand fuch conference as the general is to have with them.

THE DISCOVERY OF A tfORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 535
If we chance to meet with any enemies, that four fhips fhall attend upon the admiral, viz. the Francis of Foy, the Moon, the bark Dennis, and the Gabriel; and four upon my lieutenant-general in the Judith, viz. the Hopewell, the Armenal, theBeare, and the Salomon p and the other four upon the vice-admiral, viz. the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipfwich, the Emanuel, and the Michael.
If there happen any difordered perfon in the fleet, that he be taken and kept in fafe cuftody until he may conveniently be brought on board the admiral, and there to receive fuch punifhment as his or their offences fhall deferve,
By me, Martin Frobisher.
Having received thefe articles of direction, we departed from Harwich the 31ft of May, and failing along the fouth part of England weft ward, we at length came by the coaft of Ireland, at Cape Clear, the 6th of June, and gave chace there to a fmall bark which was fuppofed to be a pirate, or rover on the leas; but it fell out indeed that they were poor men of Briftow, who had met with fuch company of Frenchmen, as had fpoiled and flain many of them, and left the reft fo fore wounded, that they were like to perilh in the fea, having neither hand nor foot whole to help themfelves with, nor victuals to fuftain their hungry bodies. Our general, who well underftood the office of a foldier and an Englishman, and knew well what the neceflity of the fea meaneth, pitying much the mifery of the poor men, relieved them with furgery and falves to relieve their hurts, and with meat and drink to comfort their pining hearts j fome of them having neither eaten nor drank more than olives and flunking water in many days before, as they reported. And after this good deed done, having a large wind, we kept our courfe upon the faid voyage, without flaying to take in frefh water, or any other provifion, whereof many of the fleet were not thoroughly furnifhed ; and failing towards the N. W. parts from Ireland, we met with a great current from out of the S. W. which carried us, by our reckoning, one point to the northward of our faid courfe ; which current feemed to us to continue itfelf towards Norway, and other the N. E. parts of the world, whereby we may be induced to believe, that this is the fame which the Portugals meet at Capo de Buona Speran9a, where ftriking over from thence to the Streights of Magellan, and finding no paflage there for the narrownefs of the faid ftreights, runneth along into the great Bay of Mexico ; where alfo having a let of land, it is forced to ftrike back again towards the N. E. as we not only here,, but in another place alfo, further to the north-ward, by good experience this year have found, as fhall be hereafter in its place more at large declared.
Now had we failed about fourteen days without fight of any land, or any other living thing except certain fowls, as wilmots, noddies, gulls, &c. which there feem only to live by fea.
The 20th of June, at two o’clock in the morning, the general defcried land, and found it to be Weft Frizland, now named Weft England. Here the general and other gentlemen went afhore; being the firft known Chriftians that we have true notice of, that ever fet foot upon that ground. And therefore the general took pofieflion thereof to the ufe of our fovereign Lady the Queen’s Majefty, and difcovered here a goodly harbour for the fhips, where were alfo certain little boats of that country. And being there landed, they efpied certain tents, and people of the country, which were (as they judged) in all forts very like thofe of Meta Incognita, as by the apparel and other' things which we found in their tents appeared.
The favage and Ample people, fo foon as they perceived our men coming toward them (fuppofmg there had been no other world but theirs), fled 'fearfully away, as men.
9* much'

Frobisher’s third voyage for
51 6
much amazed at fo ftrange a fight, and creatures of human fhape, fo far In appafel, complexion, and other things,-different from themfelves. They left in their tents all their furniture for hafte behind them, where amongfl other things were found a box of fmall nails, and certain red herrings, boards of fir-tree well cut, with divers other things artificially wrought, whereby it appeareth that they have trade with fome civil people, or elfe are, indeed, themfelves artificial workmen.
Our men brought away with them only two of their dogs, leaving in recompence bells, looking-glaffes, and divers of our country toys behind them.
The country, no doubt, promifeth good hope of great commodity and riches, if it may be well difcovered. Some are of opinion that this Weft England is firm land with the north-eaft parts of Meta Incognita, or elfe with Greenland. And their reafon is, becaufe the people, apparel, boats, and other things, are fo like to'theirs. And another reafon is, the multitude of iflands of ice, which lay between it and Meta Incognita; both argue that on the north fide there is a bay, which cannot be but by the conjoining of the two lands together.
And having a fair and large wind, we departed from thence towards Frobilher’s Streights, the 23d of June. But firft we gave name to a high cliff in Weft England, the laft that was in our fight, and for a certain fimilitude, we called it Charing Crofs. Then we bare foutherly towards the fea, becaufe to the northwards of this coaft, we met with much driving ice, which by reafon of the thick mills and weather might have been fome trouble unto us.
On Monday the laft of June, we met with many great whales, as they had been porpoifes.
This fame day the Salamander, being under both her courfes and bonnets, happened to ftrike a great whale with her full Item, with fuch a blow that the Ihip flood ftill, and ftirred neither forward nor backward. The whale thereat made a great and ugly noife, and call up his body and tail, and fo went under water ; and within two days after, there was found a great whale dead, fwimming above water, which we fuppofed was that which the Salamander ft ruck.
The 2d day of July, early in the morning, we had fight of the Queen’s Foreland, and bare in with the land all the day, and paffmg through great quantity of ice, by night were entered fomewhat within the ftreights; perceiving no way to pafs further in, the whole place being frozen over from the one fide to the other, and as it were, ■with many walls, mountains, and bulwarks of ice, choaked up the paffage and denied us entrance. And yet do I not think that this paffage or fea hereabouts is frozen over at any time of the year ; albeit it feemed fo unto us by the abundance of ice gathered together, which occupied the whole place ; but I do rather fuppofe thefe ice to be bred in the hollow founds and frelhets thereabouts, which by the heat of the fummer’s fun, being loofe, do empty themfelves with the ebbs into the fea, and fo gather in great abundance there together.
And to fpeak fomewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen fea in thefe parts; I do think it to be rather a bare conjecture of men, than that ever any man hath made experience of any fuch fea; and that which they fpeak of Mare Glaciale, may be truly thought to be fpoken of thefe parts, for this may well be called indeed the icy fea, but not the frozen fea, for no fea confifting of falt-water can be frozen; as I have more at large herein Ihewed my opinion in my fecond voyage, for it feemeth im- poffible for any fea to be frozen which hath its courfe of ebbing and flowing, efpe- cially in thofe places where the tides do ebb and flow above ten fathoms. And alfo all thefe aforefaid ice, which we fometimes met one hundred miles from land, being gathered

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out of the fait fea, are in tafte frefh, and being difiolved, become fweet and whole- fome water.
And the caufe why this year we have been more cumbered with ice, than at other times before, may be by reafon of the eafterly and foutherly winds, which brought us more timely hither than we looked for; which blowing from the fea direftlv upon the place of our {freights, have kept in the ice, and not fuffered them to be carried out to the main fea, where they would in more fhort time have been difiolved. And all thefe fleeting ice are not only fo dangerous in that they wind and gather fo near together, that a man may pafs fometimes ten or twelve miles as it were upon one firm ifland of ice; but alfo for that they open and Unit together in fuch fort with the tides and fea- gate, that whilft one {hip followeth the other with full fails, the ice which was open to the foremoft, will join and clofe again before the latter can follow the firft, whereby many times our {hips were brought into great danger, as being not able fo fuddenly to take in our fails, or {fay the fwift way of our {flips.
We were forced many times to item and {trike great rocks of ice, and fo as it were make way through mighty mountains. By fuch means fome of the fleet, where they found the ice open, entered in, and pafled fo far within the danger thereof with continual defire to recover their port, that it was the greateft wonder of the world that they ever efcaped Me, or were ever heard of again •, for even at this prefent time we miffed two of the fleet, that is, the Judith, wherein was the lieutenant-general, Captain Fenton ; and the Michael, whom both we fuppofed had been utterly loft, having not heard any tidings of them in more than twenty days before.
And one of our fleet, named the bark Denis, being of one hundred tons burthen, feeking way in amongft thefe ice, received fuch a blow with a rock of ice, that {he funk down therewith in fight of the whole fleet; howbeit having fignified her danger, by {hooting off a piece of great ordnance, new fuccour of other {hips came fo readily unto them, that the men were all faved with boats.
Within this {hip that was drowned, there was parcel of our houfe, which was to be erected for them that ftiould ftay all the winter in Meta Incognita.
This was a more fearful fpeftacle for the fleet to behold, for that the outrageous ftorm that prefently followed, threatened them the like fortune and danger; for the fleet being thus compaffed (as forefaid) on every fide with ice, having left much behind them, through which they pafled, and finding more before them through which it was not poflible to pafs, there arofe a fudden and terrible tempeft at theS.E.which blowing from the main fea directly upon the place of the {freights, brought together all the ice a fea-board of us upon our backs, and thereby debarred us of returning back to recover fea-room again ; fo that being thus compaffed with danger on every fide, fundry men, with fundry devifes, fought the beft way to fave themfelves. Some of the {hips, where they could find a place more clear of ice, and get a little birth of fea-room, did take in their fails, and there lay adrift. Other fome faftened and moored anchor upon a great ifland of ice, and rode under the lee thereof, fuppofing to be better guarded thereby from the outrageous winds, and the danger of the leffer fleeting ice. And again fome were fo faft {hut up, and compaffed in among an infinite number of great countries and iflands of ice, that they were fain to commit themfelves and their Ihips to the mercy of the unmerciful ice, and ftrengthened the fides of their {hips with junks of cable, beds, mails, planks, and fuch like, which being hanged over-board on the fides of their Ihips, might the better defend them from the outrageous fway and ftrokes of the faid ice. But as in greateft diftrefs men of beft valour are beft to be difcerned, fo it is greatly worthy commendation and noting, with what invincible mind every captain
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frobxsher’s, third voyage for.
encouraged his company, and with what incredible labour the painful mariners and poor miners 'unacquainted with fuch extremities), to the everlafling renown of our nation, did overcome the brunt of thefe great and extreme dangers: for fome, even without board upon the ice, and fome within board upon the lides of their fhips, having poles, pikes, 'pieces of timber, and oars in their hands, flood almoft day and night without any reft, bearing off the force and breaking the fway of the ice with fuch incredible pain and peril, that it was wonderful to behold ; which otherwife no doubt had ftricken quite through and through the fides of their fhips, notwithftanding our former provifion; for planks of timber, of more than three inches thick, and other things of greater force and bignefs, by the furging of the fea and billow, with the ice were fhivered and cut in funder, at the fides of our fhips ; fo that it will feem more than credible to be reported of. And yet (that which is more) it is faithfully and plainly to be proved, and that by many fubftantial witneffes, that our fhips, even tliofe of greateft burthens, with the meeting of the contrary waves of the fea, were heaved up between ifiands of ice, a foot well near out of the fea, above their water-mark, having their knees and timbers within board both bowed and broken therewith.
And amidft thefe extremes, whilft fome laboured for defence of the fhips, and fought to fave their bodies, other fome, of more mild fpirit, fought to fave their fouls by devout prayer and meditation to the Almighty, thinking, indeed, by no other means poffible than by a divine miracle to have their deliverance; fo that there was none that were either idle, or not well occupied, and he that held himfelf in beft fecu- rity had (God knoweth) but only bare hope remaining for his beft, fafety.
Thus all the gallant fleet and miferable men, without hope of ever getting forth again, diftreffed with thefe extremities, remained here all the whole night and part of the next day, excepting four fhips ; that is, the Anne Francis, the Moon, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriel, which being fomewhat a fea-board of the fleet, and being fall fhips by a wind, having a more fcope of clear, tried it out all the time of the ftorm under fail, being hardly able to bear a coaft of each.
And albeit, by reafon of the fleeting ice, which were difperfed here almoft the whole fea over, they were brought many times to the extremeft point of peril, mountains of ice ten thoufand times efcaping them fcarce one inch, which to have ftricken had been their prefent deftrudtion, confldering the fwift courfe and way of the fhips, and the unwieldinefs of them to flay and turn as a man would wifh ; yet they efteemed it their better fafety, with fuch peril to feek fea-room, than without hope of ever getting liberty, to lie ftriving againft the ftream, and beating amongft the icy mountains, whofe bignefs and monftrous greatnefs was fuch, that no man would credit, but fuch as to their pains faw and felt it. And thefe four fhips, by the next day at noon, got out to fea, and were firft clear of the ice, who now enjoying their own liberty, began anew" to forrow and fear for their fellows’ fafeties; and devoutly kneeling about their main- maft, they gave unto God humble thanks, not only for themfelves, but befought Him likewife highly for their friends’ deliverance: and even now, whilft amidft thefe extie- mities, this gallant fleet and valiant men were altogether overlaboured and forewatched, with the long and fearful continuance of the forefaid dangers, it pleafed God with His eyes of mercy to look down from heaven to fend them help in good time, giving them, the next day, a more favourable wind at W. N. W. which did not only difperfe and ' drive forth the ice before them, but alfo gave them liberty of more fcope and fea-room, and they were by night of the fame day following perceived of the other four Ihips, where, to their greateft comfort, they enjoyed again the fellowftiip one of another. Some in mending the fides of their Ihips } fome in fetting up their topmafts, and mends'* mg

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mg their fails and tacklings ; again, fome complaining of their falfe (tern borne away; fome in {topping their leaks; fome in recounting their dangers pad, fpent no fmall time and labour: fo that I dare well avouch, there were never men more dangeroully dnlreffecl, nor more mercifully by God’s providence delivered; and hereof both the torn fnips, and the wearied bodies of the men arrived, do bear moll evident mark and witnefs. And now the whole fleet plied off to fea-ward, refolving there to abide until the fun might confume, or the force of the wind difperfe, thefe ice from the place of their paffage; and being a good birth off the fhore, they took in their fails and lay adrift.
The 7th of July, as men nothing yet difmayed, we cad about towards the inward, and had fight of land, which rofe in form like the northerland of the {freights, which fome of the fleet, and thofe not the word mariners, judged to be the north foreland ; howbeit, other fome were of contrary opinion; but the matter was not well to be difcerned, by reafon of the thick fog which for a long time hung upon the coad, and the new falling fnow which yearly altereth the fhape of the land, and taketh away, oftentimes, the mariners’ marks ; and by reafon of the dark mids which continued by the fpace of twenty days together, this doubt grew the greater and the longer perilous: for whereas, indeed, we thought ourfelves to be upon the N. E.fide of Frobiflier’s Streights, we were now carried to the fouth-wedwards of the Oueen’s Foreland, and being deceived by a fwift current coming from the N. E. were brought to the fouth- wedward of our laid courfe many miles more than we did think poflible could come to pafs; the caufe whereof we have fince found, and it {hall be at large hereafter declared.
Here we made a point of land, which fome midook for a place in the dreights called Mount Warwick; but how we fliould be fo far {hot up fo fuddenly within the faid {freights, the experted mariners began to marvel, thinking it a thing impofflble that they could be fo far overtaken in their accounts, or that any current could deceive them here which they had not by former experience proved and found out. Howbeit, many confefled that they found a fwifter courfe of flood than before time they had obferved; and truly it was wonderful to hear and fee the rulhing and noife that the tides do make in this place, with fo violent a force, that our {hips, lying a-hull, were turned fome- times round about, even in a moment, after the manner of a whirlpool, and the noife of the dream no lefs to be heard afar off than the water-fall of London-bridge.
But whild the fleet lay thus doubtful amongd great dore of ice, in a place they knew not, without fight of fun whereby to take the height, and fo to know the true elevation of the pole, and without any clear of light to make perfect the coad; the general, with the captains and maders of his Ihips, began doubtfully to quedion of the matter, and fent his pinnace aboard to hear each man’s opinion, and efpecjally of James Beare, mader of the Anne Francis, who was known to be a fufficient and Ikilful mariner, and having been there the year before, had well obferved the place, and drawn out cards of the coad. But the rather this matter grew the more doubtful, for that Chridopher Hall, chief pilot of the voyage, delivered a plain and public opinion, in the hearing of the whole fleet, that he had never feen the aforefaid coad before, and that he could not make it for any place of Frobiflier’s Streights, as fome of the fleet fuppofed, and yet the land doth lie and trend fo like, that the bed mariners may be therein deceived.
The 10th of July, the weather dill continuing thick and dark, fome of the {hips, in the fog, lod fight of the admiral and the red of the fleet, and wandering to and fro, with doubtful opinion whether it were bed to feek back again to feaward, through
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great (lore of ice, or to follow on a doubtful courfe in a fea-bay, or ftreights they knew not, or along a coaft, whereof, by reafon of the dark milts, they could not difcern the dangers, if'by chance any rock or broken ground Ihould lie off the place, as commonly in thefe parts it doth.
The vice-admiral, Captain Yorke, conlidering the forefaid opinion of the pilot Hall, who was with him in the Thomas Allen, having loll fight of the fleet, turned back to fea again, having two other Ihips in company with him.
Alfo, the captain of the Anne Francis, having alfo loll company of the fleet, and being all alone, held it for bell to turn it out again to fea, until they might have clear weather to take the fun’s altitude, and with incredible pain and peril got out of the doubtful place into the open fea again, being fo narrowly diftrefled by the way, by means of continual fog and ice, that they were many times ready to leap upon an illand of ice to avoid the prefent danger, and fo hoping to prolong life a while, meant rather to die a pining death.
Some hoped to fave themfelves on chefts, and fome determined to tie the hatches of the Ihip together, and to bind themfelves, with their furniture, fall thereon, and fo to be towed with the Ihip-boat alhore, which otherwife could not receive half of the company ; by which means, if happily they had arrived, they Ihould either have perilhed for lack of food to eat, or elfe Ihould themfelves have been eaten of thofe ravenous, bloody, and men-eating people.
The reft of the fleet following the courfe of the general, which led them the way, pafled up above 60 leagues within the faid doubtful and fuppofed ftreights, having always a fair continent upon their ftarboard fide, and a continuance ftill of an open fea before them.
The general, albeit with the firft perchance he found out the error, and that this was not the old ftreights; yet he perfuaded the fleet always that they were in their right courfe, and known ftreights. Howbeit, I fuppofe, he rather difiembled his opinion therein than otherwife, meaning by that policy (being himfelf led with an honourable defire of further difcovery) to induce the fleet to follow him, to fee a further proof of that place; and, as fome of the company reported, he hath fince confefled, that if it had not been for the charge and care he had of the fleet and fraughted ihips, he both would and could have gone through to the South Sea, and diflolved the long doubt of the paflage which we feek to find to the rich country of Cataya.
1. Of which miftaken ftreights, confidering the circumftance, we have great caufe to confirm our opinion, to like and hope well of the paflage in this place; for the forefaid bay or fea, the further we failed therein, the wider we found it, with great likelihood of endlefs continuance: and where in other places we were much troubled with ice, as in the entrance of the fame, fo, after we had failed 50 or 60 leagues therein, we had no let of ice, or other thing at all, as in other places we found.
2. Alfo this place feemeth to have a marvellous great indraft, and draweth unto it molt of the drift ice, and other things which do float in the fea, either to the north or eaftward of the fame, as by good experience we have found.
3. For here alfo we met with boards, laths, and divers other things, driving in the fea, which was of the wreck of the ihip called the bark Denis, which perilhed amongft the ice as forefaid, being loft at the firft attempt of the entrance, overthwart the Queen’s Foreland, in the mouth of Frobilher’s Streights, which could by no means have been fo brought thither, neither by wind nor tide, being loft fo many leagues off? if by force of the faid current the fame had not been violently brought; for if the fame had been brought thither by tide of flood, look how far the faid flood had carried it,
9* the

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE,
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the ebb would have recarried it as^far back again; and by the wind it could not fo come to pafs, becaufe it was then fometime calm, and moll times contrary.
And fome mariners do affirm, that they have diligently obferved, that there runneth in this place nine hours flood to three ebb; which may thus come to pafs by force of the faid current: for whereas the fea, in molt places of the world, doth more or lefs ordinarily ebb and flow once every twelve hours, with fix hours ebb and fix hours flood ; fo alfo would it do there, were it not for the violence of this haftening current, which forceththe flood to make appearance to begin before his ordinary time one hour and a half, and alfo to continue longer than his natural courfe by another hour and a half, until the force of the ebb be fo great, that it will no longer be refilled; according to the faying, Naturam expellas furca licet, ufque recurrit. Although nature and natural courfe be forced and refilled never fo much, yet at laid they will have their own fway again.
Moreover, it is not poffible that fo great courfe of floods and current, fo high dwelling tides, with continuance of fo deep waters, can be digefted here without unburdening themfelves into fome open fea beyond this place, which argueth the more likelihood of the paflage to be hereabouts: alfo we fuppofe thefe great indrafts do grow and are made up by the reverberation and reflection of that fame current, which, at our coming by Ireland, met and crolfed us, of which, in the firlt part of this dif- courfe, I fpake ; which coming from the bay of Mexico, paffing by and wafting the S.W. parts of Ireland, reboundeth over to the N. E. parts of the world, fuch as Norway, Illand, &c. where not finding any paflage to an open fea, but rather being there increafed by a new accefs, and another current meeting with it from the Scythian fea, paffing the bay of St. Nicholas weltward, it doth once again rebound back, by the coalts of Greenland, and from thence upon Frobifter’s Streights, being to the fouth- wellwards of the fame.
5. And if that principle of philofophy be true, that Inferiora corpora reguntur a fupe- rioribus; that is, if inferior bodies be governed, ruled, and carried after the manner and courfe of the fuperiors, then the water, being an inferior element, mull needs be governed after the fuperior heaven, and fo follow the courfe of primum mobile from eall to well.
6. But every man that hath written or confidered any thing of this paflage, hath more doubted the return by the fame way, by reafon of a great downfall of water, which they imagine to be thereabouts (which we alfo by experience partly find), than any millrull they have of the fame paflage at all j for we find (as it were) a great downfall in this place, but yet not fuch but that we may return, although with much ado j for we were eafier carried in one hour, than we could get forth again in three. Alfo, by another experience at another time, we found this current to deceive us in this fort; that whereas we fuppofed it to be 15 leagues off, and lying a hull, we were brought within two leagues of the ftore, contrary to all expectation.
Our men that failed furthell in the fime millaken freights (having the main land upon their Itarboard fide), affirm that they met with the outlet or paflage of water, which cometh through Frobiflier’s Streights, and followeth as all one into this paflage.
Some of our company alfo affirm, that they had fight of a continent upon their larboard fide, being 60 leagues within the fuppofed {freights; howbeit, except certain iflands in the entrance hereof, we could make no part perfect thereof. All the forefaid tract of land feemeth to be more fruitful, and better flored of grafs, deer, wild fowl, as partridges, larks, fea-mews, owls, wilmots, falcons, and tafiel gentils, ravens,
bears,

Frobisher’s third vovage for
542
bears, hares, foxes, and other things, than any other part we have yet difcovered, and is more populous. And here Luke Ward, a gentleman of the company, traded merchandife, and did exchange knives, bells, looking-glaffes, &c. with thofe country people, who brought him fowl, fifh, bear-lkins, and fuch like, as their country' yieldeth, for the fame. Here alfo they faw of thofe greater boats of the country, with twenty perfons in a-piece.
Now after the general had bellowed thefe many days here, not without many dangers, he returned back again. And by the way of failing along this coalt (being the backftde of the fuppofed continent of America), and the Queen’s Foreland, he perceived a great found to go through into Frobifher’s Streights. Whereupon he fent the Gabriel, the 21 ft of July, to prove whether they might go through and meet again with him in the {freights, which they did, and, as we imagined before, the Queen’s Foreland proved an illand, as I think moft of thefe fuppofed continents will. And fo he departed towards the ftreights, thinking it were high time now to recover his port, and to provide the fleet of their lading, whereof he was not a little careful, as fliall by the procefs and his refolute attempts appear. And in his return with the reft of the fleet, he. was fo entangled, by reafon of the dark fog, amongft a number of iflands and broken ground that lie off this coaft, that many of the fhips came over the top of rocks, which prefently after they might perceive to lie dry, having not half a foot water more than i'ome of their fhips did draw. And by reafon they could not with a fmall gale of wind ftem the force of the flood, whereby to go clear off the rocks, they were fain to let an anchor fall with two bent of cable together, at an hundred and odd fathom depth, where otherwife they had been by the force of the tides carried upon the rocks again and perilled: fo that if God in thefe fortunes, as ajnerciful guide, beyond the expectation of man, had not carried us through, we had furely perifhed amidft thefe dangers ; for being many times driven hard aboard the fhore, without any light of land, until we were ready to make fhipwreck thereon, being forced commonly with our boats to found before our fhips, left we might light thereon before we could difcern the fame; it pleafed God to give us a clear of fun and light for a fhort time, to fee and avoid thereby the danger, having been continually dark before, and prefently after. Many times alfo, by means of fogs and currents, being driven near upon the coaft, God lent us, even at the very pinch, one profperous breath of wind or other, whereby to double the land and avoid the peril; and when that we were all without hope of help, every man recommending himfelf to death, and crying out, “ Lord, now help or never ; now, Lord, look down from heaven, and lave us finners, or elfe our fafety cometh too late even then the mighty Maker of heaven, and our merciful God, did deliver us; fo that they who have been partakers of thefe dangers, do even in their fouls con- fefs, that God even by miracle hath fought to lave them, whofe name be praifed evermore.
Long time now the Anne Francis had lain beating off and on all alone before the Queen’s Foreland, not being able to recover their port for ice, albeit they many times dangeroufly attempted it, for yet the ice choaked up the paffage, and would not fuffer them to enter ; and having never feen any of the fleet fince twenty days paft, when, by reafon of the thick mills, they were fevered in the miftaken ftreights, • they did now, this prefent 23d of July, overthwart a place in the ftreights called Hatton’s Headland, where they met with fe.ven fhips of the fleet again : which good hap did not only rejoice them of themfelves, in refpect of the comfort which they received from fuch good company, but efpecially that by this means they were put out of doubt of their dear friends, whofe fafeties long time they did not a little ful'pect and fear.
At

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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At their meeting they hailed the admiral after the manner of the fea, and with great joy welcomed one another with a thundering volley of fhot. And now every man declared at large the fortunes and dangers which they had palled.
The 24th of July we met with the Francis of Foy, who with much ado fought way back again through the ice, from out of the miftaken ftreights, where, to their great peril, they proved to recover their port. They brought the firft news of the vice- admiral, Captain York, who many days, with themfelves and the Bulfe of Bridgewater, was miffing. They reported, that they left the vice-admiral reafonably clear of the ice, but the other ffiip they greatly feared, whom they could not come to help, being themfelves fo hardly diftreffed as never men more. Alfo they told us of the Gabriel, who, having got through from the backfide and weftern point of the Queen’s Foreland into Frobifher’s Streights, fell into their company about the Cape of Good Hope.
And upon the 27th of July, the ffiip of Bridgewater got out of the ice, and met with? the fleet which lay olf and on under Hatton’s Headland. They reported of their marvellous accidents and dangers, declaring their ffiip to be fo leaky, that they mull of neceffity feek harbour, having their Item fo beaten within their huddings, that they had much ado to keep themfelves above water. They had (as they fay) 500 ftrokes at the pump in lefs than half a watch, being fcarce two hours; their men being fo overwearied therewith, and with the former dangers, that they defired help of men from the other Ihips. Moreover, they declared that there was nothing but ice and danger where they had been, and that the ftreights within were frozen up, and that it was the moft impoffible thing of the world to pafs up unto the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, which was the place of our port.
The report of thefe dangers by thefe Ihips thus publiffied among the fleet, with the remembrance of the perils paft, and thofe prefent before their face, brought no fmall fear and terror into the hearts of many considerate men ; fo that fome began privily to murmur againft the general for this wilful manner of proceeding. Some defired to discover fome harbour thereabouts, and to refreffi themfelves, and reform their broken veffels for a while, until the north and north-weft winds might difperfe the ice, and make the place more free to pafs. Other fome, forgetting themfelves, fpake more undutifully in this behalf, faying, that they had as lieve be hanged when, they came home, as without hope of fafety to feek to pafs, and fo to periffi amongft the ice;
The general not opening his cares to the peeviffi paffion of any private perfon, but chiefly refpecting .the accompliffiment of the caufe he had undertaken (wherein the chief reputation and fame of a general and captain confifteth), and calling to his remembrance the ffiort time he had in hand to provide fo great a number of ffiips their loading, determined with this refolution to pafs and recover his port, or elfe there to bury him- felf with his attempt.
Notwithftanding, fomewhat to appeafe the feeble paffions of the fearfuller fort, and the better to entertain time for a feafon, whilft the ice might the better be diflolved, he hailed on the fleet with belief that he would put them into harbour. Thereupon, whilft the ffiips lay off and on under Hatton's Headland, he fought to go in with his pinnaces amongft the iflands there, as though he meant to fearch for harbour, where indeed he meant nothing lefs, but rather fought if any ore might be found in that place, as by the fequel appeared.
In the mean time, whilft the fleet lay thus doubtful, without any certain refolution what to do, being hard aboard the lee ffiore, there arofe a hidden and terrible tcmpeft at the S. S. E. whereby the ice began marvelloufly to gather about us.
Whereupon 1

544
Frobisher’s thiro voyage for
Whereupon every man, as in fuch cafe of extremity he thought beft, fought the wifeft way for his own fafety. The moft part of the fleet, which were farther fliot up within the (freights, and fo far to the leeward, as that they could not double the land, following the courfe of the general, who led them the way, took in their fails, and laid it a-hull amongfl: the ice, and fo pafled over the (form, and had no extremity at all, but for a (hort time in the fame place.
Howbeit the other (hips, which plied out to feaward, had an extreme (form for a longer feafon ; and the nature of the place is fuch, that it is fubject diverfly to divers winds, according to the fundry lituations of the great Alps and mountains there, every mountain caufing a feveral blaft, and pirrie, after the manner of a levant.
In this (form, being the 26th of July, there fell fo much fnow with fuch bitter cold air, that we could fcarce fee one another for the fame, nor open our eyes to handle our ropes and fails, the fnow being about half a foot deep upon the hatches of our Jliip, which did fo wet through our poor mariners’ clothes, that he that had five or fix fhifts of apparel, had fcarce one dry thread to his back; which kind of wet and cold- nefs, together with the overlabouring of the poor men amongfl the ice, bred no fmall ficknefs amongfl; the fleet, which fomewhat difcouraged forne of the poor men, who had not experience of the like before, every man perfuading himfelf that the winter there mull needs be extreme, where they found fo unfeafonable a fummer.
And yet notwithllanding this cold air, the fun many times hath a marvellous force of heat amongfl thofe mountains, infomuch that when there is no breath of wind to bring the cold air from the difperfed ice upon us, we fhall be weary of the bloming heat, and then fuddenly with a perry of wind, which cometh down from the hollownefs of the hills, we fhall have fuch breath of heat brought upon our faces, as though we were entered within fome bath-flove or hot-houfe, and when the firfl of the perry and blaft is pad, we fhall have the wind fuddenly anew blow cold again.
In this ftorm the Anne Francis, the Moon, and the Thomas of Ipfwich, who found, themfelves able to hold it up with a fail, and could double about the cape of the Queen’s Foreland, plied out to thefeaward, holding it for better policy and fafety to feek fea-room, than to hazard the continuance of the ftorm, the danger of the ice, and the lee fhore.
And being uncertain at this time of the general’s private determinations, the weather being fo dark that they could not difcern one another, nor perceive which way he wrought, betook themfelves to this courfe for the beft and fafeft.
The general, notwithftanding the great ftorm, following his own Former refolution, fought by all means poflible by a fhorter way to recover his port, and where he faw the ice never fo little open, he got in at one gap and out at another, and fo himfelf valiantly led the way through before, to induce the fleet to follow after, and with incredible pain and peril at length got through the ice, and upon the 31 ft of July recovered his long wifhed port, after many attempts and fundry times being put back, and came to anchor in the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, in the entrance whereof, when he thought all peril paft, he encountered a great ifland of ice, which gave the Aide fuch a blow, having a little before weighed her anchor a cockbill, that (he (truck the anchor fluke through the (hip’s (ides under the water, which caufed fo great a leak, that with much ado they preferved the (hip from finking. , k
At their arrival here they perceived two (hips at anchor within the harbour, whereat they began much to marvel and greatly to rejoice, for thofe they knew to be the Michael, wherein was the lieutenant-general Captain Fenton, and the fmall bark called the Gabriel, who fo long time were miffing, and never heard of before, whom every man, made the laft reckoning never to hear of again.
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THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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Here every man greatly rejoiced of their happy meeting, and welcomed one another after the fea manner, with their great ordnance. And when each party had ripped up their fundry fortunes and perils paft, they highly praifed God, and altogether upon their knees gave him due, humble, and hearty thanks ; and maker Wolfail, a learned man, appointed by her Majefty’s council to be their minifter and preacher, made unto them a godly fennort, exhorting them efpecially to be thankful to God for their ftrange and miraculous deliverance in thefe fo dangerous places, and putting them in mind of the uncertainty of man’s life, willed them to make themfelves always ready as refolute men, to enjoy and accept thankfully whatfoever adventure his divine Providence Ihould appoint. This maker,Wolfail being well ieated and fettled at home in his own country, with a good and large living, having a good honek woman to wife, and very towardly children, being of good reputation among the bek, refufed not to take in hand this painful voyage, for the only care he had to fave fouls, and to reform thofe infidels, if it were pokible, to Chrikianity ; and alio partly for the great defire he had that this notable voyage, fo well begun, might be brought to perfection ; and therefore he was contented to kay there the whole vear, if occakon had ferved, being in every neceffary action as forward as the, refoluteft _ men of all. Wherefore in this behalf he may rightly be called a true pakor and minifter of God’s word, which for the proftt of his flock fpared not to venture his town life.
But to return again to Captain Fenton’s company, and to fpeak fomewhat of their dangers (albeit they be more than by writing can be expreffed), they reported that from the night of the krk ftonn, which was about the firft of July, until feven days before tire general’s arrival, which was the 26th of the fame, they never faw one day or hour v,'herein they were not troubled with continual danger and fear of death, and were 20 days almoft together faft amongfl the ice. They had their fhip ftricken through and through on both fides, their falfe Hem borne quite away, and could go from their fhips in foine places very many miles, and might eafily have palled from one iiland of ice to another, even to the fliore ; and if God had not wonderfully provided for them and their neceflity, and time- had not made them more cunning to feek ftrange remedies for ftrange kinds of dangers, it had been impoffible for them -ever to have efcaped : for among other devices, wherefoever they found any ikand of ice of greater bignefs than the reft, (as there be fome of more than half a mile compafs about, and almoft 40 fathom high,) they commonly coveted to recover the fame, and thereof to make a bulwark for their defence, whereon having moored anchor, they rode under the lee thereof for a time, being thereby guarded from the danger of the lefifer driving ice ; but when they muft needs forego this new found fort by means of other ice, which at length would undermine and compafs them round about, and when that by heaving of the billow they were therewith likely to be bruifed in pieces, they ufed to make fail the fhip unto the mod firm and broad piece of ice they could find, and binding her nofe faft thereunto, would fill all their fails, _ whereon the wind having great power, would force forward the fhip, and fo the fhip bearing before her the ice, and fo one ice driving forward another, fhould at length get fcope and fea room ; and having by this means at length put their enemies to flight, they occupied the clear place for a pretty feafon among fundry mountains and alps ol ice. One there was found by meafure to be 65 fathom above water, which for a kind of fimilitude was called Salomon’s Porch. Some think thofe iflands eight times fo much un 4 er water as they are above, bacaufe of their monftrous weight. But now I remember I faw very ftrange wonders, men walking, running, leaping, and /hooting upon the main fea, 40 miles from any land, without any fhip or other veffel under them. Alfo I faw irefh rivers running amidft yon. xn. 4 a the

Frobisher’s third voyage for
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the fait fea 100 miles from land, which if any man will not believe, let him know that many of our company leaped out of their fhip upon iflands of ice, and running there up and down, did Ihoot at butts upon the ice, and with their calivers did kill great feals, which ufe to lie and fleep upon the ice, and this ice melting above at top by reflection of the fun, came down in fundry ftreams, which uniting together, made a pretty brook able to drive a mill.
The faid Captain Fenton recovered his port ten days before any man, and fpent good time in fearching for mine, and he found good {tore thereof. He alfo difcovered about ten miles up into the country, where he perceived neither town, village, nor likelihood of habitation; but it feemeth (as he faith) barren, as the other parts which as yet we have entered upon ; but their victuals and provifions went fo fcant with them, that they had determined to return homeward within feven days after, if the fleet had not then arrived.
The general, after his arrival in the Countefs’s Sound, fpent no time in vain, but immediately at his firft landing called the chief captains of his council together, and confulted with them for the fpeedier execution of fuch things as then they had in hand. As firft, for fearching and finding out good mineral for the miners to be occupied on. Then, to give good orders to be obferved of the whole company afhore. And laftly, to confider for the creeling up the fort and houfe for the ufe of them which were to abide there the whole year. For the better handling of thefe and all other important caufes in this fervice, it was ordained from her Majefty and the council, that the general fhould call unto him certain of the chief captains and gentlemen in council, to confer, confult, and determine of all occurrents in this fervice, whofe names are as they here follow;
(Fenton.
I Yorke.
Captains^ Bell.
I Carew.
(Philpot.
And in fea caufes to have as affiftants, Chriftopher Hall and Charles Jackman, being both very good pilots, and fufficient mariners, whereof the one was chief pilot of the voyage, and the other for the difeovery. From the place of our habitation weftward, mailer Selman was appointed notary, to regifter the whole manner of proceeding in thefe affairs, that true relation thereof might be made, if it pleafed her Majefty to require it.
The firft of Auguft, every captain, by order from the general and his council, was commanded to bring alhore unto the Countefs’s Illand, all fuch gentlemen, foldiers, and miners, as were under their charge, with fuch provifion as they had of victuals, tents, and things neceffary for the fpeedy getting together of mine, and freight for the Ihips.
The mufter of the men being taken, and the victuals with all other things viewed and confidered, every man was fet to his charge, as his place and office required. The miners were appointed where to work, and the mariners difeharged their Ihips.
Upon the 2d of Auguft, were publilhed and proclaimed upon the Countefs of "Warwick’s Illand, with found of trumpet, certain orders by the general and his council? appointed to be obferved of the company during the time of their abiding there.
In the mean time, whilft the mariners plied their work, the captains fought out new mines, the gold-finers made trial of the ore, the mariners difeharged their Ihips, the gentlemen for example fake laboured heartily, and honeftly encouraged the inferior fort to work. So that the fmall time of that little leifure that was left to tarry was not fpent in vain.
The

the discovery of a north-west passage.
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The 2d of Auguft, the Gabriel arrived, who came from the vice-admiral, and being diftrefied fore with ice, put into harbour near unto Mount Oxford, and now was the whole fleet arrived fafely at their port, excepting four, befides the fhip that was loll; that is, the Thomas Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipfwich, and the Moon, Whofe abfence was fome let unto the works and other proceedings, as well for that thefe firips were furnilhed with the better fort of miners, as with other provifion for the habitation.
The 9th of Auguft, the general, with the captains of his council, affembled together, and began to confider and take order for the erecting up of the houfe or fort for them that were to inhabit there the whole year, and that prefently the mafons and carpenters might go in hand therewith. Firft, therefore, they perufed the bills of lading, that every man received into his Ihip, and found that there was arrived only the eaft hde and the fouth fide of the houfe, and yet not that perfect and entire, for many pieces thereof were ufed for fenders in many Ihips, and fo broken in pieces, whilft they were diftrefied in the ice. Alfo after due examination had, and true account taken, there was found want of drink and fuel to ferve one hundred men, which was the number appointed firft to inhabit there, becaufe their greateft ftore was in the Ihips which were not yet arrived. Then Captain Fenton, feeing the fcarcity of the neceffary things afore- faid, was contented, and offered himfelf to inhabit there with 60 men. Whereupon they caufed the carpenters and mafons to come before them, and demanded in what time they would take upon them to erect up a lefs houfe for fixty men. They required eight or nine weeks, if there were timber fufficient, whereas now they had but 26 days in all to remain in that country. Wherefore it was fully agreed upon, and refolved by the general and his council, that no habitation fhould be there that year. And therefore they willed mafter Selman the regifter, to fet down this decree, with all their confents, for the better fatisfying of her Majefty, the lords of the council, and the adventurers.
The Anne Francis, fince fhe was parted from the fleet, in the laft ftorm before fpoken of, could never recover above five leagues within the {freights, the wind being forne- time contrary, and moft times the ice compafling of them round about; and rrom that time, being about the 27th of July, they could neither hear nor have fight of any of the fleet, until the 3d of Auguft, when they defcried a fail near unto Mount Oxford, with whom when they had fpoken, they could underftand no news of any of the fleet at all; and this was the Thomas of Ipfwich, who had lain beating oft' and on at fea with very foul weather and contrary winds ever fince that forefaid ftorm, without fight of any man. They kept company not long together, but were forced to lofe one another again ; the Moon being confort always with the Anne Francis, and keeping very good company, plied up together into the ftreights, with great defire to recover their long wiftied port. And they attempted as often, and paffed as far as poflible the wind, weather, and ice gave them leave, which commonly they found very contrary; for when the weather was clear and without fog, their commonly the wind was contrary ; and when it was either eafterly or foutherly, which would ferve their turns, then had they fo great a. fog and dark mift therewith, that either they could not difcern way through the ice, or elfe the ice lay fo thick together, that it was impoflible for them to pafs ; and on the other fide, when it was calm, the tides had force to bring the ice fo fuddenly about them, that commonly then they were moft diftrefied therewith, having no wind to carry them from the danger thereof.
By the 6th of Auguft, being with much ado got up as high as Leicefter Point, they had good hope to find the fouthern fhore clear, and fo pafs up toward their poll; but being there becalmed, and lying a hull openly upon the great bay which cometh
4 A 2 OUt

54.3 Frobisher’s third voyage for
out of the miftaken {freights before fpoken of, they were fo fuddenly compaffed with ice found about, by means of the fwift tides which run in that place, that they were never afore fo hardly befet as now ; and infeeking to avoid thefe dangers in the dark weather, the Anne Francis loll fight of the other two Ihips, who being likewife hardly diitrefl'ed, fignified their danger, as they fince reported, by {hooting oft their ordnance, which the other could not hear, nor if they had heard could have given them any remedy, being fo bufiiy occupied to wind themfelves out of their own troubles.
The fleeboat called the Moon, was here heaved above the water with the force of the ice, and received a great leak thereby. Likewife the Thomas of Ipfwich and the Anne Francis were forely bruifed at that inftant, having their falfe ferns borne away, and their (hips fide ftricken quite through.
Now, confidering the continual dangers and contraries, and the little leifure that they had to tarry in thefe parts, befides that every night the ropes of their ihips were fo frozen, that a man could not handle them without cutting his hands, together with the great doubt they bad of the fleet’s fafety, thinking it an impofiibility for them to pafs into their port, as well for that they faw themfelves, as for that they heard by the former report of the {hips which had proved before, who affirmed that the {freights were all frozen over within ; they thought it now very high time to confider of their eilates and fafeties that were yet left together. And hereupon the captains and mailers of thefe flips defired the captain of the Anne Francis to enter into confideration with them of thefe matters. Wherefore Captain Taniicld of the Thomas of Ipfwich, with his pilot Richard Cox, and Captain Upcote of the Moon, with his mailer John Lakes, came aboard the Anne Francis the 8th of Auguil, to confult of thefe caufes ; and being aifembled together in the captain’s cabin, fundry doubts w r ere there alledged ; for the fearfulier fort of mariners being overtired with the continual labour of the former clangers, coveted to return homeward, faying that they would not again tempi God fo much, who had given them fo many warnings, and delivered them from fo wonderful dangers ; that they rather defired to lofe wages, freight, and all, than to continue and follow fuch defperate fortunes. Again, their {’hips were fo leaky, and the men fo weary, that to amend the one and refrefh the other, they muif of necellity leek into harbour.
But on the other fide it was argued again to the contrary, that to feek into harbour thereabouts, was but to fubjedl themfelves to double dangers, if happily they efcaped the dangers of rocks in their entering, yet being in, they were neverthelefs fubjedl there to the danger of the ice, which with the fwift tides and currents is carried in and out in moil harbours thereabouts, and may thereby gall their cables afunder, drive them upon the ihore, and bring them to much trouble. Alfo, the coaft is fo much fubjeci to broken ground and rocks, efpecially in the mouth and entrance of every harbour, that albeit the channel be founded over and over again, yet are you never the nearer to difeern the dangers; for the bottom of the lea holding like ihape and form as the land, being full of hills, dales, and ragged rocks, fuftereth you not by your foundings to know and keep a true guefs of the depth : for you (hail found upon the fide or hollownefs of one hill or rock under water, and have too, 50, or 40 fathom depth, and before the next call, ere you {hall be able to heave your lead again, you ihall be upon the top thereof, and come aground to your utter confufion.
Another reafon againil going to harbour was, 1 that the cold air did threaten a fudden freezing up of the founds, feeing that every ice there was new congealed ice, even of that water which remained within their ihips ; and therefore it ihould feern to be more fafe to lie oft and on at fea, than-for lack of wind to bring them forth from harbour, to hazard by fudden frofts to be ihut up the whole year.
After

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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After many fitch dangers and reafons alledged, and large debating of thefe caufes on both fides, the Captain of the Anne Francis delivered his opinion unto the company to this effect:—Firft, concerning the queftionof returning home, he thought it fo much di/honourable, as not to grow in any further queftion; and again to return home, at length (as at length they muft needs), and not to be able to bring a certain report of the fleet, whether they were living or loft, or whether any of them had recovered their port or not, in the Countefs’s Sound, (as it was to be thought mod part would if they were living); he faid it would be fo great an argument either of want of courage or dif- cretion in them, as he refolved- rather to fall into any danger, than fo fliamefulJy content to return home, profefting that it fhould never be fpoken of him, that he would ever return without doing his endeavour to find the fleet, and know the certainty of the general’s fafety. He put his company in remembrance of a pinnace of five ton burthen, which he had within hisfhip, which was carried in pieces, and unmade up, for the ufe of thofe which fhould inhabit there the whole year, the which if they could find means to join together, he offered himfelf to prove before therewith, whether it were poflible for any boat to pafs for ice, whereby the fhip might be brought in, after, and might alio thereby give true notice if any of the fleet were arrived at their port or not.
But notwithflanding, for that he well perceived that the mod part of his company were addicted to put into harbour, he was willing the rather for. thefe caufes fomewhat to incline thereto. As fird, to fearch along the fame coad, and the founds thereabouts, he thought it to be to good purpofe, for that it was likely to find fome of the-fleet there, which being leaky, and fore bruifed with the ice, were the rather thought likely to be put into an ill harbour, being diflrefied with foul weather in the lad dorm, than to hazard their uncertain fafeties amongd the ice for about this place they led them, and left the fleet then doubtfully quedioning of harbour,.
It was likely alfo, that they might find fome fit harbour thereabouts, which might be behovtful for them againd another time. It was not likewife impodible to find fome ore or mine thereabouts, wherewithal to freight their fhips, which would be more commodious in this place, for the nearnefs to feaward, and for a better outlet, than farther within the ftreights, being likely here always to load in a fhorter time, howfoever the ft reign t fhould be pedered with ice within ; fo that if it might come to pafs that thereby they might either find the fleet, mine, or convenient harbour, any of thefe three would ferve their prefent turns, and give fome hope and comfort unto their companies, which now were altogether comfortlefs. But if that all fortune fhould fall out fo contrary, that they could neither recover their port, nor any of thefe aforefaid helps, that yet they would not depart the coad, as long as it was poflible for them to tarry there, but would lie off and on at fea athwart the place : therefore his final conclufion was fet down thus ; fird, that the Thomas of Ipfwich and the Moon fhould confort and keep company together carefully with the Anne Francis, as near as they could, and as true Englifhmen and faithful friends, fhould fupply one another’s wants in all fortunes and dano-ers. In the morning following, every fhip to fend off his boat, with a diffident pilot, to fearch out and found the harbours for the fafe bringing in of their fhips ; and being arrived in harbour, where they might find convenient place for the purpofe, they refolved forthwith to join and fet together the pinnace, wherewithal the Captain of the Anne Francis might, according to his former determination, difeover up into the ftreights.
After thefe determinations thus fet down, the Thomas of Ipfwich the night following lod company of the other fhips, and afterward fhaped a contrary courfe homeward, which fell out, as it manifellly appears, very much againft their captain Mafter Tanfield’s
mind,

Frobisher’s third voyage for.
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mind, as by due examination before the lords of her Majefty’s moll honourable privy council it hath fince been proved, to the great difcredit of the pilot Cox, who fpecially perfuaded his company, againft the opinion of his faid captain, to return home.
And as the captain of the Anne Francis doth witnefs, even at their conference together, Captain Tanfield told him, that he did not a little fufpect the faid pilot Cox, faying that he had opinion in the man neither of honeft duty, manhood, nor confhincy. Notwithftanding the faid fhip’s departure, the captain of the Anne Francis being defirous to put in execution his former refolutions, went in his fhip’s boat (being accompanied alfo with the Moon’s fluff), to prove amongft the iflands which lie under Hatton’s headland, if any convenient harbour, or any knowledge of the fleet, or any good ore were there to be found. The fhips lying off and on at fea the while under fail, fearching through many founds, they faw them all full of many dangers and broken ground ; yet one there was, which feemed an indifferent place to harbour in, and which they did very diligently found over, and fearched again.
Here the faid captain found a great black ifland, whereunto he had a good liking, and certifying the company thereof, they were fomewhat comforted, and with the good hope of his words, rowed cheerfully unto that place ; where when they arrived, they found fuch plenty of black ore of the fame fort which was brought into England this laft year, that if the goodnefs might anfwer the great plenty thereof, it was thought that it might reafonably fuflice all the gold-gluttons of the world. This ifland, the captain for caufe of this good hap, called after his own name, Bell’s Blefling ; and with thefe good tidings returning aboard his Ihip the 9th of Augult, about 1 o o’clock at night, he was joyfully welcomed of his company, who before were difcomforted, and greatly expected fome better fortune at his hands.
The next day, being the 10th ofAugull, the weather reafonably fair, they put into the forefaid harbour, having their boat, for their better fecurity, founding before their Ihip. But for all the care and diligence that could be taken in founding the channel over and over again, the Anne Francis came aground upon a funken rock within the harbour, and lay thereon more than half dry until the next flood, when by God s almighty Providence, contrary almoll to all expectation, they came afloat again, being forced all that time to underlet their Ihip with their main-yard, which otherwife was likely to overfet, and put thereby in danger the whole company. They had above two thoufand ftrokes together at the pump, before they could make their Ihip free of the water again, fo fore (lie was bruifed by lying upon the rocks. The Moon came fafely, and rode at anchor by the Anne Francis, whofe help in their necefiity they could, not well have miffed.
Now whillt the mariners were rummaging their fhips, and mending that which was amifs, the miners followed their labour for getting together a fufficient quantity of ore, and the carpenters endeavoured to do their bell for the making up of the boat or pinnace ; which to bring to pafs they wanted two fpecial and moft neceffary things, that is, certain principal timbers that are called knees, which are the chiefeft ftrength of any boat, and alfo nails, wherewithal to join the planks together ; whereupon, having by chance a fmith amongft them, (and yet unfurniftied of his neceffary tools to work and make nails withal,) they were fain of a gun-chamber to make an anvil to work upon, and to ufe a pickaxe inftead of a fledge to beat withal, and alfo to occupy two pair of fmall bellows inftead of one pair of great fmith’s bellows; and for lack of fmall iron for the eafier making of the nails, they were forced to break their tongs, gridiron, and fire-lhovel in pieces.
The

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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The nth of Auguft the captain of the Anne Francis, taking the mailer of his fhip with him, went up to the top of Hatton’s headland, which is the higheft land of all the ftreights, to the end to defcry the iituation of the country underneath, and to take a true plot of the place, whereby alfo to fee what itore of ice was yet left in the ftreights, and alfo to fearch what mineral matter or fruit that foil might yield ; and the rather for the honour the faid captain doth owe to that honourable name which himfelf gave thereunto the laft year, in the higheft part of this headland, he caufed his company to make a column or crofs of ftone in token of Chriftian poifeflion. In this place there is plenty of black ore, and divers pretty ftones.
The 17th of Auguft, the captains with their companies chafed and killed a white bear, which adventured and gave a fierce affault upon 20 men, being weaponed j and he ferved them for good meat many days.
The 18th, with much ado the pinnace being fet together, the faid Captain Beft determined to depart up the ftreights, to prove and make trial as before was pretended,, fome of his company greatly perfuading him to the contrary, and fpeciallythe carpenter that fet the fame together, who faid that he would not adventure himfelf therein for 500 /. for that the boat hung together but only by the ftrength of the nails, and lacked fome of her principal knees and timbers.
Thefe words fomewhat difcouraged fome of the company which ihould have gone therein ; whereupon the captain, as one not altogether advifed to his own felf-will, but fomewhat forefeeing how it might be afterward fpoken, if contrary fortune ftiould happen him, (“ Lo ! he hath followed his own opinion and defperate refolutions, and fo thereafter it is befallen him,”) calling the mafter and mariners of beft judgment together, declared unto them how much the caufe imported him in his credit to feek out the general, as well to confer with him of fome caufes of weight, as otherwife to make due examination and trial of the goodnefs of the ore, whereof they had no alfurance but by the guefs of the eye, and it was well like the other; which fo to carry home, not knowing the goodnefs thereof, might be as much as if they fhould bring fo many ftones; and therefore he defired them to deliver their plain and honeft opinion, whether the pinnace were fufficient for him fo to adventure in or no. It was anlwered, that by careful heed taken thereunto among!! the ice, and the foul weather, the pinnace might fuffice; and hereupon the mafter’s mate of the Anne Francis, called John Gray, manfully and honeftly offering himfelf unto his captain in this adventure and fervice, gave caufe to others of his mariners to follow the attempt.
And upon the 19th of Auguft, the faid captain being accompanied with Captain Upcote of the Moon, and 18 perfons, in the fmall pinnace, having convenient portion of victuals and things neceflary, departed upon the faid pretended voyage, leaving their fhip at anchor in good readinefs for the taking in of their freight. And having little wind to fail withal, they plied along the fouthern Ihore, and pafl'ed above 30 leagues, having the only help of man’s labour with oars, and fo intending to keep that ihore aboard until, they were got up to the fartheft and narroweft of the ftreights, minded there to crofs over, and to fearch likewife along the northland unto the Countels’s Sound, and from thence to pafs all that coaft along, whereby if any of the fleet had been diftreifed by wreck of rock or ice, by that means they might be perceived of them, and fo they thereby to give them fuch help and relief as they could. They did greatly fear, and ever fufpeft that fome of the fleet were furely caft away, and driven to leek four falads among the cold cliffs.
And being !hot up about 40 leagues within the ftreights, they put over towards the north ihore, which was not a little dangerous for their fmall boats; and by means
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■Frobisher’s third voyage for
552
of a fudden flaw were driven, and fain to feelc harbour in the night, amongft all the rocks and broken ground of Gabriels Iflands, a place fo named within the {freights above the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound ; and by the way where they landed, they did find certain’ great Hones fet up by the country people, as it ieemed for marks, where they alfo made many erodes of Hone, in token that Chriftians had been there.
The 22d they had fight of the Countefs’s Sound, and made the place perfect from the top of a hill, and keeping along the northern Ihore, perceived the i'moke of a fire under a hill’s fide; whereupon they diverfely deemed. When they came nearer the place, they perceived people which wafted unto them, as it feemed, with a flag or enfign. And becauie the country people had ufed to do the like, when they perceived any of our boats to pals by, they fufpefted them to be the fame ; and coming fomewhat nearer, they might perceive certain tents, and obferve this enfign to be of mingled colours, black and white, after the Englilh falhion. But becauie they could fee no Ihip, nor likelihood of harbour within five or fix leagues about, and knew that none of our men were wont to frequent thofe parts, they could not tell what to judge thereof, hut imagined that fome of the Ihips being carried fo high with the {form and mills, had made Ihipwreck amongft the ice or broken iflands there, and were fpoiled by the country people, who might ufe the iundry coloured flag for a policy, to bring them likewife within their danger. Whereupon the faid captain with his companies, refolved to recover the fame enfign, if it were fo, from thofe bale people, or elfe to lofe their lives, and all together. In the- end they difeerned them to be their countrymen, and theft they deemed them to have loft their fhips, and fo to be gathered together for their better ftrength. On the other fide, the company afhore feared that the captain having loft his Ihip, came to feek forth the fleet for his relief in his poor pinnace, fo that their extremities caufed each part to fufpect the worft.
The captain now with Ids pinnace being come near the Ihore, commanded his boat carefully to be kept afloat, left in their necefiity they might win the fame from him, and feek firft to lave themfelves ; for every man in that cafe is next himfelf. They hailed one another according to the manner of the fea, and, demanded what cheer ; and cither party anfwered the other, that ail v'as well; whereupon there was a fudden and joyful outlhoot, with great flinging up of caps, and a brave volley of Ihot to welcome one another. And truly it was a moll ftrange cafe to fee how joyful and glad every .party was to fee themfelves meet in fafety again, after fo ftrange and incredible dangers ; yet to be Ihort, as their dangers were great, fo their God was greater.
And here the company were working upon new mines, which Captain York, being here arrived not long ago, had found' out in this place, and it is named the Countefs oi Sufiex mine.
After foine conference with our friends here, the captain of the Anne Francis departed towards the Countefs of Warwick’s Sound, to fpeak with the general, and to have trial made of fuch metal as he had brought thither, by the gold-finery And fo he determined to difpatth again towards his Ihip. And having fpoken with the general, he received order for all caufes, and direction as well for the bringing up of his Ihip to the Countefs’s Sound, as alfo to freight his Ihip with the fame ore, which he himfelf had found, winch upon trial made was fiippofed to be very good.
The 23d of Augult, the laid captain met together with the other captains (com- miflioners in couniel with the general) aboard the Aide, where they confidered and confulted of fundry cauies, which being particularly regiftered by the notary, were appointed where and how to be done againft another year.
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THE DISCOVERY Of A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
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The 24th, the general, with two pinnaces and good number of men, went to Scare’s Sound, commanding the laid captain with his pinnace to attend the fervice, to fee if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people, for fundry times they Ihewed themfelves bufy thereabouts, fometimes with feven or eight boats in one company, as though they minded to encounter with our company, which were working there at the mines in no great numbers. But when they perceived any of our flrips to ride in that road (being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Ihip, and a more number of men,) they did never drew themfelves again there at all. Wherefore our men fought with their pinnaces to compafs about the idand where they did ufe, fuppofing there fuddenly to intercept fome of them. But before our men could come near, having belike fome watch in the top of the mountains, they conveyed themfelves privily away, and left (as it fhould feem) one of their great darts behind them for hafte, which we found near to a place of their caves and houfing. Therefore, though our general were very defirous to have taken fome of them to have brought into England, they being now grown more wary by their former Ioffes, would not at any time come within our dangers. About midnight of the fame day, the captain of the Anne Francis departed thence, and fet his courfe over the ftreights towards Hatton’s Headland, being about x 5 leagues over, and returned aboard his drip the 2 5th of Auguft, to the great comfort of his company, who long expected his coming, where he found his diips ready rigged and Ioaden. Wherefore he departed from thence again the next morning towards the Countefs’s Sound, where he Arrived the 28th of the fame. By the way he fet his miners adxore at Beare’s Sound, for the better difpatch and gathering the ore together, for that fome of the ihips were behind-hand with their freight, the time of the year pading fuddenly away.
The 30th of Auguft the Anne Francis was brought aground, and had eight great leaks mended, which die had received by means of the rocks and ice. This day the mafons finifhed a houfe, which Captain Fenton caufed to be made of lime and ftone upon the Countefs of Warwick’s Ifland, to the end we might prove againft the next year, whether the fnow could overwhelm it, the froft break it up, or the people difmember the fame; and the better to allure thofe brutilh and uncivil people to courtefy agaipft other times of our coming, we left therein divers of our country toys, as bells and knives, wherein they fpecialfy delight, one for necefiary ufe, and the other for the great pleafure thereof; alfo pictures of men and women in lead, men on horfeback, looking- glafles, whittles, and pipes ; alfo in the houfe was made an oven, and bread left baked therein for them to fee and tafte.
We buried the timber of our pretended fort; alfo here we fowed peafe, corn, and other grain, to prove the fruitfulnefs of the foil againft the next year.
The fleet now being in fome good readinefs for their lading, the general calling together the gentlemen and captains to confult, told them that he was very defirous that fome further difcovery fliould be attempted, and that he would not only, by God’s help, bring home his Ihips laden with ore, but alfo meant to bring fome certificate of further difcovery of the country, which thing to bring to pafs (having fometime therein confulted) they found very hard, and almoft invincible. And confidering, that already they had fpent fome time in fearching out the trending and fafliion of the miftaken ftreights, therefore it could not be faid, but that by this voyage they had notice of a further difcovery, and that the hope of the palfage thereby is much furthered and in- creafed, as appeared before in the difcourfe thereof. Yet, notwithftanding, if any means might be further devifed, the captains were contented and willing, as the general fhould appoint and command, to take any enterprife in hand ; which after long debating was found a thing very impoffible, and that rather confultation was to be had of returning vol. xii. 4 b . homeward,

Frobisher’s third voyage for
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homeward, efpecially for thefe caufes following:—firft, the dark foggy mills, the continual falling fnow and ftormy weather, which they commonly were vexed with, and now daily more and more increafed, have no fmall argument of the winter’s drawing near; and alfo the froll every night was fo hard and congealed without the found, that if by evil hap they lhould be long kept in by contrary wands, it was greatly to be feared that they lhould be lhut up there fall the whole year, which, being utterly unprovided, would be their utter deftruction. Again, drink was fo fcant throughout all the fleet, by reafon of the great leakage, that not only the proviflon that was laid in for the habitation was wanting and walled, but alfo each Ihip’s feveral proviflon fpent and loft, which many of our company to their great grief found in their return fince, for all the way homewards they drank nothing but water. And the great caufe of this leakage and wafting was, for that the great timber and fea-coal, which lay fo weighty upon the barrels, brake, bruifed, and rotted the hoops infunder. Yet notwithftanding thefe reafons alledged, the general himfelf (willing the reft of the gentlemen and captains every man to look to his charge and lading, that againft a day appointed they lhould be all in readinefs to fet homeward) went in a pinnace, and difcovered further northwards in the ftreights, and found that by Beare’s Sound and Hall’s Illand, the land was not firm, as it was firft fuppofed, but all broken illands in manner of an archipelagus, and fo with other fecret intelligence to himfelf he returned to the fleet. Where prefently upon his arrival at the Countefs’s^Sound, he began to take order for their returning homewards, and firft caufed certain articles to be proclaimed, for the better keeping of order and courfes in their return ; which articles were delivered to every captain.
Having now received articles and directions for our return homewards, all other things being in forwardnefs and good order, the laft day of Auguft the fleet departed from the Countefs’s Sound, except the Judith and the Anne Francis, who ftayed for the taking in of frelh water, and came the next day, and met the fleet lying off and on, athwart Beare’s Sound, who ftayed for the general, who then was gone alhore to difpatch the two barks and the Buffe of Bridgewater for their loading, whereby to get the companies and other things aboard. The captain of the Anne Francis having molt part of his company alhore, the ill of September went alfo to Beare’s Sound in his pinnace, to fetch his men aboard ; but the wind grew fo great immediately upon their landing, that the fhips at fea were in great danger, and fome of them forcibly put from their anchors, and greatly feared to be utterly loft, as the Hopewell, wherein was Captain Carew and others, who could not tell on which fide their danger was moft ; for having mighty rocks threatening on the one fide, and driving illands of cutting ice on the other fide, they greatly feared to make fhipwreck, the ice driving fo near them that it touched their boit-fprit; and by means of the fea that was grown fo high, they were not able to put to fea with their fmall pinnaces to recover their fhips ; and again, the Ihips were not able to tarry or lie athwart for them, by means of the outrageous winds and fwelling feas. The general willed the captain of the Anne Francis, with his company, for that night to lodge aboard the Buffe of Bridgewater, and went himfelf, with the reft of his men, aboard the barks ; but their numbers were fo great, and the proviflon of the barks fo fcant, that they peftered one another exceedingly. They had great hope that the next morning the weather would be fair, whereby they might recover their Ihips; but in the morning following it was much worfe, for the ftorm continued greater, the fea being more fwollen, and the fleet gone quite out of fight: fo that now their doubts began to grow great for the Ihip of Bridgewater, which was of greateft receipt, and whereof they had beft hope and made moft account, rode fo far to leeward of the
6* harbour’s

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE*
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harbour’s mouth, that they were not able for the rocks that lay between the wind and them, to lead it out to fea with a fail; and the barks were already fo peftered with men and fo flenderly furnilhed with provifion, that they had fcarce meat for fix days for fuch numbers.
The general in the morning departed to fea in the Gabriel, to feek the fleet, leaving the Buffe of Bridgewater and the Michael behind in Beare’s Sound. The Buffe fet fail, and thought by turning in the narrow channel in the harbour to get to windward, but being put to leeward more, by that means was fain to come to anchor for her better fafety amongft a number of rocks, and there left in great danger of ever getting forth again. The Michael fet fail to follow the general, and could give the Buffe no relief, although they earneftly defired the fame. And the captain of the Anne Francis was left in the hard election of two evils ; either to abide his fortune with the Buffe of Bridgewater, which was doubtful of ever getting forth, or elfe to be towed in his fmall pinnace at the ftern of the Michael through the raging feas, for that the bark was not able to receive or relieve half his company, wherein his danger was not a little perilous.
So after he refolved to commit himfelf with all his company unto that fortune of God and fea, and was dangeroufiy towed at the ftern of the bark for many miles, until at length they efpied the Anne Francis under fail hard under their lee, which was no fmall comfort unto them; for no doubt both thefe and a great number more had perifhed for lack of vi&uals and convenient room in the barks, without the help of the laid fhip. But the honeft care that the mafter of the Anne Francis had of his captain, and the good regard of duty toward his general, fuffered him not to depart, but honeftly abode to hazard a dangerous road all the night long, and notwithftanding all the ftormy weather, when all the fleet befides departed. And the pinnace came no fooner aboard the fhip, and the men entered, but fhe prefently Ihivered and funk in pieces at the fhip’s ftern, with all the poor men’s furniture, fo weak was the boat with towing, and fo forcible was the fea to bruife her in pieces. But as God would, the men were all faved.
At this prefent in this ftorm many of the fleet were dangeroufiy diftreffed, and were fevered almoft all afunder; but thanks be to God, all the fleet arrived fafely in England about the firft of October, fome in one place and fome in another. But amongft other, it was moft marvellous how the Buffe of Bridgewater got away, who being left behind the fleet in great danger of never getting forth, was forced to feek a way northward through an unknown channel full of rocks, upon the back fide of Beare’s Sound, and there by good hap found out a way into the North Sea; a very dangerous attempt, fave that necellity, which hath no law, forced them to try mafteries. This aforefaid North Sea is the fame which lieth upon the back fide of Frobilher’s Streights, where firft the general himfelf in his pinnaces, and after fome other of our company have dif- covered (as they affirmed) a great foreland, where they would have alfo a great likelihood of the greateft paffage toward the South Sea.
The Buffe of Bridgewater, as Ihe came homeward, to the fouthward of Frifeland difcovered a great ifland in the latitude of fifty-feven degrees and a half, which was never yet found before, and failed three days along the coaft, the land feeming to be fruitful, full of woods, and a champain country.
There died in the whole fleet in all this voyage not above forty perfons, which number is not great, confidering how many fhips were in the fleet, and how ftrange fortunes we palled.
A general
4 B t

55 6
erobisher’s third voyage por
A general and brief Defcriptioti of the Country , and Condition of the People , which are
found in Meta Incognita.
Having now fufficiently and truly fet forth the whole circumftance and particular handling of every occurrent in the three voyages of our worthy general, Captain Frobifher, it (hall not be from the purpofe to fpeak fomewhat in general of the nature of the country called Meta Incognita, and the condition of the lavages there inhabiting.
Firft, therefore, touching the topographical defeription of the place, it is now found in the laid voyage, that Queen Elizabeth’s Cape, being fituate in latitude 61 degrees and a half, which before was fuppofed to be part of the firm land with America, and alfo all the reft of the fouth fide of Frobifher’s Streights, are all feveral iflands and broken land, and likewife fo will all the north fide fall out to be, as I think. And fome of our company being entered above 60 leagues within the miftaken /freights, in the third voyage mentioned, thought certainly that they had deferied the firm land of America towards the fouth, w'hich I think will fall out fo to be.
Thefe broken lands and iflands being very many in number, do feem to make there an archipelagus, which as they all differ in greatnefs, form, and fafhion, one from another, fo are they in goodnefs, colour, and foil, much unlike. They all are very high lands, mountains, and in mod parts covered with fnow even all the fummer long. The norther lands have lefs ftore of fnow, more grafs, and are more plain countries, the caufe whereof may be, for that the fouther iflands receive all the fnow, that the cold winds and piercing air bring out of the north ; and contrarily, the north parts receive more warm air from the milder blafts of the fouth, whereupon may grow the caufe why the people covet to inhabit more upon the north parts than the fouth, as far as we can yet by our experience perceive they do. Thefe people I judge to be a kii^l of Tartar, or rather a kind of Samoed of the fame fort and condition of life that the Samoeds be to the north-eaftwards towards Mufcovy, who are called Samoeds, which is as much to fay in the Mufcovy tongue, as eaters of themfelves, and fo the Ruffians their borderers do name them. And by late conference with a friend of mine (with whom I did fometime travel in Mufcovy) w r ho hath great experience of thofe Samoeds, and people of the north-eaft, I find that in all their manner of living, thofe people of the north-eaft, and thefe of the north-weft are alike. They are of the colour of a ripe olive, which how it may come to pafs, being born in fo cold a climate, I refer to the judgment of others, for they are naturally born children of the fame colour and complexion that all the Americans are, which dwell under the equinoctial line.
They are men very attive and nimble. < They are a ftrong people and very warlike, for in our fight upon the tops of the hills they would often mufter themfelves, and after the manner of a fkirmilh trace their ground very nimbly, and manage their bows and darts with great dexterity. They go clad in coats made of the {kins of beafts, as of feals, deer, bears, foxes, and hares. They have alfo fome garments of feathers, being made of the cafes of fowls, finely fewed and compact together ; of all which forts we brought home fome with us into England, which w r e found in their tents. In fummer they ufed to wear the hair fide of their coats outward, and fometime go naked for too much heat; and in winter (as by figns they have declared) they wear four or five fold upon their bodies with the hair for warmth turned inward. Hereby it appeareth, that the air there is not indift'erent; but either it is fervent hot, or elfe extreme cold, and far more exceffive in both qualities than the reafon of the climate fltould yield ;
*8 ' for

The discovery of a north-west passage.
557
for there it is colder, being under 6 2 degrees in latitude than it is at Wardhoufe in the voyage to St. Nicholas in Mufcovy, being at about 72 degrees in latitude. The rea- fon hereof perhaps may be, that this Meta Incognita is much frequented and vexed with eaftern and north-eaftern winds, which from the fea and ice bringeth often an intolerable cold air ; which was alfo the caufe that this year our {freights were fo long Ihut up with fo great {tore of ice ; but there is great hope and likelihood, that further within the freights it will be more conftant and temperate weather.
Thefe people are in nature very fubtle and fharp-witted, ready to conceive our meaning by figns, and to make anfwer well to be uryierftood again; and if they have not feen th'e thing whereof you alk them, they will wink and cover their eyes with their hands, as who would fay, it hath been hid from their fight. If they underftand you not whereof you a Iked them, they will flop their ears. They will teach us the name of each thing in their language which we defire to learn, and are apt to learn any thing of us. They delight in mufic above meafure, and will keep time and ftroke, to any tune you {hall fing, both with their voice, head, hand, and foot, and will fing the fame tune aptly after you. They will row with our oars in our boats, and keep a true ftroke with our mariners, and feern to take great delight therein.
They live in caves of the earth, and hunt for their dinners and prey, even as the bear or other wild beaft do ; they eat raw flelh and filh, and refufe no meat, howfo- ever it be {linking. They are defperate in their fight, fullen of nature, and ravenous in their manner of feeding.
Their fullen and defperate nature doth herein manifeftly appear, that a company of them being environed by our men on the top of a high cliff, fo that they could by no means efcape our hands, finding themfelves in this cafe diftreffed,chofe rather to call them- feives headlong down the rocks into the fea, and fo be bruifed and drowned, rather than to yield themfelves to our men’s mercies.
For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill their prey withal, they have darts, {lings, bows, and arrows headed with {harp {tones, bones, and fome with iron. They are exceeding friendly and kind-hearted one to the other, and mourn greatly at the lofs or harm of their fellows, and exprefs their grief of mind, when they part one with another, with a mournful fong and dirges. They are very fhamefaced in bewraying the fecrets of nature, and very chafte in the manner of their living: for when the man which we brought from thence into England the laft voyage, fiiould put off his coat or difcover his whole body for change, he would not fuffer the woman to be prefent, but put her forth of his cabin. And in all the fpace of two or three months, while the man lived in company with the woman, there was never any thing feen or perceived between them, more than might have palled between brother and filter. But the woman was in all things very ferviceable for the man, attending him carefully when he was fick, and he likewife, in all the meats which they did eat together, would carve unto her of the fweeteft, fatteft, and belt morfels they had. They wondered much at all our things, and were afraid of our horfes and other beafts out of meafure. They began to grow more civil, familiar, pleafant, and docible amongft us in very ihort time.
They have boats made of leather, and covered clean over, faving one place in the middle to fit in, planked within with timber ; and they ufe to row them with one oar, more fwiftly a great deal, than we in our boats can do with twenty. They have one fort of greater boats wherein they carry about twenty perfons, and have a maft with a fail thereon, which fail is made of thin Ikins or bladders, fewed together with the finews of filhes.
They

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They are good filhermen, and in their fmall boats being difguifed in their coats of feal fkins, they deceive the fifh, who take them rather for their fellow feals, than for deceiving men. They are good markfmen; with their dart or arrow they will commonly kill a duck, or any other fowl, in the head, and commonly in the eye. When they Ihoot at a great filh with any of their darts, they ufe to tie a bladder thereunto, whereby they may the better find them again, and the fifh not able to carry it fo eafily away (for that the bladder doth buoy the dart) will at length be weary and die therewith.
They ufe to traffick and exchange their commodities with fome other people, of whom they have fuch things as their jniferable country, and ignorance of art to make, denieth them to have, as bars of iron, heads of iron for their darts, needles made four fquare, certain buttons of copper, which they ufe to wear upon their foreheads for ornament, as our ladies in the court of England do ufe great pearl.
Alfo they have made figns unto us,' that they have feen gold, and fuch bright plates of metals, which are ufed for ornaments among fome people with whom they have conference. 1
We found alfo in their tents a guinea bean of red colour, the which do ufually grow in the hot countries. Whereby it appeareth that they trade with other nations which dwell far off, or elfe themfelves are great travellers.
They have nothing in ufe among them to make fire withal, faving a kind of heath and mofs which groweth there ; and they kindle their fire with continual rubbing and fretting one flick againft another, as we do with flints.
They draw with dogs in fleds upon the ice, and remove their tents therewithal, wherein they dwell in fummer, when they go a hunting for their prey and provifion againft winter. They do fometime parboil their meat a little and feethe the fame in kettles made of feals fkins ; they have alfo pans, cut and made of flone very artificially : they ufe pretty gins wherewith they take fowl.
The women carry their fucking children at their backs, and do feed them with raw flelh, which firfl they do a little chew in their own mouths. The women have their faces marked or painted over with fmall blue fpots. They have black and long hair on their heads, and trim the fame in a decent order. The men have but little hair on their faces, and very thin beards. For their common drink, they eat ice to quench their thirfl withal. Their earth yieldeth no grain or fruit of fuflenance for man, or almofl for beaft to live upon; and the people will eat grafs or fhrubs of the ground, even as our kine do. They have no wood growing in their country thereabouts, and yet we find they have fome timber among them, which we think doth grow far off to the fouthwards of this place, about Canada or fome other part of Newfoundland: for there belike, the trees Handing onthe cliffs of the fea-fide, by the weight of ice andfnow in winter overcharging them with weight, when the fummer’s thaw cometh about, and alfo the fea underfretting them beneath, which winneth daily of the land, they are undermined and fall down from thofe cliffs into the fea, and with the tides and currents are driven to and fro upon the coafts further off; and by conjecture are taken up here by thefe country people, to ferve them to plank and ftrengthen their boats withal, and to make darts, bows, and arrows, and fuch other things neceffary for their ufe. And of this kind of drift-wood we find all the feas over great ftore, which being cut or fawed afunder, by reafon of long driving in the fea is eaten of worms, and full of holes, of which fort theirs is found to be.
We have not yet found any venomous ferpent, or other hurtful thing in thefe parts, but there is a kind of fmall fly or gnat, that ftingeth and offendeth forely, leaving
many

THE DISCOVERY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
559
many red fpots in the face and other places where ihe ftingeth. They have fnow and hail in the belt time of their fummer, and the ground frozen three fathom deep.
Thefe people are great enchanters, and ufe many charms of witchcraft; for when their heads do ake, they tie a great Hone with a Hiring unto a Hick, and with certain prayers and words done to the ftick, they lift up the ftone from ground, which fome- times with all a man’s force they cannot ftir, and fometime again they lift as eafily as a feather; and hope thereby with certain ceremonious words to have eafe and help. And they made us by figns to underftand, lying grovelling with their faces upon the ground, and making a noife downward, that they worlhip the devil under them.
They have great ftore of deer, bears, hares, foxes, and innumerable, numbers of fundry forts of wild fowl, as fea-mews, gulls, wilmots, ducks, &c. whereof our men killed in one day fifteen hundred. They have alfo ftore of hawks, falcons, taffels, &c. whereof two alighted on one of our fhips at their return, and were brought into England, which fome think will prove very good: there are alfo great ftore of ravens, larks, and partridges, whereof the country people feed. All thefe fowls are far thicker cloathed with down and feathers, and have thicker Ikins than any in England have; for as that country is colder, fo nature hath provided a remedy thereunto.
Our men have eaten of their bears, hares, partridges, larks, and of their wild-fowl, and find them reafonable good meat, but not fo delectable as ours. Their wild-fowl muft be all flean, their fkins are fo thick, and they tafte beft fried in pans.
The country feemeth to be much fubject to earthquakes. The air is very fubtile, piercing and learching, fo that if any corrupted or infected body, efpecially with the difeafe called morbus gallicus come there, it will prefently break forth and fhew itfelf, and cannot there by any kind of falve or medicine be cured.
Their longeft fummer’s day is of great length, without any dark night, fo that in July all the night long we might perfectly and eafily write and read whatfoever had pleafed us ; which lightfome nights were very beneficial unto us, being fo diftrefled with abundance of ice as we were.
The fun fetteth to them in the evening at a quarter of an hour after ten of the clock, and rifeth again in the morning, at three quarters of an hour after one of the clock, fo that in fummer their fun fhineth to them twenty hours and a half, and in the night is abfent three hours and a half: and although the fun be abfent thefe three hours and a half, yet it is not dark that time, for that the fun is never above three or four degrees under the edge of their horizon. The caufe is, that the Tropic of Cancer doth cut their horizon at very uneven and oblique angles. But the moon at any time of the year being in Cancer, having north latitude, doth make a full revolution above their horizon, lo that fometimes they fee the moon above twenty-four hours together. Some of our company of the more ignorant fort, thought we might continually have feen the fun and moon, had it not been for two or three high mountains.
The people are now become fo wary and fo circumfpetd by reafon of their former lofies, that by no means we can apprehend any of them, although we attempted often in this lalt voyage. But to fay truth, we could not beftow any great time in purfuing them, becaufe of our great bufinefs in lading, and other things.

( S 6 ° )
THE VOYAGES AND NAVIGATIONS OF THE ENGLISH NATION
TO VIRGINIA,
AND THE SEVERAL DISCOVERIES THEREOF ;
CHIEFLY AT THE CHARGES OF THE HONOURABLE SIR WALTER RALEGH, KNIGHT,
From 33 to 40 Degrees of Latitude:
1
TOGETHER WITH THE SUCCESS OF THE ENGLISH COLONIES THERE
PLANTED;
AS LIKEWISE A DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY, WITH THE INHABITANTS, AND
THE MANIFOLD COMMODITIES.
Whereunto are annexed the Patents, Letters, Difeourfes, &c. to this Part belonging. *
The Letters Patents, granted by the Queen's Majejly to M. Walter Ralegh, now Knight, for the difcovering and planting, of new Lands and Countries , to continue the Space of Six Tears , and no more.
“ | LIZ ABETH by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland, Queen, De- fender of the Faith, &c. To all people to whom thefe prefents (hall come, greeting. Know ye that of our fpecial grace, certain fcience, and mere motion, we have given and granted, and by thefe prefents for us, our heirs and fucceffors, do give and grant to our trufty and well beloved fervant Walter Ralegh Efquire, and to his heirs and affigns for ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to difcover, fearch, find out, and view fuch remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and territories, not a (dually poifeffed of any Chriftian prince, nor inhabited by Chriftian people, as to him, his heirs and afligns, and to every or any of them Ihall feem good 5 and the fame to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy to him, his heirs, and afligns for ever, with all prerogatives, commodities, jurifdictions, royalties, privileges, franchifes, and pre-eminences, thereto or thereabouts both by fea and land, whatfoever we by our letters patent may grant, and as we or any of our noble progenitors have heretofore granted to any perfon or perfons, bodies politic or corporate : and the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and afligns, and all fuch as from time to time, by licence of us, our heirs and fucceffors, Ihall go or travel thither to inhabit or remain, there to build and fortify, at the difcretion of the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and afligns, the ftatutes or acts of parliament made againft fugitives, or againft fuch as Ihall depart, remain, or continue out of our realm of England without licence, or any other ftatute, act, law, or any ordinance whatfoever to the contrary, in any wife not- withftanding.
* Hakluyt, iii, 243.
« And

THE VOYAGES AND NAVIGATIONS, &C. $6t
“ And we do likewife by thefe prefents, of our efpecial grace, mere motion, and certain knowledge, for us, our heirs and fuccelfors, give and grant full authority, liberty, and power, to thb faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every of them, that he and they, and every or any of them, fhall and may, at all and every time and times hereafter, have, take, and lead in the faid voyage, and travel thitherward, or to inhabit there with him or them, and every or any of them, fuch and fo many of our fubjetls, as (hall willingly accompany him or them, and every or any of them ; and to whom alfo we do by thefe prefents, give full liberty and authority in that behalf, and alfo to have, take, and employ, and ufe fufficient fhipping and furniture for the tranf- portations and navigations in that behalf’, fo that none of the fame perfons, or any of them, be fuch as hereafter fhall be reftrained by us, our heirs or fuccelfors.
“ And further, that the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every of them, fhall have, hold, occupy and enjoy to him, his heirs and affigns, and every of them for ever, all the foil of all fuch lands, territories, and countries, fo to be difcovered and poffefled as aforefaid, and of all fuch cities, caftles, towns, villages, and places in the fame, with the rights, royalties, franchifes, and jurifdidions, as well marine as other within the faid lands or countries, or the feas thereunto adjoining, to be had or ufed, with full power to difpofe thereof, and of every part, in fee fimple or otherwife, according to the order of the laws of England, as near as the fame conveniently may be, at his and their will and pleafure, to any perfons then being, or that fhall remain within the allegiance of us, our heirs and fuccelfors: referving always to us, our heirs and fucceffors, for all fervices, duties, and demands, the fifth part of all the ore of gold and filver, that from time to time, and at all times after fuch difcovery, fubduing and polfeffing, fhall be there gotten and obtained: all which lands and territories fhall for ever be holden of the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and afligns, of us, our heirs and fuc- ceffors, by homage, and by the faid payment- of the faid fifth part, referved only for all fervices.
“ And moreover, we do by thefe prefents, for us, our heirs and fuccelfors, give and grant licence to the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every of them, that he and they, and every or any of them, fhall and may from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter and expulfe, repel and refill:, as well by fea as by land, and by all other ways what- foever, all and every fuch perfon and perfons whatfoever, as without the efpecial. liking and licence of the faid Walter Ralegh, and of his heirs and affigns, fhall attempt to inhabit within the faid countries, or any of them, or within the fpace of two hundred leagues near to the place or places within fuch countries as aforefaid, (if they fhall not be before planted or inhabited within the limits, as aforefaid, with the fub- je&s of any Chriftian prince being in amity with us,) where the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs or affigns, or any of them, or his or their or any of their affociates or company, fhall within fix years (next enfuing) make their dwellings or abidings, or that fhall enterprife or attempt at any time hereafter unlawfully to annoy either by fea or land the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs or affigns, or any of them, or his or their, or any of his or their companies: giving and granting by thefe prefents, further power and authority to the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every of them from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to take and furprife by all manner of means whatfoever, all and every thofe perfon or perfons, with their fhips, veffels, and •other goods and furniture, which without the licence of the faid Walter Ralegh, or his heirs, or affigns, as aforefaid, fhall be found trafficking into any harbour or harbours, creek or creeks, within the limits aforefaid, (the fubjebts of our realms and dominions, and all other perfons in amity with us trading to the Newfsundlands for fifhing, as heretofore they have commonly ufed, or being driven by force of a tempeft, or fhip- vol. xn. 4 c wreck

THE VOYAGES AND NAVIGATIONS OF
562
wreck only excepted :) and thofe perfons, and every of them, with their ihips, veflels, goods, and furniture, to detain and pofiefs as of good and lawful prize, according to the difcretion of him the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every or any of them. And for uniting in more perfect league and amity, of fuch countries, lands and territories fo to be poflefled and inhabited as aforefaid, with our realms of England and Ireland, and the better encouragement of men to thefe enterprifes; we do by thefe prefents grant and declare, that all fuch countries, fo hereafter to be poflefled and inhabited, as is aforefaid, from thenceforth fhall be of the allegiance of us, our heirs and fuccefiors. And we do grant to the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and to all and every of them, and to all and every other perfon and perfons, being of our allegiance, whofe names fhall be noted or entered in fome of our courts of record within our realm of England, that with the affent of the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs or affigns, fhall in his journies for difcovery, or in the journies for conqueft, hereafter travel to fuch lands, countries, and territories, as aforefaid, and to their, and to every of their heirs, that they, and every or any of them, being either bom within our faid realms of England or Ireland, or in any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter fhall be inhabiting within any the lands, countries, and territories, with fuch licence (as aforefaid), fhall and may have all the privileges of free denizens, and perfons native of England, and within our allegiance, in fuch like ample manner and form, as if they were bom and perfonally refident within our faid realm of England, any law, cuftom, or ufage to the contrary notwithftanding.
“ And forafmuch as upon the finding out, difcovering, or inhabiting of fuch remote lands, countries, and territories, as aforefaid, it fhall be necefiary for the fafety of all men, that fhall adventure themfelves in thofe journies or voyages, to determine to live together in Chriftian peace and civil quietnefs, each with other, whereby every one may with more pleafure and profit enjoy that whereunto they fhall attain with great pain and peril; We, for us, our heirs and fuccefiors, are likewife pleafed and contented, and by thefe prefents do give and grant to the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, for ever, that he and they, and every or any of them, fhall and may, from time to time, for ever hereafter, within the faid mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the feas thither, and from thence, have full and mere power and authority to correft, punifh, pardon, govern, and rule, by their and every or any of their good difcretions and policies, as well in caufes capital or criminal, as civil, both marine and other, all fuch our fubjefts as fhall from rime to time adventure themfelves in the faid journies or voyages, or that fhall at any time hereafter inhabit fuch lands, countries, or territories, as aforefaid, or that fhall abide within 200 leagues of any of the faid place or places, where the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs or affigns, or any of them, or any of his or their aflociates or companies, fhall inhabit within fix years next enfuing the date hereof, according to fuch ftatutes, laws, and ordinances, as fhall be by him the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every or any of them, devifed or eftablifhed for the better government of the faid people, as aforefaid. So always as the faid ftatutes, laws, and ordinances may be, as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the form of the laws, ftatutes, government, or policy of England, and alfo fo as they be not againft the true Chriftian faith, now profefled in the Church of England; nor in anywife to withdraw any of the fubjeds or people of thofe lands or places from the allegiance of us, our heirs and fuccefiors, as their immediate Sovereign, under God.
“ And further, we do by thefe prefents, for us, our heirs and fuccefiors, give and grant full power and authority to our trufty and well beloved counfelior Sir William Cecill, Knight t Lord Burleigh, our High Treafurer of England $ and to the Lord Treafurer

THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
5 6 3
of England for us, our heirs and fucceffors, for the time being, and to the privy council of us, our heirs and fucceffors, or any four or more of them, for the time being, that he, they, or any four or more of them, fhall and may, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their hands or feals, by virtue of thefe prefents, authorife and licenfe the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and alligns, and every or any of them, by him,, and by themfelves, or by their or any of their fufficient attor- nies, deputies, officers, minifters, fadors, and fervants, to imbark and tranfport out of our realm of England and Ireland, and the dominions thereof, all or any of his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his or their affociates and companies, and every or any of them, with fuch other neceffaries and commodities of any of our realms, as to the faid lord treafurer, or four or more of the privy council, of us, our heirs and fucceffors, for the time being (as aforefaid) fhall be, from time to time, by his or their wif- doms or difcretions, thought meet and convenient, for the better relief and Exportation of him the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and every or any of them, and of his or their or any of their affociates and companies, any ad, flatute, law, or any thing to the contrary in anywife notwithflanding.
“ Provided always, and our will and pleafure is, and we do hereby declare to all Chrif- tian kings, princes, and ftates, that if the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs or affigns, or any of them, or any other by their licence or appointment, fhall at any time or times hereafter rob or fpoil, by fea or by land, or do any act of unjuft or unlawful hoftility, to any of the fubjeds of us, our heirs or fucceffors, or to any of the fubjeds of the kings, princes, rulers, governors, or eftates, being then in perfed league and amity with us, our heirs and fucceffors; and that upon fuch injury, or upon juft complaint of any fuch prince, ruler, governor, or eftate, or their fubjeds, We, our heirs and fucceffors, fhall make open proclamation within any of the ports of our realm of England, that the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, and adherents, or any to whom thefe our letters patents may extend, fhall, within the terms to be limited by fuch proclamation, make full reftitution and fatisfadion of all fuch injuries done; fo as both we and the laid princes, or other fo complaining, may hold us and themfelves fully contented : and that if the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and affigns, fhall not make, or caufe to be made, fatisfadion accordingly, within fuch time to be limited, that then it fhall be lawful to us, our heirs and fucceffors, to put the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs and. affigns, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the faid places to be difcovered (as is aforefaid), or any of them, out of our allegiance and protedion; and that from and after fuch time of putting out of protedion of the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs, affigns, and adherents, and others fo to be put out, and the faid places within their habitation, poffeffion, and rule, fhall be out of our allegiance and protedion, and free for all princes and others to purfue with hoftility, as being not our fubjeds, nor by us any way to be avouched, maintained, or defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protedion, or dominion, or allegiance any way belonging; for that exprefs mention of the clear yearly value of the certainty of the premiffes, or any part thereof, or of any other gift or grant by us, or any our progenitors or predeceffors to the faid Walter Ralegh, before this time made, in thefe prefents be not expreffed, or any other grant, ordinance, provifion, proclamation, or reftraint, to the contrary thereof, before this time given, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, caufe, or matter whatfo- ever, in anywife aotwithftandmg. In witnefs whereof, we have caufed thefe our letters to be made patents. Witnefs ourfelves, at Welhninfter, the five and twentieth day of March, in the fix and twentieth year of our reign.’*
4 c 2
The

C 564
The Fir ft Voyage made to the Coqfts of America, with two barks, wherein were Captains M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe , who difcovered Part of the Country now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of the faid Captains, and fent to Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, at whofe Charge and Direction the faid Voyage was fet forth.
>-pHE 27th day of April, in the year of our Redemption 1584, we departed the well of England, with two barks well furnifhed with men and victuals, having received our laft and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former inftruttions and commandments delivered by yourfelf at our leaving the river of Thames. And I think it a matter both unnecefiary for the manifeft difcovery of the country, as alfo for tedioufnefs fake, to remember unto you the diurnal of our courfe, failing thither and returning; only I have prefumed to prefent unto you this brief difcourfe, by which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to fucceed, as well to yourfelf (by whofe direftion and charge, and by whofe fervants this our difcovery hath been performed), as alfo to her Highnefs, and the commonwealth, in which we hope your wifdom will be fatisfied, confidering that as much by us hath been brought to light, as by thofe fmall means and number of men we had, could any way have been expected or hoped for.
The 10th of May we arrived at the Canaries ; and the 10th of June, in this prefent year, we were fallen with the iflands of the Weft Indies, keeping a more fouth-eafterly courfe than was needful, becaufe we doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, difboguing between the Cape of Florida and Havanna, had been of greater force than afterward we found it to be. At which iflands we found the air very unwholefome, and our men grew for the moft part ill-difpofed; fo that having refrelhed ourfelves with fweet water and frelh victual, we departed the twelfth day of our arrival there. Thefe iflands, with the reft adjoining, are fo well known to yourfelf, and to many others, as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them.
The 2d of July we found ffioal water, where we fmelt fo fweet and fo ftrong a fmell, as if we had been in the midft of fome delicate garden, abounding with all kind of odoriferous flowers, by which we were aflured that the land could not be far diftant; and keeping good watch, and bearing but flack fail, the 4th of the faid month we arrived upon the coaft, which we fuppofed to be a continent and firm land, and we failed along the fame 120 Englilh miles, before we could find any entrance, or river iflfuing into the fea. The firft that appeared unto us we entered, though not without fome difficulty, and call; anchor about three harquebuz-ffiots within the haven’s mouth, on the left hand of the fame *, and after thanks given to God for our fafe arrival thither, we manned our boats and went to view the land next adjoining, and to take pofieffion of the fame in the right of the Queen’s moft excellent Majefty, as rightful Queen and Princefs of the fame, and after delivered the fame over to your ufe, according to her Maiefty’s grant and letters patents under her Highnefs’ great feal. Which being performed, according to the ceremonies ufed in fuch enterprifes, we viewed the land about us, being, whereas we firft landed, very fandy and low towards the water fide, but fo full of grapes, as the very beating and furge of the fea overflowed them, of which we found fuch plenty, as well there as in all places elfe, both on the fand and on the green foil on the hills, as in the plains, as well on every little ffirub, as alfo climbing towards the tops of high cedars, that I think in all the world the like abundance is not
to

THE FIRST VOYAGE, &C. 565
to be found; and myfelf haying feen thofe parts of Europe that raoft abound, find fuch difference as were incredible to be written.
We pa(Ted from the fea-fide towards the tops of thofe hills next adjoining, being but of mean height, and from thence we beheld the fea on both fides, to the north and to the fouth, finding no end any of both ways. This land lay ftretching itfelf to the weft, which after we found to be but an ifland of twenty miles long, and not above fix miles broad. Under the bank or hill whereon we flood, we beheld the valleys replenifhed with goodly cedar trees, and having difcharged our harquebuz-fhot, fuch a flock of cranes (the moft part white) arofe under us, with fuch a cry, redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had fhouted all together.
This ifland had many goodly woods full of deer, conies, hares, and fowl, even in the' midft of fummer, in incredible abundance. The woods are not fuch as you find in Bohemia, Mofcovia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitlefs, but the higheft and reddeft cedars of the world, far bettering the cedars of the Azores, of the Indies, or Lybanus; pines, cyprefles, faffafras, the lentifk, or the tree that beareth the maftick, the tree that beareth the rind of black cinnamon, of which Mafter Winter brought from the Streights of Magellan, and many other of excellent fmell and quality.
We remained by the fide of this ifland two whole days before we faw any people of the country; the third day we efpied one fmall boat rowing towards us, having in it three perfons: this boat came to the ifland fide, four harquebuz-fhot from our fliips, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the fliore fide towards us, and we being then all within board, he walked up and down upon the point of the land next unto us; then the mafter and the pilot of the admiral, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captain Philip Amadas, myfelf, and others, rowed to the land, whofe coming this fellow attended, never making any fhew of fear or doubt. And after he had fpoken of many things not underftood by us, we brought him, with his own good liking, aboard the fliips, and gave him a fliirt, a hat, and foxne other things, and made him tafte of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very well; and after having viewed both barks, he departed and went to his own boat again, u'hich he had left in a little cove or creek adjoining : as foon as he was two bow-fhots into the water, he fell to fifhing, and in lefs than half an hour he had laden his boat as deep as it could fwim, with which he came again to the point of the land, and there he divided his fifli into two parts, pointing one part to the {hip, and the other to the pinpace; which, after he had (as much as he might) requited the former benefits-received, departed out of our fight.,
The next day there came unto us divers boats, and in one of them the king’s brother, accompanied with 40 or 50 men, very handfome and goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civil as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the country Wingandacoa, and now by her Majefty Virginia. The manner of his coming was in this fort: he left his boats altogether, as the firft man did, a little from the fliips, by the fliore, and came along to the place over: againft the fliips, followed with 40 men. When he came to the place, his fervants fpread a long mat upon the ground, on which he fat down, and at the other end of the mat four others of his company did the like; the reft of his men flood round about him, fomewhat afar off. When we came to the fliore to him with our weapons, he never moved from his place, nor any of the other four, nor ever miftrufted any harm to be offered from us; but fitting ftill, he beckoned us to come and fit by him, which we performed ; and being fet, he made all figns of joy and welcome, ftriking on his head and his breaft, and afterwards on ours, to fhew we were all one, fmiling and making fhew, the beft he could, of all loye and familiarity. After he had made along
8 fpeech
1

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF
^66
fpeech unto us, we preferred him with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully. None of the company durlt fpeak one word all the time ; only the four which were at the other end fpake one in the other’s ear very foftly.
The king is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced. The king himfelf, in perfon, was, at our being there, fore wounded in a fight which he had with the king of the next country, called Wingina, and was fhot in two places through the body, and once clean through the thigh; but yet he recovered; by reafon whereof, and for that he lay- at the chief town of the country, being fix days’ journey off, we faw him not at all.
After we had prefented this his brother with fuch things as we thought he liked, we likewife gave fomewhat to the other that fat with him on the mat; but prefently he arofe and took all from them, and put it into his own balket, making figns and tokens, that all things ought to be delivered unto him, and the reft were but his fervants and followers.
A day or two after this we fell to trading with them, exchanging fome things that we had, for chamoys, buff, and deer-fkins: when we Ihewed him all our packet of merchandife, of all things that he faw, a bright tin difh molt pleafed him, which he prefently took up and clapt it before his breaft, and after made a hole in the brim thereof, and hung it about his neck, making figns, that it would defend him againft his enemies’ arrows; for thofe people maintain a deadly and terrible war with the people and king adjoining. We exchanged our tin difh for 20 {kins, worth 20 crowns, or 20 nobles; and a copper kettle for 50 (kins, worth 50 crowns. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets and axes, and for knives, and would have given any thing for fwords ; but we would not depart with any.
After two or three days the king’s brother came on board the (hips, and drank wine, and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof; and after a few days overpaffed, he brought his wife with him to the {hips, his daughter, and two or three children: his wife was very well favoured, of mean ftature and very bafliful: {he had on her back a long cloak of leather, with the fur fide next to her body, and before her a piece of the fame: about her forehead Ihe had a band of white coral, and fo had her hufbandmany times: in her ears {he had bracelets of pearls hanging down to her middle, (whereof w r e delivered your worlhip a little bracelet,) and thofe were of the bignefs of good peas. The reft of her women of the better fort had pendants of copper hanging in either ear, and fome of the children of the king’s brother, and other noblemen, have five or fix in either ear: he himfelf had upon his head a broad plate of gold or copper; for being unpolilhed, we knew not what metal it Ihould be, neither would he fuffer us by any means to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow very eafily : his apparel was as his wife’s, only the women wear their hair long on both fides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellowilh, and their hair black for the nioft part $ and yet we faw children that had very fine auburn and chefnut coloured hair.
After that thefe women had been there, there came down from all parts great ftore of people, bringing with them leather, coral, divers kinds of dies very excellent, and exchanged with us ; but when Granganimeo the king’s brother was prefent, none durft trade but himfelf; except fuch as wear red pieces of copper on their heads like him- felf, for that is the difference between the noblemen, and the governors of countries, and the meaner fort. And we both noted there, and you have underftood fince by thefe men which we brought home, that no people in the world carry more refpeft to their king, nobility, and governors, than thefe do. The king’s brother’s wife, when

THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
5^7
flie came to us (as flie did many times), was followed by 40 or 50 women always, and when flie came into the Ihip, Ihe left them all on land, faving her two daughters, her nurfe, and one or two more. The king’s brother always kept this order, as many boats as he would come withal to the (hips, fo many fires would he make on the fhore afar off, to the end we might underftand with what ftrength and company he approached.
Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine, or of pitch trees, a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge-tools to make them withal; if they have any they are very few, and thofe it feems they had twenty years fince, which, as thofe two men declared, was out of a wreck which happened upon their coaft of fome Chriftian ihip, being beaten that way by fome ftorm and outrageous weather, whereof none of the people were faved, but only the fhip or fome part of her being caft upon the fand, out of whofe fides they drew the nails and the fpikes, and with thofe they made their beft inftruments. The manner of making their boats is thus ; they burn down fome great tree, or take fuch as are wind-fallen, and putting gum and rofin upon one fide thereof, they fet fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coal with their fhells, and ever where they would burn it deeper or wider, they lay on gums, which burn away the timber ; and by this means they falhion very fine boats, and fuch as will tranfport 20 men : their oars are like fcoops, and many times they fet with long poles, as the depth ferveth.
The king’s brother had great liking of our armour, a fword, and divers other things which we had, and offered to lay a great box of pearl in gage for them ; but we refufed it for this time, becaufe we would not make them know that we efteemed thereof, until we had underftood in what places of the country the pearl grew ; which now your worlhip doth very well underftand.
He was very juft of his promife ; for many times we delivered him merchandize upon his word, but ever he came within the day and performed his promife. He fent us every day a brace or two of fat bucks, conies, hares, filh the beft of the world. He fent us divers kinds of fruits, melons, walnuts, cucumbers, gourds, peas, and divers roots, and fruits very excellent good, and of their country corn, which is very white, fair, and well tailed, and groweth three times in five months : in May they fow, in July they reap ; in June they fow, in Auguft they reap ; in July they fow, in September they reap ; only they caft the corn into the ground, breaking a little of the foft turf with a wooden mattock or pickaxe. Ourfelves proved the foil, and put fome of our peafe- in the ground, and in ten days they were of 14 inches high. They have alfo beans very fair, of divers colours, and wonderful plenty; fome growing naturally, and fome in their gardens ; and fo have they both wheat and oats.
The foil is the molt plentiful, lweet, fruitful, and wholefome of all the world ; there are above 14 feveral fweet fmelling timber trees, and the molt part of their underwoods are bays and fuch like; they have thofe oaks that we have, but far greater and better.
After they had been divers times on board our {hips, myfelf with feven more went twenty miles into the river that runneth towards the city of Skicoak, which river they call Occam; and on the evening following we came to an illand, which they call Raonoak, diftant from the harbour by which we entered feven leagues; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houfes, built of cedar, and fortified round about with lharp trees, to keep out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turnpike, very artificially. When we came towards it, Handing near unto the water fide, the wife of Granganimeo, the king’s brother, came running out to meet us very cheerfully

THE FIRST VOYAGE OE
568
and friendly ; her hufband was not then in the village; fome of her people Ihe commanded to draw our boat on fliore for the beating of the billow ; others Ihe appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground ; and others to bring our oars into the houfe for fear of Healing. When we were come into the outer room, having five rooms in her houfe, fire caufed us to fit down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes and wafhed them, and dried them again; fome of the women plucked off our {lockings and wafhed them ; fome wafhed our feet in warm water; and fhe herfelf took great pains to fee all things ordered in the bell manner fhe could, making great hafte to drefs fome meat for us to eat.
After we had thus dried ourfelves, fhe brought us into the inner room, where fhe fet on the board Handing along the houfe, fome wheat like fermenty; fodden venifon and roafted ; fifh fodden, boiled, and roafled ; melons, raw and fodden ; roots of divers kinds, and divers fruits : their drink is commonly water, but while the grape lafteth they drink wine, and for want of calks to keep it, all the year after they drink water, but it is fodden with ginger in it, and black cinnamon, and fometimes faffafras, and divers other wholefome and medicinable herbs and trees.
We were entertained with all love and kindnefs, and with as much bounty (after their manner) as they could poffibly devife. We found the people moll gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treafon, and fuch as live after the manner of the golden age. The people only care how to defend themfelves from the cold in their fhort winter, and to feed themfelves with fuch meat as the foil affordeth : their meat is very well fodden, and they make broth very fvveet and favory: their veffels are earthen pots, very large, white, and fweet; their difhes are wooden platters of fweet timber : within the place where they feed was their lodging, and within that their idol, which they worfhip, of whom they fpeak incredible things. While we were at meat, there came in at the gate two or three men with their bows and arrows from hunting, whom when we efpied, we began to look one towards another, and offered to reach our weapons ; but as foon as fhe efpied our miftrufl, fhe was very much moved, and caufed fome of her men to run out, and take away their bows and arrows and break them, and withal beat the poor fellows out of the gate again. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, fhe was very forry, and gave us into our boat our fupper half dreffed, pots and all, and brought us to our boat-fide, in which we lay all night, removing the fame a pretty diflance from the fhore. She perceiving our jealoufy, was much grieved, and fent divers men and thirty women, to fit all night on the bank-fide by us, and fent us into our boats fine mats to cover us from the rain, ufing very many words to entreat us to reft in their houfes j but becaufe we were few men, and if we had mifcarried, the voyage had been in very great danger, we durft not venture any thing, although there was no caufe of doubt, for a more kind and loving people there cannot be found in the world, as far as we have hitherto had trial.
Beyond this ifland there is the main land, and overagainft this ifland falleth into this fpacious water, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants, on which ftandeth a town called Pomeiock, and fix days journey from the fame is fituate their greateft city called Skicoak, which this people affirm to be very great; but the favages were never at it, only they fpeak of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard it affirm to be above one hour’s journey about.
Into this river falleth another great river called Cipo, in which there is found great {lore of mufcles, in which there are pearls ; likewife there defcendeth into this Occam another river called Nomapana, on the one fide whereof ftandeth a great town called Chawanook, and the lord of that town and country is called Pooneno: this Pooneno
is

THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
S 6 9
is not fubjeO: to the king of Wingandacoa, but is a free lord. Beyond this country is there another king, whom they call Menatonon, and thefe three kings are in league with each other. Towards the S. W. four days journey, is fituate a town called Sequotan, which is the fouthernmoft town of Wingandacoa, near unto which 26 years pall, there was a (hip call away, whereof fome of the people were faved, and thofe were white people, whom the country people preferved.
And after ten days remaining in an out ifland uninhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of fome of the dwellers of Sequotan, faftened two boats of the country together, and made inafts unto them, and fails of their (hirts, and having taken into them fuch victuals as the country yielded, they departed, after they had remained in this out ifland three weeks : but fhortly after it feemed they were ca(t away, for the boats were found upon the coaft, cafl: a-land in another ifland adjoining; other than thefe, there was never any people apparelled, or white of colour, either feen or heard of among thefe people, and thefe aforefaid were feen only of the inhabitants of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, for they wondered marvelloufly when we were amongft: them at the whitenefs of our {kins, ever coveting to touch our breads, and to view the fame. Befides, they had our (hips in marvellous admiration, and all things elfe were fo ftrange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever feen the like. When we difcharged any piece, were it but an harquebuz, they would tremble thereat for very fear, and for the (trangenefs of the fame ; for the weapons which themfelves ufe are bows and arrows : the arrows are but of l'mall canes, headed with a fharp fhell or tooth of a filh, diffident enough to kill a naked man ; their fwords be of wood hardened ; likewife they ufe wooden breaft-plates for their defence; they have belide a kind of club, in the end whereof they fallen the lharp horns of a flag or other beaft. When they go to wars, they carry about with them their idol, of whom they alk counfel, as the Romans were wont of the Oracle of Apollo. They fing fongs as they march towards the battle, inltead of drums and trumpets : their wars are very cruel and bloody, by reafon whereof, and of their civil difienfions which have happened of late years amongft: them, the people are marvelloufly waited, and in fome places the country left defolate.
Adjoining to this country aforefaid called Secotan, beginneth a country called Pomouick, belonging to another king whom they call Piemacum, and this king is in league with the next king adjoining towards the fetting of the fun, and the country Newfiok, fituate upon a goodly river called Neus: thefe kings have mortal war with Wingina a king of Wingandacoa: but about two years pall there was a peace made between the king Piemacum, and the lord of Secotan, as thefe men which we have brought with us to England, have given us to underhand : but there remaineth a mortal malice in the Secotans, for many injuries and (laughters done upon them by this Piemacum. They invited divers men and thirty women of s the bell of his country to their town to a feall, and when they were altogether merry, and praying before their idol (which is nothing elfe but a mere illufion of the devil), the captain or lord of the town came fuddenly upon them, and flew them every one, referving the women and children: and thefe two have oftentimes lince perfuaded us to furprize Piemacum his town, having promifed and allured us, that there will be found in it great llore of commodities : but whether their perfuafion be to the end they may be revenged of their enemies, or for the love they bear to us, we leave that to the trial hereafter.
Beyond this ifland called Roanoak, are main iflands very plentiful of fruits and other natural increafes, together with many towns and villages, along the fide of the continent, fome bounding upon the iflands, and fome ftretching up further into the land.
VOL. xii. 4 d
When

$ 7 °
THE FIRST VOYAGE, &C,
When we firft had fight of this country, fome thought the firft land we faw to be
the continent : but after we entered into the haven, we faw before us another mighty long fea ; for there lyeth along the coaft a trad of iflands, 200 miles in length, adjoining to the ocean fea, and between the iflands two or three entrances : when you are entered between them (thefe iflands being very narrow for the moft part, as in moft places fix miles broad, in fome places lefs, in ffew more), then there appeareth another great fea, containing in breadth in fome places 40, and in fome 50, in fome 20 miles over, before you come unto the continent : and in this inclofed fea there are above an hundred iflands of divers bigneffes, whereof one is 16 miles long, at which we were, finding it a moft pleafant and fertile ground, replenifhed with goodly cedars, and divers other fweet woods, full of currants, of flax, and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leifure to view. Befides this ifland there are many, as I have faid, fome of two, of three, of four, of five miles, fome more, fome lefs, moft beautiful and pleafant to behold, replenifhed with deer, conies, hares, and divers beafts, and about them the goodlieft and beft fifh in the world, and in greateft abundance.
Thus, Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our difcovery made this pre- fent voyage, as far forth as the fhortnefs of the time we there continued would afford us to take view of: and fo contenting ourfelves with this fervice at this time, which we hope hereafter to enlarge, as occafion and afliftance fhall be given, we refolved to leave the country, and to apply ourfelves to return for England, which we did accordingly, and arrived fafely in the weft of England about the midft of September.
And whereas we have above certified you of the country taken in poffeflion by us to her Majefty’s ufe, and fo to yours by her Majefty’s grant; we thought good for the better affurance thereof to record fome of the particular gentlemen, and men of account, who j:hen were prefent, as witneffes of the fame; that thereby all occafion of cavil to the title of the country, in her Majefty’s behalf, may be prevented, which otherwife, fuch as like not the action, may ufe and pretend ; whofe names are :
Mafter Philip Amadas. Mafter Arthur Barlow. 'William GreeneVile. John Wood.
James Browewich.
J Henry Greene.
' Benjamin Wood. Simon Ferdinando. Nicholas Petman.
John Hewes.
Captains
Of the Company
We brought home alfo two of the favages, being lufty men, whofe names were Wanchefe and Manteo.
The

, 11 !V'i‘)ir
'' lap*

( 57 * )
The Voyage made by Sir Richard Greenvile, for Sir Walter Ralegh, to Virginia, in
the Tear 1585.
'J'HE ninth day of April, in the year aforefaid, we departed from Plymouth, our fleet confifting of the number of feven fails, to wit, the Tiger, of the burthen of feven fcore tons, a fly-boat called the Roe-buck, of the like burden, the Lion of too tons or thereabouts, the Elizabeth of 50 tons, and the Dorothy, a fmall bark : whereunto were alfo adjoined for fpeedy fervices, two fmall pinnaces, The principal gentlemen of our company were thefe, M. Ralph Lane, M. Thomas Candifh, M. John Arundell, M. Raymund, M. Stukeley, M. Bremige, M. Vincent, and M. John Clarke, and divers others, whereof fome were captains, and other fome afliflants for counfel, and good directions in the voyage.
The 14th day of April we fell with Lancerota and Eorteventura, ifles of the Canaries, and from thence we continued our courfe for Dominica, one of the Antiles of the weft India, wherewith we fell the 7th day of May, and the 1 oth day following we came to anchor at Cotefa, a little ifland fituated near to the Ifland of S. John, where we landed and refrefhed ourfelves all that day.
The 12th day of May we came to an anchor in the bay of Mofkito, in the Ifland of S. John, within a faulcon fhot of the fhore ; where our general, Sir Richard Greenevile, and the moft part of our company landed, and began to fortify very near to the fea fide ; the river ran by the one fide of our fort, and the other two fides were environed with woods.
The 13th day, we began to build a new pinnace within the fort, with the timber that we then felled in the country, fome part whereof we fetcht three miles up in the land, and brought it to our fort upon trucks, the Spaniard not daring to make or offer refiftance.
The 16th day, there appeared unto us out of the woods, eight horfemen of the Spaniards, about a quarter of a mile from our fort, flaying about half an hour in viewing our forces ; but as foon as they faw ten of our fhot marching towards them, they pre- fently retired into the woods.
The 19th day, Mafter Candifh, who had been feparated from our fleet in a ftorm in the bay of Portugal, arrived at Cotefa, within the fight of the Tiger ; we thinking him afar off to be either a Spaniard or a French man of war, thought it good to weigh anchors, and to go room with him, which the Tiger did, and difcerned him at lafl to be one of our conforts ; for joy of whofe coming, our fhips difcharged their ordnance, and faluted him according to the manner of the feas.
The 22d day, 20 other Spanifh horfemen fhewed themfelves to us upon the other fide of the river, who being feen, our general difpatched 20 footmen toward them, and two horfemen of ours, mounted on Spanifh horfes, which we before had taken in the time of our being on the ifland : they fhewed to our men a flag of truce, and made figns to have a parle with us ; whereupon two of our men went half of the way upon the fands, and two of theirs came and met them: the two Spaniards offered very great falutations to our men, but began, according to their Spanifh proud humours, to ex- poftulate with them about their arrival and fortifying in their country, who notwith- ftanding by our men’s difcreet anfwers were fo cooled, that (whereas they were told, our principal intention was only to furnifh ourfelves with water and victuals, and other neceffaries, whereof we flood in need, which we craved might be yielded us with fair and friendly means, otherwife our resolution was to pradlife force, and to relieve our-
4 d 2 felv e s

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
57 2
felves by the fword,) the Spaniards in conclufion feeing' our men fo refolute, yielded to our requefl with large promifes of all courtefy and great favour, and fo our men and theirs departed.
The 23d day, our pinnace was finifhed and launched; which being done, our general with his captains and gentlemen marched up into the country about the fpace of four miles, where in a plain marlh, they flayed expe&ing the coming of the Spaniards according to their promife, to furnifh us with victuals, who keeping their old cuftom for perjury and breach of promife, came not; whereupon our general fired the woods thereabout, and fo retired to our fort, which the fame day was fired alfo, and each man came aboard to be ready to fet fail the next morning.
The 26th day, we fet fail from S. John’s, being many of us flung before upon fhore by the mufkitos ; but the fame night we took a Spanifh frigate, which was forfaken by the Spaniards upon the fight of us, and the next day in the morning very early we took another frigate, with good and rich freight, and divers Spaniards of account in her, which afterwards we ranfomed for good round fums, and landed them in S. John’s.
The 29th day, our lieutenant, M. Ralph Lane, went in one of the frigates which we had taken, to Roxo Bay, upon the S. W. fide of S. John’s, to fetch fait, being thither conduced by a Spanifh pilot : as foon as he arrived there, he landed with his men to the number of 20, and intrenched themfelves upon the fands immediately, coni- pafling one of their fait hills within the trench; who being feen of the Spaniards, there came down towards him two or three troops of horfemen and footmen, who gave him the looking and gazing on, but durfl not come near him to offer any refiflance j fo that Mafter Lane, maugre their troops, carried their fait aboard, and laded his frigate, and fo returned again to our fleet the 29th day, which rode at S. German’s Bay. The fame day we all departed, and the next day arrived in the ifland of Iiifpaniola.
The firfl day of June, we anchored at Ifabella on the north fide of Hifpaniola.
The 3d day of June, the governor of Ifabella, and the captain of the Port de Plata, being certified by the reports of fundry Spaniards, who had been well entertained aboard our fhips by our general, that in our fleet were many brave and gallant gentlemen, who greatly defired to fee the governor aforefaid, he thereupon fent gentle commendations to our general, promifing within few days to come to him in perfon, which he performed accordingly.
The 5th day, the aforefaid governor, accompanied with a lufty friar, and 20 other Spaniards, with their friends and negroes, came down to the fea fide, where our fhips rode at anchor; who being feen, our general manned immediately the mofl part of his boats with the chief men of our fleet, every man appointed and furnilhed in the beft fort. At the landing of our general, the Spanifh governor received him very courteoufly, and the Spanifh gentlemen faluted our Englifh gentlemen, and their inferior fort did alfo falute our foldiers and feamen, liking our men, and likewife their qualities, although at the firfl they feemed to hand in fear of us, and of fo many of our boats, whereof they defired that all might not land their men, yet in the end, the courtefies that paffed on both fides were fo great, that all fear and miftruft on the Spaniards part was abandoned.
In the mean time, while our Englifh general and the Spanifh governor difcourfed betwixt them of divers matters, as of the ftate of the country, the multitude of the towns and people, and the commodities of the ifland ; our men provided two banqueting houfos covered with green boughs, the one for the gentlemen, the other for the fervants, and a fumptuous banquet was brought in, ferved by 11s all in plate,
8 with

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
573
with the found of trumpets, and concert of mufic, wherewith the Spaniards were more than delighted. Which banquet being ended, the Spaniards in recompence of our courtefy, caufed a great herd of white bulls and kine to be brought together from the mountains, and appointed for every gentleman and captain that would ride, a horfe ready faddled, and then fingled out three of the bell of them, to be hunted by horfemen after their manner, fo that the paftime grew very pleafant for the fpace of three hours, wherein all three of the beads were killed, whereof one took the fea, and there was flain with a mulket. After this fport many rare prefents and gifts were given and bellowed on both parts, and the next day we played the merchants with them by way of truck and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horfes, mares, kine, bulls, goats, fwine, flieep, bull-hides, fugar, ginger, pearl, tobacco, and iiich like commodities of the iiland.
The 7th day we departed, with great good will from the Spaniards, from the iiland of Hifpaniola : but the wifer fort do impute this great Ihew of friendlhip and courtefy ufed towards us by the Spaniards, rather to the force that we were of, and the vigilance and watchfulnefs that was amongll us, than to any hearty good will, or fure friendly entertainment ; for doubtlefs if they had* been Itronger than we, we might have looked for no better courtefy at their hands, than mailer John Hawkins received at S. John de Ulva, or John Oxnam near the Streights of Darien, and divers others of our countrymen in other places.
The 8 th day, we anchored at a fmall iiland to take feals, which in that place we underltood to have been in great quantity, where the general and certain others with him in the pinnace were in very great danger to have been all call away, but by the help of God, they efcaped the hazard, and returned aboard the Admiral in fafety.
The 9th day, we arrived and landed in the Ifle of Caycos, in which iiland we fearched for fait ponds, upon the advertifement and information of a Portugal: who indeed abufed our general and us, deferving a halter for his hire, if it had fo pleafed us.
The 12th, we anchored at Guanima, and landed.
The 15th and 16th, we anchored and landed at Cyguateo.
The 20th, we fell in with the main of Florida.
The 23d, we were in great danger of a wreck on a beach called the Cape of Fear.
The 24th, we came to anchor in a harbour, where we caught in one tide fo much filh as would have yielded us 20 pounds in London : this was our firlt landing in Florida.
The 26th, we came to anchor at Wococon.
The 29th, we weighed anchor to bring the Tiger into the harbour, where through the unlkilfulnefs of the mailer, whofe name was Fernando, the Admiral llruck on ground and hank.
The 3d of July, we fent word of our arriving at Wococon, to Wingina at Roanoak.
The 6th, M. John Arundell was fent to the main, and Manteo with him ; and Captain Aubrey and Captain Boniten the fame day were fent to Croatoan, where they found two of our men left there with 30 other, by Captain Raymond, fome 20 days before.
The 8th, Captain Aubrey and Captain Boniten returned, with two of our men found by them, to us at Wococon.
The 1 ith day, the general accompanied in his tilt boat with Mailer John Arundell, Mailer Stukeley, and divers other gentlemen, Mailer Lane, Mailer Candilh, Mailer Hariot, and 20 others in the new pinnace, Captain Amadas, Captain Clarke, with 10 others in a Ihip boat, Francis Brook and John White in another Ihip boat, palfed over the water from Wococon to the main land, victualled for eight days, in which voyage we fir It difcovered the towns of Pomeiok, Aquafcogoc, and Secotan, and alfo the great lake called by the favages Paquipe, with divers other places, and fo returned with that difcovery to our fleet.

574
GREENVIEE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
The 12th, we came to the town of Pomeiok.
The 13th, we palled by water to Aquafcogok.
The 15th, we came to Secotan, and were well entertained there of the favages.
The 16th, we returned thence, apd one of our boats with the Admiral was fent to Aquafcogok, to demand a filver cup which one of the favages had ftolen from us, and receivingit according to his promife, we burnt and fpoiled their corn and town, all people being fled.
The 18th, we returned from the difcovery of Secotan, and the fame day came aboard our fleet riding at Wococon.
The 21 ft, our fleet anchoring at Wococon, we weighed anchor for Hatorafke.
The 27th, our fleet anchored at Hatorafke, and there we refted.
The 29th, Grangino, brother to king Wingina, came on board the Admiral, and Man- teo with him.
Auguft the 2d, the Admiral was fent to Weapomeiok.
The 5th, M. John Arundell was fent for England.
The 25th, our general weighed anchor, and fet fail for England.
About the 31ft, he took a Spanifh fhip of 300 ton, richly loaden, boarding her with a boat made with boards of chefts, which fell afunder and funk at the fhip’s fide, as foon as ever he and his men were out of it.
The 10th of September, by foul weather, the general then (hipped in the prize, loft fight of the Tiger.
The 6th of October, the Tiger fell with the Lands-end, and the fame day came to anchor at Falmouth.
The 18th, the general came with the prize to Plymouth, and was courteoufly received by divers of his worfhipful friends.
The Names of thofe as well Gentlemen as others, that remained one whole year in Virginia, under the government ofMafter Ralph Lane.
Mafter Philip Amadas, Admiral of the country.
Mafter Hariot.
Mafter Acton.
Mafter Edward Stafford.
Thomas Luddington.
Mafter Marvyn.
Mafter Gardiner.
Captain Vaughan.
Mafter Kendall.
Mafter Pridcox.
Robert Holecroft.
Rife Courtney.
Mafter Hugh Rogers.
Mafter Thomas Harvie.
Mafter Snelling.
Mafter Anthony Ruffe.
Mafter Allyne.
Mafter Michael Polifon.
John Cage.
Thomas Parre.
William Randes. Geoffrey Churchman. William Farthow. John Taylor.
Philip Robyns. Thomas Philips. Valentine Beale. Thomas Foxe.
Darby Glande. Edward Nugen. Edward Kelley.
John Goftigo. Erafmus Clefs. Edward Ketchenan. John Linfey.
Thomas Rottenbury. Roger Deane.
John Harris.
Francis Norris. Mathew Lyne. Edward Kettell.
Thomas

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
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Thomas WiflTe.
Thomas Helkett.
Robert Bifcombe.
William Waflfe.
William Backhoufe.
John Fever.
William White.
Daniel.
Henry Potkin.
Thomas Taylor.
Dennis Barnes.
Richard Humfrey.
Jofeph Borges.
John Wright.
Dougham Gannes.
Gabriel North.
William Tenche.
Bennet Chappell.
Randall Latham.
Richard Sare.
Thomas Hulme.
James Lacie.
Walter Mill.
Smolkin.
Richard Gilbert.
Thomas Smart.
Steven Pomarie.
Robert.
John Brocke.
John Evans.
Bennett Harrie.
Roger Large.
James Stevenfon.
Humfrey Garden.
Charles Stevenfon.
Francis Whitton.
Chriftopher Lowde.
Rowland Griffyn.
Jeremy Man.
William Millard.
James Mafon
John Twit.
David Salter.
Edward Seclemore.
Richard Ireland.
John Anwike.
Thomas Bookener.
Chriftopher Marfhall.
William Philips.
David Williams.
Randal Mayne.
#
Nicholas Swabber.
James Skinner.
Edward Chipping.
George Efeven.
Silvefter Beching.
John Chandeler.
Vincent Cheyne.
Philip Blunt.
Hance Walters.
Richard Poore.
Edward Barecombe.
Robert Yong.
Thomas Skevelabs.
Marmaduke Conftable.
William Walters.
An Extract of Mafter Ralph Lane’s Letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Efquire, and another Gentleman of the Middle Temple, from Virginia.
“ In the mean while you fhall underftand, that fince Sir Richard Greenvil’s departure from us, as alfo before, we have difcovered the main to be the goodlieft foil under the cope of heaven, fo abounding with fweet trees, that bring fuch fundry rich and pleafant gums, grapes of fuch greatnefs, yet wild, as France, Spain, nor Italy have no greater ; fo many forts of apothecary drugs, fuch feveral kinds of flax, and one kind like filk, the fame gathered of a grafs, as common there as grafs is here. And now within thefe few days we have found here maize or Guinea wheat, whofe ear yieldeth corn for bread 400 upon one ear, and the cane maketh very good and perfeft fugar, alfo terra Sarnia , otherwife terra figillata. Befides that, it is the goodlieft and moft pleafing territory of the world ; for the continent is of an huge and unknown great- tiefs, and very well peopled and towned, though favagely, and the climate fo wholefome, that we had not one fick fince we touched the land here. To conclude, if Virginia had but horfes and kine in fome reafonable proportion, I dare allure mylelf, being in-
c habited

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
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habited with Englilh, no realm in Chriftendom were comparable to it. For this already we find, that what commodities foever France, Spain, Italy, or the eaft parts do yield unto us, in wines of all forts, in oils, in flax, in rofins, pitch, frankincenfe, currants, fugars, and fuch like, thefe parts do abound with the growth of them all; but being favages that poffefs the land, they know no ufe of the fame. And fundry other rich commodities, that no parts of the world, be they Weft or Eaft Indies, have, here we find great abundance of. The people naturally are moft courteous, and very delirous to have cloaths, but efpecially of coarfe cloth rather than filk, coarfe canvafs they alfo like well of, but copper carrieth the price of all, fo it be made red. Thus good M. Hakluyt, and M. H. I have joined you both in one letter of remembrance, as two that I love dearly well, and commending me moft heartily to you both, I commit you to the tuition of the Almighty'. From the new fort in Virginia, this 3d of September, 1585.
Your moft allured friend,
“ Ralph Lane.”
An Account of the Particularities of the Employments of the Englijhmen left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greenvile under the charge of Majler Ralph Lane, General of the fame, from the iyth Augujl 1585, until the 18 th of June 1586, at which tune they departed the Country ; fent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
THAT I may proceed with order in this difcourfe, I think it requifite to divide it into two parts. The firft lhall declare the particularities of fuch parts of the country within the main, as our weak number and fupply of things necefi'ary did enable us to enter into the difcovery of.
The fecond part fhall fet down the reafons generally moving us to refolve on our departure at the inftant with the General Sir Francis Drake, and our common requeft for paffage with him, when the barks, pinnaces, and boats with the mafters and mariners, meant by him to be left in the country for the fupply of fuch, as for a further time meant to have ftayed there, were carried away with tempeft and foul weather. In the beginning whereof fhall be declared the confpiracy of Pemifapan with the favages of the main, to have cut us off, &c.
The Firjl Part , declaring the Particularities of the Country of Virginia .
Firft therefore touching the particularities of the country, you fhall underftand that our difcovery of thy; fame hath been extended from the illand of Roanoak (the fame having been the place of our fettlement or inhabitation) into the fouth, into the north, into the N. W. and into the weft.
The uttermoft place to the fouthward of any difcovery was Secotan, being by eftima- tion four-fcore miles diftant from Roanoak. The paffage from thence was through a broad found within the main, the fame being without kenning of land, and yet full of flats and fhoals : we had but one boat with four oars to pafs through the fame, which boat could not carry above fifteen men, with their furniture, baggage, and viftual for feven days.at the moft; and as for our pinnace, beftdes that fhe drew too deep water for that fhallow found, fhe would not ftir for an oar : for thefe and other reafons (winter alfo being at hand) we thought good wholly to leave the difcovery of thofe parts until our ftronger fupply.
To the northward our fartheft difcovery was to the Chefepians, diftant from Roanoak, about 130 miles, the paffage to it was very fhallow and moft dangerous, by reafon of* tne breadth of the found, and the little fuccour that upon any flaw was there to be had.

CREENVILk's VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
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But the territory and foil of the Chefepians (being diflant i $ miles from the fhore), was for pleafantnefs of feat, for temperature of climate, for fertility of foil, and for the commodity of the fea, befides multitude of bears (being an excellent good victual), with great woods of falfafras, and walnut trees, is not to be excelled by any other whatfoever.
There be fundry kings whom they call Weroances, and countries of great fertility adjoining to the fame, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and Opoffians, which all came to vilit the colony of the Englifh, which I had for a time appointed to be refident there.
To the N. W. the fartheft place of our difcovery was to Chawanook diftant from Roanoak about 130 miles. Our paffage thither lyeth through a broad found, but all frefh water, and the channel of a great depth, navigable for good jfhipping, but out of the channel full of Ihoals.
The towns about the waters fide fituated by the way are thefe following : Pafiaquenoke, the Woman’s Town, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Mufcamunge, and Metackwem; all thele beingunder the jurifdiction of the king of Weapomeiok,called Okifco: from Mufcamunge we enter into the river, and jurifdiction of Chawanook. There the river beginneth to ftraighten until it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames between Weftminfter and Lambeth.
BetweenMufcamunge andChawanook upon the left hand as we pafs thither,is a goodly high land, and there is a town which we called The Blind Town, but the favages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corn field belonging unto it; it is fubject to Chawanook.
Chawanook itfelf is the greateft province and feigniory lying upon that river, and the very town itfelf is able to put 700 fighting men into the field, befides the forces of the province itfelf.
The king of the faid province is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his limbs, but otherwife for a favage,a very grave and wife man, and of a very fingular good difcourfe in matters concerning the ftate, not only of his own country, and the difpofition of his own men, but alfo of his neighbours round about him as well far as near, and of the commodities that each country yieldeth. When I had him prifoner with me, for two days that we were together, he gave me more underftanding and light of the country, than I had received by all the fearches and favages, that before I or any of my country had had conference with : it was in March lalt pall, 158 6. Amongft other things he told me, that going three days journey in a canoe up his river of Chawanook, and then defcending to the land, you are within four days journey to pafs over land N. E. to a certain’s king’s country, whofe province lyeth upon the fea, but his place of greateft ftrength is an illand fituated, as he defcribed unto me, in a bay, the water round about the illand very deep:
Out of this bay he fignified unto me, that this king had fo great quantity of pearl, and doth fo ordinarily take the fame, as that not only his own Ikins that he weareth, and the better fort of his gentlemen and followers are full fet with the faid pearl, but alfo his beds and houfes are garnilhed with them; and that he hath fuch quantity of them, that it is a wonder to fee.
He (hewed me that the faid king was with him at Chawanook two years before, and brought him certain pearl, but the fame of the worft fort, yet was he fain to buy them of him for copper at a dear rate, as he thought. He gave me a rope of the fame pearl, but they were black and nought, yet many of them were very great, and a few amongft a number very orient and-round; all which I loft with other things of mine, coming aboard Sir-Francis Drake his fleet: yet he told me that the faid king had great ftore of pearl that were white, great, and round, and that his black pearl his men did take out of (hallow water, but the white pearl his men filhed for in very deep water,
vol. xii. 4 e It.

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
57 8
It feemed to me by his fpeech, that the faid king had traffick with white men that had cloaths as we have, for thefe white pearl, and that was the reafon that he would not depart with other than with black pearls, to thofe of the fame country.
The king of Chawanook promifed to give me guides to go over land into that king’s country whenfoever I would; but he advifed me to take good ftore of men with me, and good ftore of viftuals, for he faid that the king would be loth to fuffer any ftrangers to enter into his country, and efpecially to meddle with the fithing for any pearl there, and that he was able to make a great many of men into the field, which he faid would fight very well.
Hereupon I refolved with myfelf, that if your fupply had come before the end of April, and that you had fent any ftore of boats or men, to have had them made in any reafonable time, with a fufficient number of men and victuals to have found us until the new corn were come in, I would have fent a fmall bark with two pinnaces about by fea to the northward to have found out the bay he fpake of, and to have founded the bar if there were any, which ftiould have ridden there in the faid bay about that ifland, while I with all the fmall boats I could make, and with 200 men, would have gone up to the head of the river of Chawanook with the guides that Menatonon would have given me, which I would have been afiured ftiould have been of hisbeft men (for I had his beft beloved fon prifoner with me) who alfo ftiould have kept me company in an handlock with the reft, foot by foot, all the voyage over land.
My meaning was further at the head of the river in the place of my defcent where I would have left my boats, to have raifed a fconfe with a fmall trench, and a palifado upon the top of it, in the which, and in the guard of my boats I would have left 25 or 30 men; with the reft would I have marched with as much viClual as every man could have carried, with their furniture, mattocks, fpades and axes, two days journey. In the end of my march, upon fome convenient plot would I have raifed another fconfe according to the former, where I would have left 15, or 20. And if it would have fallen out conveniently, in the way I would have raifed my faid fconfe upon fome corn field, that my company might have lived upon it.
And fo I would have holden this courfe of infconfing every two days march, until I had been arrived at the bay or port he fpake of; which finding to be worth the pofiefiion, I would there have raifed a main fort, both for the defence of the harbour, and our {hipping alfo, and would have reduced our whole habitation from Ronaoak, and from the harbour and port there (which by proof is very naught), unto this other beforementioned, from, whence, in the four days march before fpecified, could I at all times return with my company back unto my boats riding under my fconfe, very near whereunto diredtly from the weft, runneth a inoft notable river, and in all thofe parts moil famous, called the river of Moratoc. This river openeth into the broad found of Weapomeiok. And whereas the river of Chawanook, and all the other found sand bays, fait a.nd frefti, {hew no current in the world in calm weather, but are moved altogether with the wind: this river of Moratoc hath fo violent a current from the weft and S. W. that it made me almoft of opinion that with oars it would fcarce be navigable: it pafieth with many creeks and turnings, and for the fpace of thirty miles rowing and more, it is as broad as the Thames betwixt Greenwich and the Ifle of Dogs, in fome place more, and in fome lefs : the current runneth as ftrong, being entered fo high into the river, as at London bridge upon a vale water.
And for that not only Menatonon, but alfo the favages of Moratoc themfelves do report ftrange things of the head of that river, and that from Moratoc itfelf, which is a principal town upon that river, it is thirty days as fome of them fay, and fome fay
8 forty

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE To VIRGINIA.
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forty days voyage to the head thereof, which head they fay fpringeth out of a main rock in that abundance,that forthwith it maketh a mo ft violent dream-, and further, that this huge rock ftandeth fo near unto a fea, that many times in dorms (the wind coming outwardly from the fea) the waves thereof are beaten into the faid frefh dream, fo that the frefh Water for a certain fpace groweth fait and brackilh. I took a refolution with myfelf, having difmiffed Menatonon upon a ranfom agreed for, and fent his fon into the pinnace to Roanoak, to enter prefently fo far into that river with two double wherries, and forty perfons one or other, as I could have victual to carry us, until we could meet with more either of the Moratoks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kind of favages, dwelling more to the wedward of the faid river: but the hope of recovering more victual from the favages made me and my company as narrowly to efcape darving in that dif- covery before our return, as ever men did, that miffed the fame.
For Pemifapan, who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganimo, had given both the Choanids and Mangoaks word of my purpofe touching them, I having been enforced to make him privy to the fame, to be ferved by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and yet he did never red to folicit continually my going upon them, certifying me of a general affembly even at that time made by Menatonon at Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the number of 3000 bows, preparing to come upon us at Roanoak, and that the Mangoaks were alio joined in the fame confederacy, who were able of themfelves to bring as many more to the enterprize. And true it was that at that time the affembly was holden at Chawanook about us, as I found at my coming thither, which being unlooked for, did fo difmay them, as it made us have the better hand at them. But this confederacy againd us of the Choanids and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemifapan himfelf, as Menatonon confeffed unto me, who fent them continual word, that our purpofe was fully bent to dedroy them: on the other fide he told me, that they had the like meaning to- wards us. . . •
Hein like fort having fent word to the Mangoaks of my intention to pafs up into their river, and to kill them (as he faid), both they and the Moratoks, with whom before we were entered into a league, and they had ever dealt kindly with us, abandoned their towns along the river, and retired themfelves with their women, and their corn within the main; infomuch as having paffed three days voyage up the river, we could not meet a man, nor find a grain of corn in any their towns : whereupon confidering with myfelf that we had but two days victual left, and that we were then 160 miles from home, befides cafualty of contrary winds or ftorms, and fufpe&ing treafon of our own favages in the difcovery of our voyage intended, though we had no intention to be hurtful to any of them, otherwife than for our copper to have had corn of them : I at night upon the corps of guard, before the putting forth of centinels, advertiled the whole company of the cafe we flood in for victual, and of mine opinion that we were betrayed by our own favages, and of purpofe drawn forth by them upon vain hope to be in the end ftarved, feeing all the country fled before us, and therefore while we had thofe two days victual left, I thought it good for us to make our return homeward, and that it were neceffary for us to get the other fide of the found Weapomeiok in time, where we might be relieved upon the wears of Chypanum, and the Women's Town, although the people were fled.
Thus much I fignified unto them, as the fafeft way : neverthelefs I did refer it to the greater number of voices, whether we fhould adventure the fpending of our whole visual in feme further view of that moll gofcdly river, in hope to meet with feme better
4 e 2 hap,

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
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hap, or otherwife to retire ourfelves back again. And for that they might be the better advifed, I willed them to deliberate all night upon the matter, and in the morning at our going aboard to fet our courfe according to the defires of the greater part. Their refolution fully and wholly was (and not three found to be of the contrary opinion) that whiles there was left but one half pint of corn for a man, we fhould not leave the fearch of that river, and that there were in the company two maftiffs, upcm the pottage of which with faffafras leaves (if the worfl fell out) the company would make lhift to live two days, which time would bring them down the current to the mouth of the river, and to the entry of the found, and in two days more at the furtheft they hoped to crofs the found, and to be relieved by the weares, which two days they would fall rather than be drawn back a foot till they had feen the Mangoaks, either as friends or foes. This refolution of theirs did not a little pleafe me, fince it came of themfelves, although for miftruft of that which afterwards did happen, I pretended to have been rather of the contrary opinion.
And that which made me moll defirous to have fome doings with the Mangoaks either in friendlhip,or otherwife to have had one or two of them prifoners, was, for that it is a thing moll notorious to all the country, that there is a province, to the which the faid Mangoaks have recourfe, and traffic up that river of Moratoc, which hath a marvellous and moll ftrange mineral. This mine is fo notorious amongft them, as not only to the favages dwelling up the faid river, and alfo to the favages of Chawanook, and all them to the weftard, but alfo to all them of the main : the country’s name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan.
The mineral they fay is Waffador, which is copper, but they call by the name of Walfador every metal whatfoever: they fay it is the colour of our copper, but our copper is better than theirs ; and the reafon is for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan, is very foft and pale: they fay that they take the faid metal out of a river, that falleth very fwift from high rocks and hills, and they take it in fhallow water ; the manner is this. They take a great bowl, by their defcription as great as one of our targets, and wrap a fkin over the hollow part thereof, leaving one part open to receive in the mineral: that done, they watch the coming down of the current, and the change of the colour of the water, and then fuddenly chop down the bowl with the fkin, and receive into the fame as much ore as will come in, which is ever as much as their bowl will hold, which prefently they call into a fire, and forthwith it melteth, and doth yield in five parts, at the firft melting, two parts of metal for three parts of ore. Of this metal the Mangoaks have fo great flore, by report of all the favages adjoining, that they beautify their houfes with great plates of the fame: and this to be true, I received by report of all the country, and particularly by young Skiko, the king of Chawanook’s fon, my prifoner, who alio himfelf had been prifoner with the Mangoaks, and fet down all the particularities to me before mentioned : but he had not been to Chaunis Temoatan himfelf; for he faid it was twenty days journey over land from the Mangoaks to the faid mineral country, and that they palled through certain other territories between them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the faid country.
Upon report of the premifes, which I was very inquifitive in all places where I came to take very particular information of, by all the favages that dwelt towards thofe parts, and efpecially of Menatonon himfelf, who in every thing did very particularly inform me, and promifed me guides of his own men, who fhould go over with me, even to the faid country of Chaunis Temoatan, (for overland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one day’s journey from fun riling to fun fetting, whereas by water it

CREENVILB’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
J*I
is feven days with the fooneft): thefe things, I fay, made me very defirous by all means poffible to recover the Mangoaks, and to get fome of that their copper for an effay, and therefore I willingly yielded to their refolution: but it fell out very contrary to all expectation and likelihood; for after two days travel, and our whole victual fpent, lying on Ihore all night, we could never fee man, only fires we might perceive made alongft the fliore where we were to pafs, and up into the country, until the very laft day : in the evening whereof, about three of the clock, we heard certain favages call, as we thought, Manteo, who was alfo at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad, hoping of fome friendly conference with them, and making him to anfwer them, they prefently began a fong, as we thought in token of our welcome to them : but Manteo prefently betook him to his piece, and told me that they meant to fight with us : which word was not fo foon fpoken by him, and the light-horlemen ready to put to fliore, but there alighted a volley of their arrows amongft them in the boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked) to any man. Immediately the other boat lying ready with their fhot to fcour the place for our hand weapons to land upon, which was prefently done, although the land was very high and deep, the lavages forthwith quitted the fliore, and betook themfelves to flight: we landed, and having fair and eafily followed for a frnall time after them, who had wooded themfelves we know not where ; the fun drawing then towards the fetting, and being then affured that the next day if we would purfue them, though we might happen to meet with them, yet we fhould be affured to meet with none of their visual, which we then had good caufe to think of: therefore choofing for the company a convenient ground in fafety to lodge in for the night, making a ftrong corps of guard, and putting out good centinels, I determined the next morning before the rifing of the fun, to be going back again, if poffibly we might recover the mouth of the river, into the broad found, which at my firfl motion I found my whole company ready to affent unto : for they were now come to their dog’s porridge, that they had befpoken for themfelves, if that befell them which did, and I therefore did miftruft we fhould hardly efcape. The end was, we came the next day by night to the river’s mouth within four or five miles of the fame, having rowed in one day down the current, as much as in four days we had done againft the fame: we lodged upon an ifland, where we had nothing to eat but pottage of faffafras leaves, the like whereof for a meat was never ufed before as I think.
The broad found we had to pafs the next day all frefh and faffing : that day the wind blew fo ftrongly, and the billow fo great, that there was no poffibility of paffage without finking of our boats. This was upon an Eafler eve, which was faffed very truly. Upon Eaffer-day in the morning the wind coming very calm, we entered the found, and by four of the clock were at Chipanum, whence all the favages that we had left there were fled, but their weares did yield us fome fifh, as God was pleafed not utterly to fuffer us to be loft; for fome of our company of the light-horfemen were far fpent. The next morning we arrived at our home Roanoak.
I have fet down this voyage fomewhat particularly, to the end that it may appear unto you (as true it is) that there wanted no great good-will from the moff to the leaft amongft us, to have perfected this difcovery of the mine : for that the difcovery of a good mine, by the goodnefs of God, or a paffage to the South Sea, or fome way to it, and nothing elfe can bring this country in requeft to be inhabited by our nation. And with the difcovery of either of the two above fhewed, it will be the moll fweet and healthfuleff climate, and therewithal the moff fertile foil (being manured) in the world :

GREENVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
58a
and then with faflafras, and many other roots and gums there found, make good merchandize and lading for (hipping, which otherwife will not of themfelves be worth the fetching.
Provided alfo that there be found out a better harbour than yet there is, which rauft be to the northward if any there be, which was my intention to have fpent this fummer in the fearch of, and of the mine Chaunis Temoatan. The one I would have done, if the barks that I ffiould have had of Sir Francis Drake, by his honourable courtefy, had not been driven away by dorm, the other if your fupply of more men and fome other neceffaries had come to us in any convenient fufficiency : for this river ofMoratico promifeth great things, and by the opinion of M.Hariots, the head of it by the defcription of the country, either rifeth from the Bay of Mexico, or elfe from very near unto the fame, that openeth out into the South Sea.
And touching the mineral, thus doth M. Youghan affirm, that though it be but copper, feeing the favages are able to melt it, it is one of the richeft minerals in the world.
Wherefore a good harbour found to the northward, as before is faid, and from thence four days over land, to the river of Choanoak fconces being raifed, from whence again over land through the province of Choanoak one day’s voyage to the firft town of the Mangoaks up the river Moratico by the way, as alfo upon, the faid river for the defence of our boats like fconfes being fet, in this courfe of proceeding you (hall clear yourfelf from all thofe dangers and broad (hallow founds before mentioned, and again within four days travel into the heart of the main 200 miles at the lead, and fo pals your difcovery into that mod notable country, and to the likelied parts of the main, with far greater felicity than otherwife can be performed.
Thus, Sir, I have though Amply, yet truly fet down unto you, what my labour with the red of the gentlemen, and poor men of our company (not without both pain and peril, which the Lord in his mercy many ways delivered us from) could yield unto you, which might have been performed in fome more perfection, if the Lord had been pleafed that only that which you had provided for us, had at the fird been left with us, or that he had not in his eternal Providence now at the lad fet fome other courfe in thefe things, than the wifdom of man could look into ; which truly the carrying away by a mod drange and unlooked-for dorm of all our provifion, with barks, mader, mariners, with fundry alfo of mine own company, all having been fo courte- oufly fupplied by the General Sir Francis Drake, the fame having been mod fufficient to have performed the greated part of the premifes, mud ever make me to think the hand of God only (for fome his good purpofe to myfelf yet unknown) to have been in the matter.
The Second Part , touching the Confpiracy of Pemifapan, the Difcovery of the fame, and at the la/i, of our RequeJ} to depart with Sir Francis Drake for England.
Enfenore, a favage, father to Pemifapan, being the only friend to our nation that we had amongd them and about the king, died the 20th of April 1586. He alone had before oppofed himfelf in their confultations againd all matters propofed againd us, which both the king and all the red of them after Grangemoe’s death, were very willing to have preferred. And he was not only by the mere Providence of God during his life, a mean to fave us from hurt, as poifonings and fuch like, but alfo to do us very great good, and Angularly in this.
The

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The king was advifed and of himfelf difpofed, as of a ready mean to have affuredly brought us to ruin in the month of March 1586, himfelf alfo with all his favages to have run away from us, and to have left his ground in the ifland unfowed : which if he had done, there had been no poffibility in common reafon (but by the immediate hand of God) that we could have been preferved from ftarving out of hand. For at that time we had no weares for filh, neither could our men fkill of the making of them, neither had we one grain of corn for feed to put into the ground.
In mine abfence on my voyage that I had made againft the Chaonifts and Mangoaks, they had raifed a bruit among themfelves, that I and my company were part flain, and part ftarved by the Chaonifts and Mangoaks. One part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be ftarved, but the other falfe.
Neverthelefs until my return it took fuch effeCt, and in thofe againft us, that they grew not only into contempt of us, but alfo (contrary to their former reverend opinion in fhew, of the Almighty God of heaven, and Jefus Chrift whom we ferve and worfhip, whom before they would acknowledge and confefs the only God) now they began to blafpheme, and flatly to fay, that our Lord God was not God, fince he fuffered us to fuftain much hunger, and alfo to be killed of the Renapoaks, for fo they call by that general name all the inhabitants of the whole main, of what province foever. Info- much as oldEnfenore, neither any of his fellows could for his fake have no more credit for us; and it came fo far that the king was refolved to have prefently gone away as is aforefaid.
But even in the beginning of this bruit I returned, which when he faw contrary to his expectation, and the advertifement that he had received, that not only my life, and my company were all fafe, but alfo by report of his own three favages which had been with me befides Manteo in that voyage, that is to fay Tetepano, his filter's hufband Eracano, and Cofline, that the Chaonifts and Mangoaks (whofe name and multitude befides their valour is terrible to all the reft of the provinces) durft not for the moll part of them abide us, and that thofe that did abide us were killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prifoner, and brought his fon that he bell loved to Roanoak with me, it did not a little affiiage all devifes againft us: on the other fide, it made En- fenore’s opinion to ber eceived again with greater refpeCts. For he had often before told them, and then renewed thofe his former fpeeches, both to the king and the reft, that we were the fervants of God, and that we were not fubjeCt to be deftroyed by them ; but contrary-wife, that they amongft them that fought our deftru&ion, Ihould find their own, and not be able to work ours, and that we being dead men were able to do them more hurt, than now we could do being alive, an opinion very confidently at this day holden by the wifeft amongft them, and of their old men, as alfo, that they have in the night, being 100 miles from any of us, in the air been Ihot at, and ftrucken by fome men of ours, that by ficknefs had died among them, and many of them hold opinion, that we be dead men returned into the world again, and that we do not remain dead but for a certain time, and then we return again.
All thefe fpeeches then again grew in full credit with them, the king, and all, touching us, when he faw the fmall troop returned again, and in that fort from thofe whofe very names were terrible unto them : but that which made up the matter at that time was an accident; yea rather (as all the reft was) the good Providence of the Almighty for the faving of us; which was this.
Within certain days after my return from the faid journey, Menatonon fent a mef- fenger to vifit his fon the prifoner with me, and fent me certain pearl for a prefent, or
rather

GREEKVILE’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
5 8 4 -
rather, as Pemifapan told me, for the ranfom of his fon, and therefore I refufed them: but the great eft caufe of his fending them was to fignify unto me, that he had commanded Okifko king of Weapomiok, to yield himfelf fervantand homager to the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Ralegh; to perform which commandment received from Menatonon, thefaid Okifko jointly with this Menatonon’s mef- fenger, lent twenty-four of his principallefl men to Roanoak to Pemifapan, to fignify that they were ready to perform the lame, and fo had fent thofe his men to let me know, that from that time forward he and his fuccefl'ors were to acknowledge Her Majefty their only fovereign, and next unto her, as is aforefaid.
All which being done and acknowledged by them all, in the prefence of Pemifapan his father, and all his lavages in council then with him, it did for the time thoroughly (as it feenied) change him in difpofition toward us; infomuch as forthwith Enfenore won this refolution of him, that out of hand he Ihould go about, and withal to caufe his men to fet up weares forthwith for us; both which at that prefent he went in hand withal, and did fo labour the expedition of it, that in the end of April he had fowed a good quantity of ground; fo much as had been fufficient to have fed our whole. company (God bleffing the ground), and that by the belly, for a whole year ; befides that he gave us a certain plot of ground for ourfelves to fow. All which put us in marvellous comfort, if we could pafs from April until the beginning of July (which was to have been the beginning of their harvelf) that then a new fupply out of England, or elfe our own ftore would well enough maintain us: all our fear was of the two months betwixt, in which mean fpace if the favages Ihould not help us with CalTaui and Chyna, and that our weares Ihould fail us (as often they did) we might very well ftarve, notwithftanding the growing corn, like the ftarving horfe in the liable, with the growing grafs, as the proverb is ; which we very hardly had efcaped, but only by the hand of God, as it pleafed him to try us. For within few days after,, as before is laid, Enfenore our friend died, who was no fooner dead, but certain of our great enemies about Pemifapan, as Ofacana Weroance,Tanaquiny and Wanchefemoft principally, were in hand again to put their old practices in ufe againft us, which were readily embraced, and all their former devices againft us renewed, and new brought in queftion. »
But that of ftarving us by their forbearing to fow, was broken by Enfenore in his life, by having made the king all at one inftant to fow his ground, not only in the ifland, but alfo at Dafamonquepeio in the main, within two leagues over againft us. Neverthelefs there wanted no ftore of mifchievous practices among them ; and of all they refolded principally of this following :
FirftJ that Okifko king ofWeapomeiok with the Mandoages Ihould be moved, and with great quantity of copper entertained to the number of feven or eight hundred bows, to enterprife the matter thus to be ordered. They of Weapomeiok Ihould be invited to a certain kind of month’s mind which they do ufe to folemnize in their favage manner for any great perfonage dead, and Ihould have been for Enfenore. At this inftant alfo Ihould the Mandoaks, who were a great people with the Chefepians and their friends, to the number of feven hundred of them, be armed at a day appointed to the main of Defamonquepeio, and there lying dole, at the fign of fires, which fhould interchangeably be made on both fides, when Pemifapan with his troop above named Ihould have executed me, and feme of our Weroances (as they called all our principal officers) the main forces of the reft fhould have come over into the ifland, where they meant to have dif- patched the reft of the company, whom they did imagine to find both difinayed and
5 difperfed

GREENVILe’s VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA, 585
difperfed abroad in the ifland, feeking of crabs and fifh to live withall. The manner of their enterprife was this.
Terraquine and Andacon two principal men about Pemifapan, and very Iufty fellows, with twenty more appointed to them had the charge of my perfon, to fee and order taken for the fame, which they meant fhould in this fort have been executed. In the dead time of the night they would have befet my houfe, and put fire in the reeds the fame was covered with, meaning (as it was likely) that rnyfelf would have come running out of a fudden, amazed in my fhirt, without arms, upon the inftant whereof they would have knocked out my brains.
The fame order was given to certain of his fellows, for M. Heriots: fo for all the reft of our better fort, all our houfes at one inftant being fet on fire as afore is faid, and that as well for them of the fort, as for us of the town. Now to the end that we might be the fewer in number together, and fo be the more eafily dealt withall, (for indeed ten of us with our arms prepared, were a terror to a hundred of the beft fort of them), they agreed and did immediately put it in practice, that they fhould not for any copper fell us any victuals whatfoever : beftdes that in the night they fhould fend to have our weares robbed, and alfo to caufe them to be broken, and once being broken never to be repaired again by them.
By this means the king flood allured, that I muft be enforced for lack of fuftenance there, to difband my company into fundry places to live upon fhell fifh, for fo the favages themfelves do, going to Hatorafk, Croatoan, and other places, fi/hing and hunting, while their grounds be in fowing, and their corn growing: which failed not his expectation. For the famine grew fo extreme among us, our weares failing us of fifh, that I was enforced to fend Captain Stafford with twenty with him to Croatoan, my Lord Admiral’s Ifland to ferve two turns in one, that is to fay, to feed himfelf and his company, and alfo to keep watch if any fhipping came upon the coaft to warn us of the fame.
I fent M. Pridiox with the pinnace to Hatorafk, and ten with him, with the provoft marfhall to live there and alfo to wait for fhipping : alfo I fent every week fixteen or twenty of the reft of the company-to the main over againft us, to live of Caffada and oyfters.
In the mean while Pemifapan went of purpofe to Defamonquepeio for three caufes : the one to fee his grounds there broken up, and fowed for a fecond crop, the other to withdraw himfelf from my daily fending to him for fupply of victual for my company, for he was afraid to deny me any thing, neither durft he in my prefence but by colour and with excufes which Iwas content to accept for the time, meaning in the end as I had reafon, to give him the jump once for all: but in the mean whiles, as ,1 had ever done before, I and mine bear all wrongs and accepted of all excufes.
My purpofe was to have relied myfelf with Menatonon, and the Chaonifts, who in truth, as they are more valiant people and in greater number than the reft, fo are they more faithful in their promifes, and fince my late being there had given many tokens of earned: defire they had to join in perfect _ league with us, and therefore were greatly offended with Pemifapan and Weapomeiok for making him believe fuch tales of us.
The third caufe of his going to Defamonquepeio, was to difpatch his meffengers to Weapomeiok, and to the Mangoaks, as aforefaid: all which he did with gieat impreft of copper in hand, making large promifes to them of greater fpoil.
The anfwer within few days after came from Weapomeiok, which was divided into two parts; firft for the king Okilko, who denied to be of the party for himfelf, or any
VOL. XII. 4 I 0 ^

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of his fpecial followers, and therefore did immediately retire himfelf with his force into the main: the other was concerning the reft of the faid province, who accepted of it: and in like fort the Mangoaks received the impreft.
The day of their affembly aforefaid at Roanoak was appointed the 1 oth of June: all which the premifes were difcovered by Skiko, the king Menatonon’s fon, my prifoner, who having once attempted to run away, I laid him in the bilboes, threatening to cut off his head, whom I remitted at Pemifapan’s requeft : whereupon he being perfuaded that he was our enemy to the death, he did not only feed him with himfelf but alfo made him acquainted with all his practices. On the other fide, the young man finding himfelf as well ufed at my hand, as I had means to Ihew, and that all my company made much of him, he flatly difcovered all unto me, which alfo afterwards was revealed unto me by one of Pemifapan’s own men, that night before he was flain.
Thefe mifchiefs being all inftantly upon me and my company to be put in execution, it ftood me in hand to ftudy how to prevent them all, alfo to fave all others, which were that time as aforefaid, fo far from me; whereupon I fent to Pemifapan to put fufpicion out of his head, that I meant prefently to go to Croatoan, for that I had heard of the arrival of our fleet (although I in truth had neither heard, nor hoped for fo good adventure) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his men to filh for my company, and to hunt for me at Croatoan, as alfo to buy fome four days provifion to ferve for my voyage.
He fent me word that he would himfelf come over to Roanoak, but from day to day he defered, only to bring the Weapomeioks with him and the Mangoaks, whofe time appointed was within eight days after.
It was the laft of May 1586, when all his own favages began to make their affembly at Roanoak, at his commandment fent abroad unto them, and I refolved not to ftay longer upon his coming over, fince he meant to come with fogood company, but thought good to go and vifit him with fuch as I had, which I refolved to do the next day: but that night I meant by the way to give them in the ifland a canuifado, and at the inftant to feize upon all the canoes about the ifland, to keep him from advertifements.
But the town took the alarm before I meant it to them: the occafion was this. I had fent the mafter of the light horfeman, with a few with him, to gather up all the canoes in the fetting of the fun, and to take as many as were going from us to Defa- monquepeio, but to fuffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a canoe going from the lhore and overthrew the canoe and cut off two favages heads: this was not done fo fecretly, but he was difcovered from the lhore ; whereupon the cry arofe ; for in truth they, privy to their own villainous purpofes againft us, held as good efpyal upon us, both day and night, as we did upon them.
The alarm given they took themfelves to their bows, and we to our arms: fome three or four of them at the firft were flain with our Ihot; the reft fled into the woods. We next morning with the light horfeman and one canoe, taking twenty-five with the colonel of the Chefepians, and the ferjeant major, I went to Defamonquepeio; and being landed, fent Pemifapan word by one of his own favages that met me at the lhore, that I was going to Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complain unto him of Ofocon, who the night paft was conveying away my prifoner, whom I had there prefent tied in an hand-lock. Whereupon the king did abide my coming to him, and finding myfelf amidft feven or eight of his principal Weroances and followers (not regarding any of the common fort), I gave the watch-word agreed upon (which was, Christ our.
8 Victory),

greenvile's voyage To Virginia. 587
Victory), and immediately thofe his chief men and himfelf had, by the mercy of God for our deliverance, that, which they had purpofed for us.
The king himfelf being Ihot through by the colonel with a piftol, lying on the ground for dead, and I looking as watchfully for the faving of Manteo’s friends, as others were bufy that none of the reft Ihould efcape, fuddenly he ftarted up and ran away as though he had not been touched, infomuch as he over-ran all the company; being by the way Ihot thwart the buttocks by my Irilh boy with my petronell. In the end an Irifh- man ferving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provoft, undertook him, and following him in the woods over-took him : and I in fome doubt left we had loft both the king and my man by our own negligence to have been intercepted by the favages, met him returning out of the woods with Pemifapan’s head in his hand.
This fell out on the ift of June 1586, and the 8th of the fame came advertifement to me from Captain Stafford, lying at my Lord Admiral’s Ifland, that he had difcovered a great fleet of twenty-three fails, but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet difcern. He advifed me to ftand upon as good guard as I could.
The 9th of the faid month he himfelf came unto me, having that night before, and that fame day travelled by land twenty miles j and I muft truly report of him from the firft to the laft, he was the gentleman that never fpared labour or peril either by land or water, fair weather or foul, to perform any fervice committed unto him.
He brought me a letter from the General Sir Francis Drake, with a moft bountiful and honourable offer for the fupply of our neceflities to the performance of the a&ion we were then entered into; and that not only of victuals, munition and clothing, but alfo of barks, pinnaces, and boats : they alfo by him to be victualled, manned, and furnilhed to my contentation.
The 10th day he arrived in the road of our bad harbour j and coming there to an anchor, the nth day I came to him, whom I found in deeds moft honourably to perform that which in writing and meffage he had moft courteoufly offered, he having aforehand propounded the matter to all the captains of his fleet, and got their liking and confent thereto.
With fuch thanks to him and his captains for his care both of us and of our nation, not as the matter deferved, but as I could both for my company and myfelf, I (being afore-hand prepared what I would defire) craved at his hands that it would pleafe him to take with him into England, a number of weak and unfit men for my good action which I would deliver to him ; and in place of them to fupply me of his company with oar-men, artificers, and others.
That he would leave us fo much Ihipping and victual, as about Auguft the next following would carry me and all my company into England, when we had difcovered fomewhat, that for lack of needful provifion in time left with us as yet remained undone.
That it would pleafe him withall to leave fome fufficient mailers not only to carry us into England, when time Ihould be, but alfo to fearch the coaft for fome better harbour, if there were any, and efpecially to help us to fome fmall boats, and oar-men.
Alfo for a fupply of calivers and weapons, match and lead, tools, apparel and fuch like.
He having received thefe my requefts, according to his ufual commendable manner of government (as it was told me) calling his captains to counfel: the refolution was that I Ihould fend fuch ofmy officers of my company as I ufed in fuch matters,with their notes, to go aboard with him j which were the mafter of the victuals, the keeper of
4 f 2 the

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the {lore, and the vice-treafurer : to whom he appointed forthwith for me the Francis, being a very proper bark of feventy ton, and took prefent order for bringing of victuals aboard her, for one hundred men for four months, with all my other demands whatfo- ever to the uttermoft.
And further he appointed for me two pinnaces, and four fmall boats: and that which was to perform all his former liberality to us, was that he had gotten the full affents of two of as fufficient experimented mailers as were any in his fleet, by judgment of them that knew them, with very fufficient gings to tarry with me, and to employ themfelves moft earneftly in the aftion, as I Ihould appoint them, until the term which I promifed of our return to England again. The names of one of thofe mailers was Abraham Kendall, the other Griffith Kerne.
While thefe things were in hand, the provifion aforefaid being brought, and in bringing aboard, my faid mailers being alfo gone aboard, my faid barks having accepted of their charge, and mine own officers, with others in like fort of my company with them (all which was difpatched by the faid general the 12th of the faid month), the 13th there arofefuchan unwonted llorm, and continued four days, that had like to have driven all on Ihore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand over them, and the general very providently forefeen the worll himfelf, then about my difpatch putting himfelf aboard: but in the end having driven fundry of the fleet to put to fea, the Francis alfo with all my provifions, my two mailers, and my company aboard, Ihewas feen to be free from the fame, and to put clear, to fea.
This Itorm having continued from the 13th to the 16th of the month, and thus my bark put away as aforefaid, the general coming alhore, made a new proffer unto me; which was a fhip of 170 ton, called the Bark Bonner, with.a fufficient mallei? and guide to tarry with me the time appointed, and victual fufficient to carry me and my company into England, with all provifions as before : but he told me that he would not for any thing undertake to have her brought into our harbour, and therefore he was to leave her in the road, and to leave the care, of the relt unto myfelf, and advifed me to confider with my company of our cafe, and to deliver prefently unto him in writing, what I would require him to do for us : which being within his power, he did affure me as well for his captains as for .himfelf, Ihould be molt willingly performed.
Hereupon calling fuch captains and gentlemen of my company as then were at hand who were all as privy as myfelf to the general’s offer, their whole requell was to me, that confidering the cafe that we Hood in, the weaknefs of our company, the fmal l number of the fame, the carrying away of our firll appointed bark, with thofe two efpecial mailers, with our principal provifions in the fame, by the very hand of God as it feemed, llretched out to take us from thence; confidering alfo that his fecond offer, though moll honourable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken, in- fomuch as there was no poffibility for her with any fafety to be brought into the harbour, feeing further that our hope for fupply with Sir Richard Greenvile, fo undoubtfully promifed us before Ealler, not yet come, neither then likely to come this year, confidering the doings in England for Flanders, and alfo for America, that therefore I would refolve myfelf with my company to go into England with that fleet; _and accordingly to make requell to the general in all our names, that he would be pleafed to give us prefent paffage with him. Which requell of ours, by myfelf delivered un],o him, he moll readily affented unto; and fo he fending immediately his pinnaces into our illand, for the fetching away of a few that there were left with our baggage, the weather was fo boifcerous, and the pinnaces fo often on the ground, that the moll of all

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vve had, with all our cards, books and writings, were by the Tailors cart: overboard, the greater number of the fleet being much aggrieved with their long and dangerous abode in the miferable road.
From whence the general in the name of the Almighty, weighing his anchors (having beftowed us amongft his fleet"), for the relief of whom he had in that ftorm, fuftained more peril of wreck than in all his former molt honourable actions againft the Spaniards with praifes unto God* for all, fet fail the 19th June 15&6, and arrived in Portfmoutb the 27th July of the fame year.
The Third Voyage made by a Ship fent in the Year 1586, to the Relief of the Colony planted in Virginia, at the foie Charges of Sir Walter Ralegh.
In the year of our Lord 1586, Sir Walter Ralegh at his own charge prepared a : Ibip of 100 ton, freighted with all manner of things in moft plentiful manner, for the fupply and relief of his colony then remaining in Virginia; but before they fet fail from England it was after Eafter, fo that our colony half defpaired of the coming of any fupply ; wherefore every man prepared for himfelf,- determining refolutely to fpend the refidue of their life-time in that country. And for the better performance of this their determination, they fowed, planted, and fet fuch things as were neceffary for their relief in fo plentiful a manner, as might have fufficed them two years without any further labour. Thus trufting to their own harveft, they paffed the fummer till the 10th June; at which time their corn which they had fowed was within one fortnight of reaping; but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake in his profperous return from the lacking of San Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint Auguftine, determined in his way homeward to vifit his countrymen the Englilh colony, then remaining in Virginia. So palling, along the coafts of Florida, he fell with the parts where our Englilh colony inhabited, and having efpied fome of that company, there he anchored and went aland, where he conferred with them of their ftate and welfare, and how things had paffed with them. They anfwered him that they lived all: but hitherto in fome fcarcity, and as yet could liear of no fupply out of England ; therefore they requefted him that he would leave with them fome two or three Ihips, that if fome reafonable time they heard not out of England, they might then return themfelves. Which he agreed to. Whilft fome were then writing their letters to fend into England, and fome others making reports of the accidents of their travels each to other, fome on land, fome on board, a great ftorm arofe, and drove the moft of their fleet from their anchors to fea, in which flaps at that inftant were the chiefeft of the Englilh colonythe reft on land perceiving this, hailed to thofe three fails which were appointed to be left there, and for fear they fliould be left behind, they left all things confufedly, as if they had been chafed from thence by a mighty army ; and no doubt fo they were; for the hand, of God came upon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by fome of them againft the native inhabitants of that country.
Immediately after the departing of our Englilh colony out of this paradife of the world, the lhip above mentioned fent and fet forth at the charges of Sir Walter Ralegh, and his direction, arrived at Hatorafk : who after fome time lpent fo feeking our colony up in the country, and not finding them, returned with all the aforefaid provifion into England. _ . ,
About 14 or 15 days after the departure of the aforefaid ftup, Sir Richard Greenvile, general of Virginia, accompanied with three ihips well appointed for the fame

THE THIRD VOYAGE Of
59 °
voyage, arrived there: who not finding the aforefaid ffiip, according to his expectation, nor hearing any news of our Englilh colony there feated, and left by him Anno 1585, himfelf travelling up into divers places of the country, as well to fee if he could hear any news of the colony left there by him the year before, under the charge of Mailer Lane, his deputy, as alfo to difcover fome places of the country : but after fome time fpent therein, not hearing any news of them, and finding the places which they inhabited defolate, yet unwilling to lofe the polfeHion of the country which Englilhmen had fo long held : after good deliberation, he determined to leave fome men behind to retain polfeffion of the country : whereupon he landed 15 men in the ille of Roanoak, fur- nilhed plentifully with all manner of provifion for two years, and fo departed for England.
Not long after he fell with the Illes of the Azores, on fome of which illands he landed, aud fpoiled the towns of all fuch things as were worth carriage, where alfo he Took divers Spaniards. With this and many other exploits done by him in this voyage, as well outward as homeward, he returned into England.
A brief and true Report of the new found Land of Virginia, of the Commodities there found, and to be raifed, as well merchantable as others : written by Thomas Heriot, Servant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a Member of the Colony, and there employed in difcovering a full Twelvemonth.
Ralph Lane one of her Mayfly's efquires, and governor of the colony in Virginia, above mentioned, for the time there refident, to the gentle reader wilheth all happinefs in the Lord.
Albeit (gentle reader) the credit of the reports in this treatife contained can little be furthered by the teftimony of one as myfelf, through affe&ion judged partial, though without defert: neverthelefs, for fo much as I have been requefted by fome my particular friends, who conceive more rightly of me, to deliver freely my knowledge of the fame; not only for the fatisfying of them, but alfo for the true information of any other whatfoever, that comes not with a prejudicate mind to the reading thereof; thus much upon my credit I am to affirm, that things univerfally are fo truly fet down in this treatife, by the author thereof, an actor in the colony, and a man no lefs for his honefty than learning commendable, as that Ldare boldly avouch, it may very well pafs with the credit of truth, even amongft the moll true relations of this age. Which as for mine own part I am ready any way to acknowledge, fo alfo (of the certainty thereof affined by mine own experience) with this my public affertion I do affirm the fame. Farewell in the Lord.
To the adventurers, favourers, and well-willers of the enterprife for the inhabiting and
planting in Virginia.
Since the firft undertaking by Sir Walter Ralegh to deal in the action of difcovering of that country which is now called and known by the name of Virginia, many voyages having been thither made at fundry times to his great charge; as firft, in the year 1584, and afterwards in the years 1585, 1 586, and now of late this laft year 1587 : there have been divers and variable reports, with fome ilanderous and ihameful fpeeches bruited abroad by many that returned from thence : efpecially of that difcovery which was made by the colony tranfported by Sir Richard Greenvile in 1585, being of all others the moft principal, and as yet of moft effect, the time of
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their abode in the country being a whole year, when as in the other voyages before they flayed but fix weeks, and the others after were only for fupply and tranfportation, nothing more being difcovered than had been before. Which reports have not done a little wrong to many that otherwife would have alfo favoured and adventured in the action, to the honour and benefit of our nation, befides the particular profit andcredit which would redound to themfelves the dealers therein, as I hope by the fequel of events, to the fhame of thofe that have avouched the contrary, fhall be manifeft, if you the adventurers, favourers and well-willers do but either increafe in number, or in opinion continue, or having been doubtful, renew your good liking and furtherance to deal therein according to the worthinefs thereof already found, and as you fhall underftand hereafter to be r-quifite. Touching which worthinefs, though caufe of the diverfity of relations and reports, many of your opinions could not be firm, nor the minds of fome that are well dilpofed be fettled in any certainty.
I have therefore thought it good, being one that have been in the difcovery, and in dealing with the natural inhabitants efpecially employed; and having therefore 1'een and known more than the ordinary, to impart fo much unto you of the fruits of our labours, as that you may know how injurioufly the enterprife is flandered, and that in public manner at this prefent, chiefly for two refpects.
Firft, that fome of you which are yet ignorant or doubtful of the ftate thereof, may fee that there is fufEcient -caufe why the chief enterprifer with favour of Her Majefty, notwithftanding fuch reports, hath not only fince continued the action, by fending into the country again, and replanting this lafl year a new colony, but is alfo ready, according as the times and means will afford, to follow and profecute the fame.
Secondly, that you feeing and knowing the continuance of the action, by the view hereof you may generally know and learn that the country is, and thereupon confider how your dealing therein, if it proceed, may return you profit and gain, be it either by inhabiting and planting, or otherwife in furthering thereof.
And left that the fubftance of my relation fliould be doubtful unto you, as of others by reafon of their diverfity, I will firft open the caufe in a few words, wherefore they are ftfdifferent, referring inyfelf to your favourable confirmations, and to be adjudged of, as by good confideration you fhall find caufe.
Of our company that returned, fome for their miftlemeanor and ill dealing in the country, have been there worthily punifhed, who by reafon of their bad natures, have malicioufly not only fpoken ill of. their governors, but for their fakes flandered the country itfelf. The like alfo have thofe done which were of their confort.
Some being ignorant of the ftate thereof, notwithftanding fince their return among their friends and acquaintance, and alfo others, efpecially if they were in company where they might, not be gainfaid, would feem to know fo much as no men more, and make no men fo great- travellers as themfelves. They flood fo much, as it may feem, upon their credit and reputation, that- having been a twelvemonth in the country, it would have been a great difgrace unto them,, as they thought, if they could not have faid much, whether, it were true or falfe. Of which fome have fpoken of more than ever they faw,. or otherwife knew to be there. Other fome have not been afhamed to make abfolute denial of that, which although not by them, yet by others is moft certainly and there plentifully known, and'other. fome make difficulties of thofe things they have no > fkillofi.
The caufe of their ignorance was, in that they were of that many that were never out of the ifland where we were feated, or not far, or at the leaftwife in few places elfe, during the time of our abode in the country j or of that many, that after gold and
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filver was not fo Toon found, as it was by them looked for, had little or no care of any other thing but to pamper their bellies : or of that many which had little under {landing, lefs difcretion, and more tongue than was-needful or requifite.
Some alfo were of a nice bringing up, only in cities or towns, or fuch as never (as I may fay) had feen the world before. Becaufe there were not to be found any Englifh cities, nor fuch fair houfes, nor at their own wilh, any of their old accuftomed dainty food, nor any foft beds of down or feathers, the country was to them miferable, and their reports thereof according.
Becaufe my purpofe was but in brief to open the caufe of the variety of fuch fpeeches, the particularities of them, and of many envious, malicious, and flanderous reports and devifes elfe, by our own countrymen befides, as trifles that are not worthy of wife men to be thought upon, I mean not to trouble you withall, but will pafs to the commodities, the fubflance of that which I have to make relation of unto you.
The treatife whereof, for your more ready view and eafier underftanding, I will divide into three fpecial parts. In the firfl I will make declaration of fuch commodities there already found, or to be raifed, which will not only ferve the ordinary turns of you which are and fhall be the planters and inhabitants; but fuch an overplus fufficientiy to be yielded, or by men of Ikill to be provided, as by way of ti-affick and exchange with our own nation of England will enrich yourfelves the providers ; thofe that fhall deal with you, the enterprifers in general, and greatly profit our own countrymen, to fupply them with moll things which heretofore they have been fain to provide either of ftrangers or of our enemies, which commodities, fyr difUnction fake, I call merchantable.
In the fecond I will fet down all the commodities which we know, the country by our experience doth yield of itfelf, for viftual and fuftenance of man’s life, fuch as are ufually fed upon by the inhabitants of the country, as alfo by us during the time we were there.
In the laft part I will make mention generally of fuch other commodities befides, as I am able to remember, and as I fhall think behoveful for thofe that fhall inhabit and plant there, to know of, which fpecially concern building, as alfo fome other neceffary ufes $ with a brief defcription of the nature and manners of the people of the country.
The Firji Part, of Merchantable Commodities.
Silk of grafs, or grafs-filk. There is a kind of grafs in the country, upon the blades whereof there groweth very good filk in form of a thin glittering fkin, to be {tripped off: it groweth two feet and a half high or better ; the blades are about two feet in length, and half an inch broad. The like groweth in Perfia, which is in the felf fame climate as Virginia, of which very many of the filk works that come from thence into Europe are made.
Hereof if it be planted and ordered as in Perfia, it cannot in reafon be othenvife; but that there will rife in fhort time great profit to the dealers therein, feeing there is fo great ufe and vent thereof as well in our country as elfewhere. And by the means of lowing and planting it in good ground, it will be far better, greater, and more plentiful thau it is. Although notwithftanding there is great ftore thereof growing in many places in the country naturally and wild, which aifo by proof here in England, in making a piece of filk grogram, we found to be excellent good.
Worm filk. In many of our journies we found filk worms fair and great, as big as our ordinary walnuts. Although it hath not been our hap to have found fuch plenty
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as elfewhere to be in the country we have heard of, yet feeing that the country doth naturally breed and nourifh them, there is no doubt but if art be added in planting of mulberry trees, and others fit for them in commodious places, for their feeding and liourifhing, and fome of them carefully gathered and hufbanded in that fort, as‘by men of fkill is known to be neceffary ; there will rife as great profit in time to the Virginians, as thereof doth now to the Perfians, Turks, Italians, and Spaniards.
Flax and Hemp. The truth is that of hemp and flax there is no great ftore in anyone place together, by reafon it is not planted, but as the foil doth yield it of itfelf, and howfoever the leaf and Item or ftalk do differ from ours, the fuff by judgment of men of fkill is altogether as good as ours ; and if not as farther proof fhould find or other- wife, we have that experience of the foil, as that there cannot be fhewed any reafon to the contrary, but that it will grow there excellent well, and by planting will be yielded plentifully : feeing there is fo much ground, whereof fome may be applied to fuch purpofes. What benefit hereof may grow in cordage and linnens, who cannot eafily underitand.
Allum. There is a vein of earth along the fea coaft, for the fpace of 40 or 50 miles, whereof by the judgment of fome that have made trial herein England, is made good allum, of that kind which is called roch allum. The richnefs of fuch a commodity is fo well known, that I need not to fay any thing thereof. The fame earth doth alfo yield white coprafs, nit rum, and alumen plumcum, but nothing fo plentifully as the common allum, which be alfo of price, and profitable.
Wapeih. A kind of earth fo called by the natural inhabitants, very like terra figillata , and having been refined, it hath been found by fome of our phyficians and chirurgions to be of the fame kind of virtue, and more effectual. The inhabitants ufe it very much for the cure of fores and wounds: there is in divers places great plenty, and in fome places of a blue fort.
Pitch, tar, rozen and turpentine. There are thofe kinds of trees which yield them abundantly and great (tore. In the very fame ifland where we were feated, being 15 miles of length, and five or fix miles in breadth, there are few trees elfe but of ths fame kind, the whole ifland being full.
Saffafras. Called by the inhabitants Winauk, a kind of wood of mod pleafant and fweet finell, and of moll rare virtues in phyfic for the cure of many difeafes. It is found by experience to be far better and of more ufes than the wood which is called guiacum, or lignum vita. For the defcription, the manner of ufing, and the manifold virtues thereof, I refer you to the book of Monardes, tranflated and entitled in Englifh, The joyful News from the Weft Indies.
Cedar. A very fweet wood, and fine timber, whereof if neffs of cherts be there made, or timber thereof fitted for fweet and fine bedfteds, tables, defies, lutes, virginals, and many things elfe, (of which there hath been proof made already), to make up freight with other principal commodities, will yield profit.
Wine. There are two kinds of grapes that the foil doth yield naturally ; the one is fmall and four, of the ordinary bignefs as ours in England; the other far greater and of itfelf lufeious fweet. When they are planted and hufbanded as they ought, a principal commodity of wines by them may be railed.
Oil. There are two forts of walnuts, both holding #il: but the one far more plentiful than the other. When there are mills and other devices for the purpofe, a commodity of them may be raifed, becaufe there are infinite ftore. There are alfo three feveral kinds of berries in the form of oak-acorns, which alfo by the experience and ufe of the inhabitants, we find to yield very good and fweet oil. Furthermore, the bears of the country are commonly very fat, and in fome places there are many; their fa-taels, becaufe it is fo liquid, may well be termed oil, and hath many fpecial ufes. vol. xii. 4 g Furs.

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Furs. All along the fea-coaft there are great {lore of otters, which being taken by weares and other engines made for the purpofe, will yield good profit. We hope alfo of marten furs, and make no doubt by the relation of the people, but that in fome places of the country there are ftore, although there were but two {kins that came to our hands. Luzernes alfo we have underftanding of, although for the time we faw none.
Deer {kins dreffed after the manner of chamois, or undreffed, are to be had of the natural inhabitants, thoufands yearly by tvay of traffick for trifles, and no more wafte or fpoil of deer than is and hath been ordinarily in time before.
Civet-Cats. In our travels there was found one to have been killed by a favage or inhabitant, and in another place the finell where one or more had lately been before, whereby we gather, befides than by the relation of the people, that there are fome in the country ; good profit will rife by them.
Iron. In two places of the country fpecially, one about fourfcore and the other fixfcore miles from the fort or place where we dwelt, we found near the water fide the ground to be rocky, which by the trial of a mineral-man was found to hold iron richly. It is found in many places of the country elfe : I know nothing to the contrary, but that it may be allowed for a good merchantable commodity, confidering there the fmall charge for the labour and feeding of men, the infinite ftore of wood, the want of wood and dearnefs thereof in England, and the neceffity of ballafting of fhips.
Copper. An hundred and fifty miles into the main, in two towns we found with the inhabitants divers fmall plates of copper, that had been made as we underftood by the inhabitants that dwell further into the country, where as they fay are mountains and rivers that yield alfo white grains of metal, which is to be deemed filver. For confirmation whereof, at the time of our firft arrival in the country, I faw, with fome others with me, two fmall pieces of filver grofsly beated, about the weight of a teftron, hanging in the ears of a Wiroans, or chief lord that dwelt about fourfcore miles from us : of whom through inquiry, by the number of days and the way, I learned that it had come to his hands from the fame place or near, where I after underftood the copper was made, and the white grains of metal found. The aforefaid copper we alfo found by trial to hold filver.
Pearl. Sometimes in feeding on mufcles we found fome pearl : but it was our hap to meet with ragges, or of a pied colour: not having yet difcovered thofe places where we heard of better and more plenty. One of our company, a man of {kill in fuch matters, had gathered together from among the favage people about five thou- fand : of which number he chofe fo many as made a fair chain, which for their like- nefs and uniformity in roundnefs, orientnefs, and piednefs of many excellent colours, with equality in greatnefs, were very fair and rare : and had therefore been prefented to Her Majefty, had we not by cafualty, and through extremity of a ftorm loft them, with many things elfe in coming away from the country.
Sweet gums, of divers kinds. And many other apothecary drugs, of which we will make fpecial mention, when we {Hall receive it from fuch men of {kill in that kind, that in taking reafonable pains, Ihall difcover them more particularly than we have done, and than now I can make relation of, for want of the examples I had provided and gathered, and are now loft, with other things, by cafualty before mentioned.
Dies of divers kinds. There is Shoemake, well known in England for black ; the feed of an herb called Wafebur, little fmall roots called Chappacor, and the bark of the tree called by the inhabitants Tangomockonomindge; which- dies are of divers forts of red: their goodnefs for our Englilh cloths remain yet to be proved. The inhabitants ufe them only for the dyeing of hair, and colouring of their faces and mantles made of deer lkins, and alfo for the dyeing of rulhes, to make artificial works withall in their mats and
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bafkets: having no other thing befides that they account of, apt to ufe them for. If they will not prove merchantable, there is no doubt but the planters there fhall find apt ufes for them, as alfo for other colours which we know to be there.
Woad. A thing of fo great vent and ufes among the Englifh dyers, which cannot be yielded fufficiently in our own country for fpare of ground, may be planted in Virginia, there being ground enough. The growth thereof need not to be doubted, when as in the iflands of the Azores it groweth plentifully, which are in the fame climate. So likewife of madder.
We carried thither fugar canes to plant, which being not fo well preferved as was requifite, and befides the time of the year .being pall for their fetting when we arrived, we could not make that proof of them as we defired. Notwithftanding feeing that they grow in the fame climate, in the fouth part of Spain and in Barbary, our hope in reafon may yet continue. So likewife for oranges and lemons. There may be planted alfo quinces. Whereby may grow in reafonable time if the action be diligently profecuted, no fmall commodities in fugars, fuckers, and marmalades.
Many other commodities by planting may there alfo be raifed, which I leave to your difcreet and gentle confiderations : and many alfo may be there, which yet we have not difcovered. Two more commodities of great value, one of certainty, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but there to be raifed, and in fhort time to be provided and prepared, I might have fpecified. So likewife of thofe commodities already fet down, I might have faid more ; as of the particular places where they are found, and belt to be planted and prepared : by what means, and in what reafonable fpace of time they might be raifed to profit, and in what proportion ; but becaufe others than wellwillers might be therewithall acquainted, not to the good of the aftion, I have wittingly omitted them ; knowing that to them that are well difpofed, I have uttered, according to my promife and purpofe, for this part fufficient.
The Second Part; of fuch commodities as Virginia is known to yield for victuals and fufenance of man’s life , ufually fed upon by the natural inhabitants: as alfo by us>
during the time of our abode ; andfirjl fuch as arefowed and hufbanded.
Pagatour. A kind of grain fo called by the inhabitants ; the fame in the Weft Indies is called Maize. Englilhmen call it Guinea-wheat, or Turkey-wheat, according to the names of the countries from whence the like hath been brought. The grain is about the fize of our ordinary Englilh peas, and not much different in form and fhape ; but of divers colours, fome white, fome red, fome yellow, and fome blue. All of them yield a very white and fweet flour : being ufed according to his kind, it maketh a very good bread. We made of the fame in the country fome malt, whereof was brewed as good ale as was to be defired. So likewife by the help of hops, thereof may be made as good beer. It is a grain of marvellous great increafe : of a thoufand, fifteen hundred, and fome two thoufand fold. There are three forts, of which two are ripe in' eleven or twelve weeks at the moft, fometimes in ten, after the time they are fet, and are then of height in ftalk about fix or feven foot. The other fort is ripe in fourteen, and is about ten feet high ; of the ftalks fome bear four heads, fome three, fome one, and fome two, every head containing 5, 6 , or 700 grains, within a few, more or lefs. Of thefe grains, befide bread, the inhabitants rnakjfc victual, either by parching them, or feething them whole until they be broken, or boiling of the flour with water into a pap.
Okindgier, called by us beans, becaufe in greatnefs and partly in fhape they are like to the beans in England, faving that they are flatter, of more divers colours, and fome pied.
402 The

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The leaf alfo of the Item is much different. In tafte they are altogether as good as our Englifh peas.
Wickonzour, called by us peas, in refpect of the beans for diftinction fake, becaufe they are much lefs although in form they little differ : but in goodnefs of tafte much like, and are far better than our Englifh peafe. Both the beans and peas are ripe in ten weeks after they are fet. They make them victual, either by boiling them all to pieces into a broth, or boiling them whole until they be foft, and begin to break, as is ufed in England, either by themfelves or mixtly together : fometime they mingle of the wheat with them : fometime alfo being whole fodden, they bruife or pound them in a mortar, and thereof make loaves or lumps of doughifhbread, which they ufe to eat for variety.
Macokuer, according to their feveral forms, called by us pompions, melons, and gourds, becaufe they are of the like forms as thofe kinds in England. In Virginia fuch of feveral forms are of one tafte, and very good, and do alfo fpring from one feed. There are of two forts, one is ripe in the fpace of a month, and the other in two
months.
There is an herb which in Dutch is called Melden. Some of thofe that I defcribe it unto, take it to be a kind of Drage : it groweth about four or five foot high ; of the feed thereof they make a thick broth, and pottage of a very good tafte : of the ftalk by burning it into afhes they make a kind of fait earth, wherewith many ufe fometimes to feafon their broths : other fait they know not. We ourfelves ufed the leaves alfo for pot herbs.
There is alfo another great herb, in form of a marigold, about fix foot in height, the head with the flower is a fpan in breadth. Some take it to be phinta foils : of the feeds hereof they make both a kind of bread and broth.
All the aforefaid commodities for victuafSire fet or fowed ; fometimes in grounds apart and feverally by themfelves, but for the moft part together in one ground mixtly: the manner thereof, with the dreffing and preparing of the ground, becaufe I will not unto you the fertility of the foil, I think good briefly to defcribe.
The ground they never fatten with much dung, or any other thing, neither plough nor dig it as we in England, but only prepare it in fort as followeth. A few days before they fow or fet, the men with wooden inftruments made almoft in form of mattocks or hoes with long handles; the women with Ihort peckers or parers, becaufe they ufe them fitting, of a foot long, and about five inches in breadth, do only break the upper part of the ground to raife up the weeds, grafs, and old ftubs of corn ftalks with their roots. The which after a day or two days drying in the fun, being fcraped up Into many fmall heaps, to fave them labour for carrying of them, they burn into afhes. And whereas fome may think that they ufe the allies for to better the ground, I fay that then they would either difperfe the allies abroad, which we obferved they do not, except the heaps be too great, or elfe would take fpeciaf care to fet their corn where the afhes lie, which alfo we find they are carelefs of. And this is all the hulbanding of their ground that they ufe.
Then their fetting or flowing is after this manner: firft, for their corn, beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole, wherein they put four grains, with care that they touch not one another (about an inch afnnder), and cover them with the mould again, and fo throughout the whole plot, making fuch holes, and ufmg them after fuch manner, but with this regard, that they be made in ranks, every rank differing from the other half a fathom or a yard, and the holes alfo in every rank as much. Bv this means there is a yard fquare ground between every hole; where
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according to difcretion here and there, they fet as many beans and peafe: in divers places alfo among the feeds of macocquer, melden and planta foils.
The ground being thus fet according to the rate by us experimented, an Englifh acre containing forty perches in length, and four in breadth, doth there yield in crof or of come of corn, beans and peafe, at the lead 200 London bufhels, befides the macocquer, melden and plantafolis : when as in England 40 bufhels of our wheat yielded out of fuch an acre is thought to be much.
I thought alfo good to note this unto you, that you which fhall inhabit and plant there, may know how fpecially that country corn is there to be preferred before ours : befides the manifold ways in applying it to victual, the increafe is fo much, that fmall labour and pains is needful in refpect of that which mult be ufed for ours. For this I can affure you, that according to the rate we have made proof of, one man may prepare and hufband fo much ground (having once borne corn before) with lefs than 24 hours labour, as fhall yield him victual in a large proportion for a twelvemonth, if he have nothing elfe but that which the fame ground will yield, and of that kind only which I have before fpoken of: the faid ground being alfo but of 25 yards fquare. And if need require, but that there is ground enough, there might be raifed out of one and the felf-fame ground two harveft or of-comes : for they fow or fet, and may at any time when they think good, from the midft of March until the end of June: fo that they alfo fet when they have eaten of their firft crop. In fome places of the country notwithftanding they have two harvefts, as we have heard, out of one and the fame ground.
For Englifli corn neverthelefs, whether to ufe or not to ufe it, you that inhabit may do as you fhall have further caufe to think belt. Of the growth you need not to doubt: for barley, oats, and peafe, we have feen proof of, not being purpofely fown, but fallen cafually in the word: fort of ground, and yet to be as fair as any we have ever feen here in England. But of wheat, becaufe it was mufty, and had taken falt-water, we could make no trial, and of rye we had none. Thus much have I digreffed, and I hope not unneceftarily: now will I return again to my courfe, and intreat of that which yet remaineth, appertaining to this chapter.
There is an herb which is fowed apart by itfelf, and is called by the inhabitants uppowoc : in the Well Indies it hath divers names, according to the feveral places and countries where it growethand is ufed; the Spaniards generally call it tabacco. The leaves thereof being dried, and brought into powder, they ufe to take the fume or fmoke thereof, by fucking it through pipes made of clay, into their flomach and head ; from whence it purgeth fuperfluous phlegm and other grofs humours, and openeth all the pores and paffages of the body: by which means the ufe thereof not only preferveth the body from obftructions, but alfo (if any be, fo that they have not been of too. long continuance) in fliort time breaketh them; whereby their bodies are notably pre- ferved in health, and know not many grievous difeafes, wherewithal we in England are oftentimes aftlidled.
This uppowoc is of fo precious eftimation among them, that they think their gods are marvellouily delighted therewith : whereupon fometime they make hallowed fires, and caft fome of the powder therein for a facrifice : being in a ftorm upon the waters, to pacify their gods, they caft fome up into the air and into the water : fo a weare for fifh being newly fet up, they caft fome therein and into the air: alfo after an efcape of danger, they caft fome into the air likewife: but all done with ftrange geftures, {lamping, fometimes dancing, clapping of hands, holding up of hands, and Haring up into the heavens, uttering therewithal, and chattering ftrange words and noifes.

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We ourfelves, during the time we were there, ufed to fuck it after their manner ; as alfo fince our return, and have found many rare and wonderful experiments of the virtues thereof: of which the relation would require a volume by itfelf: the ufe of it by fo many of late, men and women of great calling, as elfe, and fome learned phyfi- cians alfo, is fufficient witnefs.
And thefe are all the commodities for fuftenance of life, that I know and can remember, they ufe to hufband: all elfe that follow, are found growing naturally or wild.
Of Roots.
Openauk are a kind of roots of round form, fome of the bignefs of walnuts, fome far greater, which are found in moift and marfh grounds, growing many together one by another in ropes, as though they were faftened with a firing. Being boiled or fod- den, they are very good meat. Monardes calleth thefe roots beads, or Peter ncflri of Santa Helena.
Okeepenauk are alfo of round fhape, found in dry grounds: fome are of the bignefs of a man’s head. They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the ground; for by reafon of their drynefs they will neither roaft nor feethe. Their tafte is not fo good as of the former roots: notwithftanding for want of bread, and fometimes for variety, the inhabitants ufe to eat them with fifh or flefh, and in my judgment they do as well as the houfehold bread made of rye here in England.
Kaifhucpenauk, a white kind of roots, about the bignefs of hen’s eggs, and near of that form: their tafte was not fo good to our feeming as of the other, and therefore their place and manner of growing not fo much cared for by us. The inhabitants, notwithftanding, ufed to boil and eat many.
Tfinaw, a kind of root much like unto that which in England is called the China root, brought from the Eaft Indies. And we know not any thing to the contrary but that it may be of the fame kind. Thefe roots grow many together in great clufters, and do bring forth a brier ftalk, but the leaf in fhape far unlike: which being fup- ported by the trees it groweth neareft unto, will reach or climb to the top of the higheft. From thefe roots while they be new or frefh, being chopped into fmall pieces, and ftamped, is ftrained with water a juice that maketh bread, and alfo being boiled, a very good fpoon-meat in manner of a jelly, and is much better in tafte, if it be tempered with oil. This Tfinaw is not of that fort, which by fome was caufed to be brought into England for the China-root: for it was difcovered fince, and is in ufe as is aforefaid: but that which was brought hither is not yet known, neither by us nor by the inhabitants, to ferve for any ufe or purpofe, although the roots in fhape are very like.
Cofcufhaw fome of our company took to be that kind of root which the Spaniards in the Weft Indies call caffavy, whereupon alfo many called it by that name; it groweth in very muddy pools, and moift grounds. Being drefled according to the country manner, it maketh a good bread, and alfo a good fpoon-meat, and is ufed very much by the inhabitants. The juice of this root is poifon, and therefore heed muft be taken before any thing be made therewithal, either the roots muft be firft fliced and dried in the fun, or by the fire, and then being pounded into flour, will make good bread ; or elfe while they are green they are to be pared, cut in pieces, and ftamped : loaves of the fame to be laid near or over the fire until it be four; and then being well pounded again, bread or fpoon-meat very good in tafte, and wholefome, may be made thereof.
Habafcon

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Habafcon is a root of hot tafte, almoft of the form and bignefs of a parfnip : of itfelf it is no victual, but only a help, being boiled together with other meats.
There are alfo leeks, differing little from ours in England, that grow in many places of the country: of which when we came in places where they were, we gathered and eat many, but the natural inhabitants never.
Of Fruits.
Cheftnuts. There are in divers places great ftore: fome they ufe to eat raw; fome they ftamp and boil to make fpoon-meat, and with fome being fodden, they make fuch a manner of dough bread as they ufe of their beans before mentioned.
Walnuts. There are two kinds of walnuts, and of them infinite ftore: in many places, where are very great woods for many miles together, the third part of trees are walnut trees. The one kind is of the fame tafte and form, or little differing from ours of England, but that they are larger and thicker Ihelled: the other is greater, and hath a very ragged and hard {hell; but the kernel great, very oily and fweet. Befides their eating of them after our ordinary manner, they break them with ftones, and pound them in mortars with water, to make a milk which they ufe to put into fome forts of their fpoon-meat: alfo among the fodden wheat, peafe, beans, and pompions, which maketh them have a far more pleafant tafte. •
Medlars, a kind of very good fruit: fo called by us chiefly for thefe refpects: firft in that they are not good until they be rotten, then in that day they open at the head as our medlars, and are about the fame bignefs : otherwife in tafte and colour they are far different; for they are as red as cherries and very fweet; but whereas the cherry is {harp fweet, they are lufcious fweet.
Mutaquefunnauk, a kind of pleafant fruit, almoft of the fhape and bignefs of Englifh pears, but that they are of a perfett red colour as well within as without. They grow on a plant whofe leaves are very thick, and full of prickles as /harp as needles. Some that have been in the Indies, where they have feen that kind of red dye of great price, which is called cochinil, to grow, do defcribe its plant right like unto this mutaquefun- nauk: but whether it be the true cochinil, or a baftard or wild kind, it cannot yet be certified, feeing that alfo, as I heard, cochinil is not of the fruit, but found on the leaves of the plant: which leaves for fuch matter we have not fo fpecially obferved.
Grapes there are of two forts, which I mentioned in the merchantable commodities.
Strawberries there are as good and as great as thofe which we have in our Englifh gardens.
Mulberries, apple-crabs, hurts or hurtleberries, fuch as we have in England.
Sacquenummener, a kind of berries almoft like unto capers, but fomewhat greater, which grow together in duffers upon a plant or herb that is found in {hallow waters, being boiled eight or nine hours, according to their kind, are very good meat and wholefome, otherwife if they be eaten they will make a man for the time frantick or extremely fick.
There is a kind of reed, which beareth a feed almoft like unto our rye or wheat, and being boiled is good meat.
In our travels in fome places we found wild peafe, like unto ours in England, but that they were lefs, which are alfo good meat.
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Of a kind of Fruit or Berry, in form of Acorns.
There is a kind of berry or acorn, of which there are five forts that grow on feveral kinds of trees; the one is called fagatamener, the fecond ofamener, the third puramu- ehoner. Thefe kind of acorns they life to dry upon hurdles made of reeds, with fire underneath, almoft after the manner as we dry malt in England. When they are to be ufed, they firft water them until they be foft, and then being fod, they make a good victual, either to eat fo fimply, or elfe being alfo pounded to make loaves or lumps of bread. Thefe be alfo the three kinds, of which I faid before the inhabitants ufed to makefweet oil.
Another fort is called fapummener, which being boiled or parched, doth eat and tafte like unto cheftnuts. They fometimes alfo make bread of this fort.
The fifth fort is called mangummenauk, and is the acorn of their kind of oak, the which being dried after the manner of the firft forts, and afterward watered, they boil them, and their fervants or fometimes the chiefs themfelves, either for variety or for want of bread, do eat them with their fifh or flefii.
Of Beasts.
Deer. In fome places there are great ftore: near unto the fea-coaft, they are of the ordinary bignefs of ours in England, and foine lefs: but further up into the country, where there is better food, they are greater; they differ from ours only in this, their tails are longer, and the fnags of their horns look backward.
Conies. Thofe that we have feen, and all that we can hear of are of a grey colour like unto hares: in fome places there are fuch plenty that all the people of fome towns make them mantles of the fur or flue of the fldns of thofe v/hich they ufually take.
Saquenuckat and maquowoc, two kinds of fmall beafts greater than conies, which are very good meat. We never took any of them ourfelves, but fometime eat of fuch as the inhabitants had taken and brought unto us.
Squirrels which are of a grey colour we have taken and eaten.
Bears, which are of black colour. The bears of this country are good meat. The inhabitants in time of winter do ufe to take and eat many; fo alfo fometimes did we. They are taken commonly in this fort. In fome iflands or places where they are, being hunted for, as foon as they have fpyal of a man, they prefently run away, and then being chafed, they climb and get up the next tree they can, from whence with arrows they are {hot down ftark dead, or with thofe wounds that they may after eafily be killed. We fometime fhot them down with our calivers.
I have the names of 28 feveral forts of beafts, which I have heard of to be here and there difperfed in the country, efpecially in the main; of which there are only 12 kinds that we have yet difcovered, and of thofe that be good meat, we know only them before mentioned. The inhabitants fometimes kill the lion, and eat him ; and we fometime as they came to our hands of the woolues or wolfilh dogs, which I have not fet down for good meat, left that fome would underftand my judgment therein to be more fimple than needeth, although I could alledge the difference in tafte of thofe kinds from ours, which by fome of our company have been experimented in both.

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Of Fowl.
Turkey-cocks and turkey-hens, ftock-doves, partridges, cranes, herons, and in winter great ftore of fwans and geefe. Of all forts of fowl I have the names in the country language of four-fcore and fix, of which number, befides thofe that be named, we have taken, eaten, and have the pictures as they were there drawn, with the names of the inhabitants, of feveral ftrange fort of water-fowl eight, and feventeen kinds more of land-fowl; although we have feen, and eaten of many more, which for want of leifure there for the purpofe, could not be pictured: and after we are better furnifhed and ftored upon further difcovery with their ftrange beafts, fifh, trees, plants and herbs, they fhall be alfo publilhed.
There are alfo parrots, falcons, and marlin hawks, which although with us they be not ufed for meat, yet for other caufes I thought good to mention.
Of Fish.
For four months of the year, February, March, April and May, there are plenty of fturgeons; and alfo in the fame months of herrings ; fome of the ordinary bignefs of ours in England, but the moft part far greater, ofi 8 , 20 inches, and fome two feet in length and better ; both thefe kinds of fifh in thofe months are moft plentiful, and in beft feafon, which we found to be moft delicate and pleafant meat.
There are alfo trouts, porpoifes, rayes, old-wives, mullet, plaice, and very many other forts of excellent good fifh, which we have taken and eaten, whofe names I know not, but in the country language: we have the pictures of r 2 forts more, as they were drawn in the country with their names.
The inhabitanls ufe to take them two manner of ways: the one is by a kind of wear made of reeds, which in that country are very ftrong: the other way which is more ftrange, is with poles made fharp at one end, by fhooting them into the fifh, after the manner as Irifhmen caft darts, either as they are rowing in their boats, or elfe as they are wading in the fhallows for the purpofe.
There are alfo in many places plenty of thefe kinds which follow.
Sea-crabs, fuch as we have in England.
Oyflers, fome very great, and fome fmall, fome round and fome of a long fhape: they are found both in falt-water and brackifh, and thofe that we had out of falt-water are far better than the other, as in our country.
Alfo mufcles, fcallops, perriwinkles, and crevifes.
Seekanauk, a kind of crufty fhell-fifh, which is good meat, about a foot in breadth, having a crufty tail, many legs like a crab, and her eyes in her back. They are found in fhallows of waters, and fometime on the fhore.
There are many tortoifes both of land and fea kind, their backs and bellies are fhelled very thick; their head, feet, and tail, which are in appearance, feem ugly, as though they were members of a ferpent, or venomous beafts ; but notwithftanding they are very good meat, as alfo their eggs. Some have been found of a yard in breadth and better.
And thus have I made relation of all forts of victual that we fed upon for the time we were in Virginia, as alfo the inhabitants themfelves; as far forth as I know and can remember, or that are fpecially worthy to be remembered.
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VOL. XII.
The

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The Third and lafl Part ; of fuch other things as are behovefalfor ihofe which Jlsall plant
and inhabit to bum of, with a defcription of the Nature and Manners of the People of
the Country.
Of Commodities for Building and other necessary Uses.
Thofe other things which I am now to make rehearfal of, are fuch as concern building, and other mechanical neceflary ufes, as divers forts of trees for houfe and fhip timber, and other ufes elfe: alfo lime, ftone, and brick, left that being not mentioned, fome might have been doubted of, or by fome that are malicious the contrary reported.
Oaks there are as fair, ftraight, tall, and as good timber as any can be, and alfo great ftore, and in fome places very great.
Walnut trees as I have faid before very many, fome have been feen of excellent fair timber of four and five fathoms, and above four-fcore feet ftraight without bough.
Fir trees fit for mails for {hips, fome very tall and great.
Rakiock, a kind of trees fo called that are fweet wood, of which the inhabitants that were near unto us, do commonly make their boats or canoes of the form of troughs, only with the help of fire, hatchets of ftone and fhells: we have known fome fo great, being made in that fort of one tree, that they have carried well 20 men at once, befides much baggage; the timber being great, tall, ftraight, foft, light, and yet tough enough I think (befides other ufes) to be fit alfo for mails of {hips.
Cedar, a fweet wood, good for cielings, chefts, boxes, bed-fteads, lutes, virginals, and many things elfe, as I have alfo faid before. Some of our company which have wandered in fome places where I have not been, have made certain affirmation of cvprefs, which for fuch and other excellent ufes, is alfo a wood of price and no finall eilimation.
Maple, and alfo Wich-hazle, whereof the inhabitants ufe to make their bows.
Holly, a neceffary thing for the making of bird-lime.
Willows, good for the making of weares to take fiih after the Engliffi manner, although the inhabitants ufe only reeds, which becaufe they are fo ftrong are not flexible, do ferve for that turn very well and fufficiently.
Beech and affi,. good for calk hoops, and if need require, plow work, as alfo for many things elfe.
Elm, faffafras trees.
Afcopo, a kind of tree very like unto laurel, the bark is hot in tafte, and fpicy; it is very like to that tree which Monardes defcribeth to be cafjia lignea of the Weft Indies.
There are many other ftrange trees whofe names I know not but in the Virginian language, of which I am not now able, neither is fo convenient for the prefent to trouble you with particular relation; feeing that for timber and other neceflary ufes I have named fufficient. And of many of the reft, but that they may be applied to good ufe, I know no caufe to doubt.
Now for ftone, brick, and lime, thus it is. Near unto the fea-coaft where we dwelt, there are no kind of (tones to be found (except a few fmall pebbles about four miles off) but fuch as have been brought from further out of the main. In fome of our voyages we have feen divers hard raggy ftones, great pebbles, and a kind of grey ftone like unto marble, of which the inhabitants make their hatchets to cleave wood. Upon enquiry

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we heard that a little further up into the country were of all forts very many, although of quarries they are ignorant, neither have they ufe of any {tore whereupon they fhould have occafion to feek any. For if every houfehold have one or two to crack nuts, grind {hells, whet copper, and fometimes other {tones for hatchets, they have enough ; neither ufe they any digging, but only for graves about three foot deep : and therefore no marvel that they know neither quarries, nor lime {tones, which both may be in places nearer than they wot of.
In the mean time until there be difcovery of fufficient {tore or fome place or other convenient, the want of you, which are and flrall be planters therein, may be as well fupplied by brick; for the making whereof in divers places of the country there is clay, both excellent good, and plenty, and alfo by lime made of oylter {hells, and of others, burnt, after manner as they ufe in the ifles of Thanet and Shepy, and alfo in divers other places of England : which kind of lime is well known to be as good as any other: and of oylter {hells there is plenty enough: for befides divers other particular places where are abundance, there is one {hallow found along the coaft, where for the fpace of many miles together in length, and two or three miles in breadth, the ground is nothing elfe, being but half a foot or a foot under water for molt part.
Thus much can I fay further more of {tones, that about 120 miles from our fort, near the water in the fide of a hill, was found by a gentleman of our company, a great vein of hard ragge {tones, which I thought good to remember unto you.
Of the Nature and Manners of the People.
It refteth I fpeak a word or two of the natural inhabitants, their nature and manners; leaving large difcourfe thereof until time more convenient hereafter: now only fo far forth, as that you may know, how that they in refpedt of troubling our inhabiting and planting, are not to be feared, but that they lhall have caufe both to fear and love us, that lhall inhabit with them.
They are a people cloathed with loofe mantles made of deer {kins, and aprons of the fame round about their middles j all elfe naked, of fuch a difference of ftatures only as we in England, having no edge tool or weapons of iron or fteel to offend us withall j neither know they how to make any; thofe weapons that they have are only bows, made of wich-hazel, and arrows of reeds, flat edged truncheons, alfo of wood about- a yard long, neither have they any thing to defend themfelves but targets made of barks, and fome armours made of {ticks wickered together with thread.
Their towns are but fmall, and near the fea coaft but few, fome containing but 10 or 12 houfes, fome 20 ; the greateft that we have feen hath been but of 30 houfes: if they be walled, it is only done with barks of trees made faft to the flakes, or elfe with poles only, fixed upright and clofe one by another.
Their houfes are made of fmall poles, made faft in the tops in round form, after the manner as it is ufed in many arbors in our gardens of England, in moft towns covered with barks and in fome with artificial mats made of long ruflies, from the tops of the houfes down to the ground. The length of them is commonly double to the breadth, in fome places they are but 12 and 16 yards long, and in other fome we have feen of 24.
In fome places of the country, one only town belongeth to the government of a Wiroans or chief lord, in fome other two or three ; in lome fix, eight, and more: the greateft Wiroans that yet we had dealing with, had but 18 towns in his government, ana able to make not above 7 or 800 fighting men at the moft. The language of every
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government is different from any other, and the further they are diftant, the greater is the difference.
Their manner of wars amongft themfelves, is either by fudden furprifmg one another moft commonly about the dawning of the day, or moonlight, or elfe by ambufhes, or fome fubtle devifes. Set battles are very rare, except it fall out where there are many trees, where either part may have fome hope of defence, after the delivery of every arrow, in leaping behind fome or other.
If there fall out any wars between us and them what there fight is likely to be, we having advantages againft them fo many manner of ways, as by difcipline, or ftrange weapons and devifes elfe, efpecially ordnance great and fmall, it may eafily be imagined ; by the experience we have had in fome places, the turning up of their heels againfl us in running away, was their bell defence.
In refpedt of us, they are a people poor, and for want of fkill and judgment in the knowledge and ufe of our things, do efleem our trifles before things of greater value : notwithftanding in their proper manner (confidering the want of fuch means as we have), they feem very ingenious; for though they have no fuch tools, nor any fuch crafts, fciences and arts as we, yet in thofe things they do, they ffiew excellence of wit. And by how much they upon due confideration (hall find our manner of knowledges and crafts to exceed theirs in perfeftion, and fpeed for doing execution, by fo much the more is it probable that they fhould defire our friendffiip and love, and have the greater refpect for pleafing and obeying us: whereby may be hoped, if means of good government be ufed, that they may in fhort time be brought to civility, and the embracing of true religion.
Some religion they have already, which although it be far from the truth,yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the eafier and fooner reformed.
They believe that there are many gods, which they call Mantoac, but of different forts and degrees, one only chief and great God, which hath been from all eternity. Who, as they affirm, when he purpofed to make the world, made firft other gods of a principal order, to be as means and inftruments to be ufed in the creation and government to follow, and after the fun, moon and ftars as petty gods, and the inftruments of the other order more principal. Firft (they fay) were made waters, out of which by the gods was made all diverfity of creatures that are vifible or invifible.
For mankind they fay a woman was firft made, which by the working of one of the gods, conceived and brought forth children : and in fuch fort they fay they had their beginning. But how many years or ages have paflfed fince, they fay they can make no relation, having no letters nor other fuch means as we to keep records of the particulars of times part, but only tradition from father to fon.
They think that all the gods are of human ffiape, and therefore they reprefent them by images in the form of men, which they call Kewafowok, one alone is called Kewas, them they place in houfes appropriate, or temples, which they call Machicomuck, where they worffiip, pray, fing, and make many times offering unto them. In fome Machicomuck we have feen but one Kewas, in fome two, and in fome other three. The common fort think them to be alfo gods.
They believe alfo the immortality of the foul, that after this life, as foon'as the foul is departed from the body, according to the works it hath done, it is either carried to heaven the habitacle of gods, there to enjoy perpetual life and happinefs, or elfe to a great pit or hole, which they think to be in the fartheft parts of their part of the wprld towards the fun-fet, there to burn continually : the place they call Popoguffo

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For the confirmation of this opinion, they told me two ftories of two men that had been lately dead and revived again: the one happened but a few years before our coming into the country, of a wicked man which having been dead and buried, the next day the earth of the grave been feen to move, was taken up again, who made declaration where his foul had been, that is to fay, very near entering into Popoguffo had not one of the Gods faved him, and gave him leave to return again, and teach his friends what they fhould do to avoid that terrible place of torment.
The other happened in the fame year we were there, but in a town that was 60 miles from us, and it was told me for ftrange news, that one being dead, buried, and taken up again as the firft, Ihewed that although his body had lain dead in the grave, yet his foul was alive, and had travelled far in a long broad way, on both fides whereof grew moll delicate and pleafant trees, bearing more rare and excellent fruits, than ever he had feen before, or was able to exprefs, and at length came to moft brave and fair houfes, near which he met his father that had been dead before, who gave him great charge to go back again, and Ihew his friends what good they w r ere to do to enjoy the pleafures of that place, which when he had done he fhould after come again.
* What fubtlety foever be in the Wiroans and priefts, this opinion worketh fo much in many of the common and fimple fort of people, that it maketh them have great refpect to their governors, and alfo great care what they do, to avoid torment after death, and to enjoy blifs, although notwithftanding there is punilhment ordained for malefa&ors, as dealers, whoremongers, and other forts of wicked doers, fome punilhed with death, fome with forfeitures, fome with beating, according to the greatnefs of the facts.
And this is the fum of their religion, which I learned by having fpecial familiarity with fome of their priefts ; wherein they were not fo fure grounded, nor gave fuch credit to their traditions and ftories, but through converfing with us they were brought into great doubt of their own, and no fmall admiration of ours, with earned: defire in many to learn more than we had means for want of perfect utterance in their language, to exprefs.
Moft things they faw with us, as mathematical inftruments, fea compafles, the virtues of the load ftone in drawing iron, a perfpeftive glafs whereby was Ihewed many ftrange fights, burning glaffes, wild fire works, guns, books, writing and reading, fpring clocks, that feemed to go of themfelves, and many other things that we had, were fo ftrange unto them, and fo far exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reafon and means both how they fhould be made and done, that they thought they were rather the works of gods than of men, or at the leaftwife, they had been given and taught us of the gods ; which made many of them to have fuch opinion of us, that if they knew not the truth of God and religion already, it was rather to be had from us, whom God fo fpecially loved, than from a people that were fo fimple, as they found themfelves to be in comparifon of us: whereupon greater credit was given unto that we fpake of, concerning fuch matters.
Many times and in every town where I came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the contents of the Bible, that therein was fet forth the true and only God, and his mighty works, that therein was contained the true doctrine of falvation through Chrift, with many particularities of miracles and chief points of religion, as I was able then to utter and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the book materially and of itfelf was not of any fuch virtue, as I thought they did conceive, but only the doftrine therein contained, yet would many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kifs it, to hold it to their breafts and heads, and ftroke over all their body with it, to fhew their hungry defire of that knowledge which was fpoken of.
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The Wiroans with whom we dealt called Wingina, and many of his people would be glad many times to be with us at our prayers, and many times call upon us both in his own town, and alfo in others whither he fometimes accompanied us, to pray and fmg pfalms, hoping thereby to be partaker of the fame effects which we by that means alfo expetled.
Twice this Wiroan was fo grievoufly Tick that he was like to die, and as he lay languifhing, doubting of any help by his own priefts, and thinking he was in fuch danger for offending us and thereby our God,' fent for fome of us to pray and be a means to our God that it would pleafe him either that he might live, or after death dwell with him in blifs; fo likewife were the requefts of many others in the like cafe.
On a time alfo when their corn began to r wither by reafon of a drought which happened extraordinarily, fearing that it had come topafs by reafon that in fome thing they had difpleafed us, many would come to us and defire us to pray to our God of England, that he would preferve their corn, promifing that when it was ripe we alfo fhould be partakers of the fruit.
There could at no time happen any ftrange ficknefs, Ioffes, hurts, or any other crofs unto them, but that they would impute to us the caufe or means thereof, for offending or not pleafing us. One other rare and ftrange accident, leaving others, will I mention before I end, which moved the whole country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderful admiration.
There was no town where we had any fubtle devife practifed againft us, we leaving it unpunifhed or not revenged (becaufe we fought by all means poflible to win them by gentlenefs) but than within a few days after our departure from every fuch town, the people began to die very fall, and many in fhort fpace, in fome towns about 20, in fome 40, and in fome fix fcore, which in truth was very many in refpedt of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learn, but where we had been, where they ufed fome practice againft us, and after fuch time.
The difeafe was alfo fo ftrange, that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it, the like by report of the oldeft men in the country never happened before time out of mind. A thing fpecially obferved by us, as alfo by the natural inhabitants themfelves : infomuch that when fome of the inhabitants who were our friends, and efpecially the Wiroans, Wingina, had obferved fuch effefts in four or five towns to follow their wicked praftices, they were perfuaded that it was the work of our God through our means, and that we by him might kill and flay whom we would without weapons, and not come near them. And thereupon when it had happened that they had underftanding that any of their enemies had abufed us in our journies ; hearing that we had wrought no revenge with our weapons, and fearing upon fome caufe the matter ftiould fo reft; did come and entreat us that we would be a means to our God, that they, as others that had dealt ill with us, might in like fort die, alledging how much it would be for our credit and profit, as alfo theirs, and hoping furthermore that we would do fo much at their requefts in refpeft of the friendlhip we profeffed them.
Whofe entreaties although we Ihewed that they were ungodly, affirming that our God would not fubjeft himfelf to any fuch prayers and requefts of men ; that indeed all things have been, and were to be done according to his good pleafure as he had ordained ; and that we to (hew ourfelves his true fervants ought rather to make petition to the contrary, that they with them might live together with us, be made partakers of his truth, and ferve him in righteoufnefs, but notwithftanding in fuch fort, that we
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refer that, as all other things, to be done according to his divine will and pleafure, and as by his wifdom he had ordained to be beft.
Yet becaufe the effect fell out fo fuddenly and Ihortly after according to their defires, they thought neverthelefs it came to pafs by our means, and that we in ufing fuch fpeeches unto them, did but diffemble the matter, and therefore came unto us to give us thanks in their manner, that although we fatisfied them not in promife, yet in deeds and effeft we had fulfilled their defires.
This miraculous accident, in all the country wrought fo ftrange opinions of us, that fome people could not tell whether to think us gods or men, and the rather becaufe that all the fpace of their ficknefs, there was no man of ours was known to die, or that was fpecially fick : they noted alfo that we had no women among ft us, neither that we did care for any of theirs.
Some therefore were of opinion, that we were not born of women, and therefore not mortal, but that we were men of an old generation many years part, then rifen again to immortality.
Some would likewife feem to prophecy, that there were more of our generation yet to come to kill theirs and take their places, as fome thought the purpofe was, by that which was already done. Thofe that were immediately to come after us they imagined to be in the air, yet invifible and without bodies, and that they by our entreaty and for the love of us, did make the people to die in that fort as they did, by lhooting invifible bullets into them.
To confirm this opinion, their phyficians (to excufe their ignorance in curing the difeafe) would not be afhamed to fay, but earneftly make the people believe, that the firings of blood that they fucked out of the fick bodies, were the firings wherewithall the invifible balls were tied and call. Some alfo thought that we Ihot them ourfelves out of our pieces, from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people in any town that had offended us, as we lifted, how far diftant from us foever it were. And other fome faid that it was the fpecial work of God for our fakes, as we ourfelves have caufe in fome fort to think no lefs, whatfoever fome do or may imagine to the contrary, fpecially fome aftrologers, knowing of the eclipfe of the fun, which we faw the fame year before in our voyage thitherward, which unto them appeared very terrible. And alfo of a comet which began to appear but a few days before the beginning of the faid ficknefs. But to exclude them from being the fpecial caufes of fo fpecial an accident, there are further reafons than I think fit at this prefent to be alledged. Thefe their opinions I have fet down the more at large, that it may appear unto you that there is good hope they may be brought through difcreet dealing and government to them embracing of the truth, and confequently to honour, obey, fear and love us.
And although fome of our company towards the end of the year, fhewed themfelves too fierce in flaying fome of the people in fome towns, upon caufes that on our part might eafily enough have been borne withall; yet notwithftanding, becaufe on their parts it was juftly deferved, the alteration of their opinions generally and for the moil part concerning us is the lefs to be doubted. And whatfoever elfe they may be, by carefulnefs of ourfelves need nothing at all to be feared.
The beft neverthelefs in this, as in all aftions befides, is to be endeavoured and hoped, and of the worft they may happen notice to be taken with confideration, and as much as may be efchewed.
Now I have (as I hope) made relation not of fo few and fmall things, but that the country (of men that are indifferent and well dilpofed) may be fufficiently liked : if there were no more known than I have mentioned, which doubtlefs and in great reafon.
is

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is nothing to that which remaineth to be difcovered, neither the foil nor commodities. As we have reafon fo to gather by the difference we found in our travels, for although all which I have fpoken of, have been difcovered and experimented not far from the fea coaft, where was our abode, and molt of our travelling ; yet fometimes as we made our journies farther into the main and country, we found the foil to be fatter, the trees to be greater and to grow thinner, the ground more firm and deeper mould, more and larger champions, finer grafs, and as good as ever we faw any in England : in fome places rocky, and far more high and hilly ground, more plenty of their fruits, more abundance of beafts, the more inhabited with people, and of greater policy and larger dominions, with greater towns and houfes.
Why may we not then look up for in good hope from the inner parts of more and greater plenty, as well of other things, as of thofe which we have already difcovered : unto the Spaniards happened the like in difcovering the main of the Weft Indies. The main alfo of this country of Virginia, extending fome ways fo many hundreds of leagues, as otherwife than by the relation of the inhabitants we have moft certain knowledge of, where yet no Chriftian prince hath any poffeffion or dealing, cannot but yield many kinds of excellent commodities, which we in our difcovery have not yet feen.
What hope there is elfe to be gathered of the nature of the climate ; being anfwer- able to the ifland of Japan, the land of China, Perfia, Jury, the illands of Cyprus and Candy, the fouth parts of Greece, Italy, and Spain, and of many other notable and famous countries, becaufe I mean not to be tedious, I leave to your own confideration.
Whereby alfo the excellent temperature of the air there at all feafons, much warmer than in England, and never fo vehemently hot, as fometimes is under and between the tropics, or near them, cannot be known unto you without further relation.
For the wholefomenefs thereof I need to fay but thus much : that for all the want of provifion, as firft of Englilh victual, excepting for 20 days, we lived only by drinking water, and of the vi&ual of the country, of which fome forts were very ftrange unto us, and might have been thought to have altered our temperatures in fuch fort, as to have brought us into fome grievous and dangerous difeafes : fecondly, the want of Englilh means for the taking of beafts, filh, and fowl, which by the help only of the inhabitants and their means, could not be fo fuddenly and eafily provided for us, nor in great number and quantities, nor of that choice as otherwife might have been to our better 1atisfaction and contentment. Some want alfo we had of cloathes. Furtheremore in all our travels, which were moft fpecially and often in the time of winter, our lodging was in the open air upon the ground. And yet, I fay for all this there were but four of our whole company (being 108) that died all the year, and that but at the latter end thereof, and upon none of the aforefaid caufes. For all four, efpecially three, were feeble, weak and fickly perfons before ever they came thither, and thofe that knew them, much marvelled that they lived fo long, being in that cafe, or had adventured to travel.
Seeing therefore the air there is fo temperate and wholefome, the foil fo fertile, and yielding fuch commodities, as I have before mentioned, the voyage alfo thither to and fro being fufficiently experimented to be performed twice a year with eafe, and at any feafon thereof, and the dealing of Sir Walter Ralegh fo liberal, in large giving and granting land there, as is already known, with many helps and furtherances elfe : (the lead that he hath granted hath been 500 acres to a man only for the adventure of his perfon) I hope there remains no caufe whereby the aftion Ihould be mifliked.
If that thofewhich lhall thither travel to inhabit and plant, be but reafonably provided for the firft year, as thofe are which were tranfported the laft, and being there, do
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life but that diligence and care that is requifite, and as they may with eafe, there is no doubt but for the time following, they may have victuals that are excellent good and plenty enough, fome more Englifli forts of cattle alfo hereafter, as fome have been before, and are there yet remaining may, and {hall be (God willing) thither tranfported. So likewife our kinds of fruits, roots, and herbs, may be there planted and fowed, as fome have been already, and prove well; and in fhort time alfo they may raife fo much of thofe forts of commodities which I have fpoken of, as fhali both enrich themfelves, as alfo others that {hail deal with them.
And this is all the fruit of cur labours, that I have thought neceflary to advertife you of at this prefent: what elfe concerneth the nature and manners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the number, with the particularities of the voyages thither, already made, and of the adions of fuch as have been by Sir Walter Ralegh, therein and there employed, many worthy to be remembered, as of the firft difcoverers of the country; of our general for the time, Sir Richard Greenvill, and after his departure of our governor there, Matter Ralph Lane, with divers others directed and employed under their government: of the captains and matters of the voyages made fince for transportation, of the governor and affiftants of thofe already tranfported, as of many perfons, accidents and things elfe, I have ready in a difcourfe by itfelf in manner of a chronicle, according to the courfe of times, which when time fhali be thought convenient, {hail be alfo publifhed.
Thus referring my relation to your favourable conftru&ions, expecting good fuccefs of the action, from him which is to be acknowledged the author and governor, not / only of this, but of all things elfe, I take my leave of you, this month of February 1587. .
The Fol/rth Voyage made to Virginia with Three Ships, in the Tear 1587, wherein was
tranfported the fecond Colony.
)n the year of our Lord 1587, Sir Walter Ralegh intending to perfevere in the planting of his country of Virginia, prepared a new colony of 150 men to be fent thither, under the charge of John White, whom he appointed governor, and alfo appointed unto him twelve affiftants, unto whom he gave a charter, and incorporated them by the name of governor and affiftants of the city of Ralegh in Virginia.
April.
Our fleet being in number three fail, viz. the Admiral, a {hip of 120 tons, a flyboat, and a pinnace, departed the 26 th of April fromPortfmouth, and the fame day came to an anchor at the Cowes in the Ifle of Wight, where we ftayed eight days.
May.
The 5th of May, at nine of the clock at night, we came to Plymouth, where we remained the fpace of two days.
The 8th we weighed anchor at Plymouth, and departed thence for Virginia.
The 16th Simon Ferdinando, matter of our Admiral, lewdly forfookour fly-boat, leaving her diftrefied in the bay of Portugal.
June.
The 19th we fell with Dominica, and the fame evening we failed between it and Guardaloupe. The 21ft the fly-boat alfo fell in, with Dominica.
VOL. xii. 4 1 The

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The 22d we came to an anchor at an ifland, called Santa Cruz, where all the planters were fet on land, Haying there till the 2 5th of the fame month. At our firfl landing on this ifland, fome of our women and men, by eating a fmall fruit like green apples, were fearfully troubled with a hidden burning in their mouths, and fwelling of their tongues fo big, that fome of them could not fpeak. Alfo a child by fucking one of thofe women’s breads, had at that inflant his mouth fet on fuch a burning, that it was flrange to fee how the infant was tormented for the time : but after twenty-four hours it wore away pf itfelf.
Alfo the firfl night of our being on this ifland, we took five great tortoifes, fome of them of fuch bignefs, that fixteen of our ftrongeft men were tired with carrying but one of them, from the fea-fide to our cabins. In this ifland we found no watering- place, but a Handing pond, the water whereof was fo evil, that many of our company fell fick with drinking thereof; and as many as did but walh their faces with the water, in the morning before the fun had drawn away the corruption, their faces did fo burn and fwell, that their eyes were fhut up, and could not fee in five or fix days or longer.
The fecond day of our abode there, we fent forth fome of our men to fearch the ifland for frefli water, three one way and two another way. The governor alfo with fix others, went up to the top of a high hill to view the ifland, but could perceive no fign of any men or beafis, nor any goodnefs, but parrots, and trees of guiacum. Returning back to our cabins another way, we found in the defcent of a hill, certain potfherds of favage making, made of the earth of that ifland : whereupon it was judged, that this ifland was inhabited with favages, though Ferdinando had told us for certain the contrary. The fame day at night, the refi of our company very late returned to the governor. The one company affirmed, that they had feen in a valley eleven favages, and divers houfes half a mile difiant from the fieep, or top of the hill where they flayed. The other company had found, running out of a high rock, a very fair fpring of water, whereof they brought three bottles to the company: for before that time, we drank the Hinking water of the pond.
The fame fecond day at night, Captain Stafford with the pinnace departed from our fleet, riding at Santa Cruz, to an ifland, called Beake, being near St. John’s, being fo directed by Ferdinando, who aflured him he fhould there find great plenty of fheep. The next day at night, our planters left Santa Cruz, and came all aboard, and the next morning after, being the 25th June, we weighed anchor, and departed from Santa Cruz.
The 27th we came to anchor at Cottea, where we found the pinnace riding at our coming.
The 28th we weighed anchor at Cottea, and prefently came to anchor at St.John’s in Mufkitos Bay, where we fpent three days unprofitably in taking in frefh water, fpending in the mean time more here than the quantity of the water came unto.
July.
The firfi day we weighed anchor at Mufkitos Bay, where we left behind two Irifh- nten, of our company, Darby Glaven, and Dennis Carroll, being along the coafi of St. John’s till evening, at which time we fell with Rofle Bay. At this place Ferdinando had promifed we fhould take in fait, and had caufed us before, to make and provide as many facks for that purpofe, as we could. The governor alfo, for that he underflood there was a town in the bottom of the bay, not far from the fait hills, appointed thirty fhot, ten pikes, and ten targets to man the pinnace, and to go a-land for fait. Ferdinando perceiving them in a readineis fent to the governor, ufing great perfuafions with
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him not to take in fait there, faying that he knew not well whether the fame were the place or not: alfo that if the pinnace went into the bay, fine could not without great danger come back, till the next day at night, and that if in the mean time any ftorm fhould arife, the Admiral were in danger to be call away. Whillt he was thus perfuad. ing, he caufed the lead to be call, and having carefully brought the fhip in three fathom and a half water, he fuddenly began to fwear, and tear God in pieces, diliembling great danger, crying to him at the helm, bear up hard, bear up hard ; fo we went off, and were difappo'inted of our fait by his means.
The next day failing along the well end of St. John, the governor determined to go a-land in St. German’s Bay, to gather young plants of oranges, pines, mameas, and plan- tanos, to fet at Virginia, which we knew might eafdy be had, for that they grow near the Ihore, and the places where they grew well known to the governor, and fome of the planters ; but our Simon denied it, faying, he would come to an anchor at Hifpa- niola,and thereland the governor, and fome of the affiflants, with the pinnace, to fee if he could fpeak with his friend Alanfon, of whom he hoped to be furniflied both of cattle, and all fuch things as we could have taken at St. John; but he meant nothing lefs, as it plainly did appear to us afterwards..
The next day being the 3d of July we faw Hifpaniola, and bare with the coall all that day, looking Hill when the pinnace Ihould be prepared to go for the place where Ferdinando’s friend Alanfon was ; but that day palled, and we faw no preparation for landing in Hifpaniola.
The 4th July failing along the coall of Hifpaniola, until the next day at noon, and no preparation yet feen for the flaying there, we having knowledge that we were pall the place where Alanfon dwelt, and were come with Ifabella ; hereupon Ferdinando was alked by the governor, whether he meant to fpeak with Alanfon, for taking in of cattle, and other things, according to his promife, or not; but he anfwered that he was now pall the place, and that Sir Walter Ralegh told him, the French ambalfador certified him, that the King of Spain had fent off Alanfon into Spain: wherefore he thought him dead, and that it was to no purpofe to touch there in any place at this voyage.
The next day we loll fight* of Hifpaniola, and hauled off for Virginia, about four of the clock in the afternoon.
The Gth of July we came to the illand Caycos, wherein Ferdinando faid, were two fait ponds, alluring us if they were dry, we might get fait to Ihift with, until the next fupply, but it proved as true as finding of lheep at.Beake. In this illand, whilll Ferdinando folaced himfelf alhore, with one of the company in part of the illand, others fpent the latter part of that day in other parts of the illand; fome to feek the fait ponds, fome fowling, fome hunting fwans, whereof we caught many. The next day early in the morning we weighed anchor, leaving Caycos, with good hope, that the firll land that we faw next Ihould be Virginia.
About the 16th of July we fell with the main of Virginia, which Simon Ferdinando took to be the illand Croatoan, where we came to anchor, and rode there two or three days, but finding himfelf deceived, he weighed and bare along the coall, where in the night, had not Captain Stafford been more careful in looking out than our Simon Ferdinando, we had been all call away upon the beach, called the Cape of Fear, for we were come within two cables length upon it; fuch was the carelelfnefs and ignorance of our mailer.
The 22d of July we arrived fafe at Hatoralk, where our fhip and pinnace anchored. The governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with forty of his bell men, intending to pafs up to Roanoak forthwith, hoping there to find thofe fifteen Englilhmen,
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which Sir Richard Greenville had left there the year before, with whom he meant to have conference concerning the Hate of the country and favages, meaning after he had fo done, to return again to the fleet, and pafs along the coaff, to the bay of Chefpiok, where we intended to make our feat and fort, according to the charge given us among other dir eft ions in writing, under the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh : but as foon as we were put with our pinnace from the Ihip, a gentleman by the means of Ferdinando, who was appointed to return for England, called to the failors in the pinnace, charging them not to bring any of the planters back again, but to leave them in the ifland, except the governor, and two or three fuch as he approved, faying that the fummer was far fpent, wherefore he would land all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the failors both in the pinnace and the fhip, perfuaded by the mailer, wherefore it booted not the governor to contend with them, butpaffed to Roanoak, and the fame night at fun-fet went a-land on the ifland, in the place where our fifteen men were left, but we found none of them nor any fign that they had been there : faving only we found the bones of one of thofe fifteen, which the favages had flain long before.
The 23d of July the governor, with divers of his company walked to the north end of the ifland, where Mailer Ralph Lane had his fort, with fundry neceifary and decent dwelling houfes, made by his men about it the year before, where w'e hoped to find fome figns, or certain knowledge of our fifteen men. When we came thither we found the fort razed down, but all the houfes Handing unhurt, faving that the nether rooms of them, and of the fort, were overgrown with melons of divers forts, and deer within them feeding on thofe melons, fo we returned with our company, without hope of ever feeing any of the fifteen men living.
The fame day, order was given that every man fhould be employed for the repairing of thofe houfes, which were found Handing, and alfo to make other new cottages, for fuch as fhould need.
The 25th our fly-boat and thereH of our planters' arrived all fafe at Hatorafk, to the great joy and comfort of the whole company. But the maHer of our Admiral, Ferdinando, grieved greatly at their fafe coming, for he purpofely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and Hole away from them in the night, hoping that the maHer thereof, whole name was Edward Spicer, for that he had never been in Virginia, would hardly find the place, or elfe from being left in fo dangerous a place as that was, by means of fo many men of war, as at that time were abroad, they fhould furely be taken or flain : but God difappointed his wicked pretences.
The 28th, George Howe, one of our twelve afllfiants, was flain by divers of the favages, which were come over to Roanoak, either of purpofe to efpy our company, and what number we were, or elfe to hunt deer, whereof many were in the ifland, The favages being fecretly hidden among high trees, where often-times they find the deer afleep, and fo kill them, efpied our man, wading in the water alone, almofi naked, without any weapon, fave only a fmall forked Hick, catching crabs therewithal, and alfo being Hrayed two miles from his company, and fhot at him in the water, where they gave him fixteen wounds with their arrows, and after they had flain him with their wooden fwords, the beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water to the main.
On the 30th July, MaHer Stafford and twenty of our men pafied by water to the ifland of Croatoan with Manteo, who had his mother, and many of his kindred dwelling in that ifland, of whom we hoped to underffand fome news of our fifteen men, but efpecially to learn the difpofition of the people of the country towards us, and to renew our old friendfhip with them. At our firff landing they feemed as though they would fight with us, but perceiving us begin to march with our fhot towards them, they
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turned their backs and fled. Then Manteo their countryman called to them in their own language, whom, as foon as they heard, they returned, and threw away their bows and arrows, and feme of them came unto us, embracing and entertaining us friendly, defiring us not to gather, or fpill any of their corn, for that they had but little. We anfwered them that neither their corn nor any other thing of theirs, fhould be dimi- nilhed by any of us, and that our coming was only to renew the old love, that was be- , tween us and them at the firft, and to live with them as brethren and friends ; which anfwer feemed to pleafe them well, wherefore they requefted us to walk up to their town, who there feafted us after their manner, and defired us certainly, that there might be . fome token or badge given them of us, whereby we might know them to be our friends when we met them any where out of the town or ifland. They told us further, that for want of fome fuch badge, divers of them were hurt the year before, being found out of the ifland by Mafter Lane’s company, whereof they Ihewed us one, which at that very inftant lay lame, and had lain of that hurt ever fince ; but they faid they knew our men ruiftook them, and hurt them inftead of Wingino’s men, wherefore they held us excufed.
August.
The next day we had conference further with ' them, concerning the people of Secotan, Aquafcogoe, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatoan to certify the people of thole towns, that if they would accept our friendlhip we would willingly receive them again, and that all unfriendly dealings paft on both parts, fhould be utterly forgiven and forgotten. To this the chief men of Croatoan anfwered, that they would gladly do the bell they could, and within feven days bring the Wiroances and chief governors of thofe towns with them, to our governor at Roanoak, or their anfwer. We alfo un~ derftood of the men at Croatoan that our man Mafter Howe was flain by the remnant of Wingino’s men, dwelling then at Dafamonguepeuk, with whom Wanchefe kept company; and alfo we underftood by them of Croatoan, how that the fifteen Englifh- men left at Roanoak the year before, by Sir Richard Greenville, were fuddenly fet upon by thirty of the men of Secota, Aquafcogoe, and Dafamonguepeuk, in manner following :
They conveyed themfelves fecretly behind the trees, near the houfes where our men carelefsly lived, and having perceived that of thofe fifteen they could fee but eleven only, and two of thofe favages appeared to the eleven Engliflimen, calling to them by friendly figns that but two of their chiefeft men fhould come unarmed to fpeak with thofe two favages, who feemed alfo to be unarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefeft of our Englifhmen went gladly to them : but whilft one of thofe favages traiteroufly embraced one of our men, the other with his fword of wood, which he had fecretly hidden under his mantle, ftruck him on the head and flew him, and pre- fently the other twenty-eight favages Ihewed themfelves : the other Englilhman perceiving this fled to his company, whom the favages purfued with their bows and arrows fo fail, that the Englifhmen were forced to take the houfe, wherein all their viftual and weapons were: but the favages forthwith fet the fame on fire ; by means whereof our men were forced to take up fuch weapons as came firft to hand, and without order to run forth among the favages, with whom they fkirmifhed above an hour. In this fkirmifh another of our men was fhot into the mouth with an arrow, where he died, and alfo one of the favages was fhot into the fide by one of our men, with a wild-fire arrow', whereof he died prefently. The place where they fought was of great advantage to the favages, by means of the thick trees, behind which the favages through their nimblenefs, defended themfelves, and fo offended our men with their arrows, that our men being fome of them hurt, retired fighting to the water fide
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where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorafk. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they efpied their four fellows coming from a creek thereby, where they had been to fetch oyfters : thefe four they received into their boat, leaving Roanoak, and landed on a little ifiand on the right hand of our entrance into the harbour of Hatoratk, where they remained a while, but afterwards departed, whither as yet we know not.
Having now fufficiently difpatched aur bufmefs at Croatoan, the fame day we departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboard the fleet at Hatoralk.
The 8 th of Auguft, the governor having long expedited the coming of the Wiroances of Pomeiok, Aquafcogoe, Secota and Dafamonquepeuk, feeing that the feven days were paft, within which they promifed to come in, or to fend their anfwers by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard, being certainly alfo informed by thofe men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina’s men, which were left alive, who dwelt at Dafamonquepeuk, were they which had flain George Howe, and were alfo at the driving our eleven Englilhmen from Roanoak, he thought to defer the revenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the fame night about midnight, he palled over the water, accompanied with Captain Stafford and twenty-four men, whereof Manteo was one, whom we took with us to be our guide to the place where thofe favages dwelt, where he behaved himfelf towards us as a moll faithful Englifhman.
The next day being the 9th Auguft, in the morning fo early that it was yet dark, we landed near the dwelling-place of our enemies, and very fecretly conveyed ourfelves through the woods to that fide where we had their houfes between us and the water: and having efpied their fire, and fome fetting about it, we prefently fet on them : the miferable fouls herewith amazed, fled into a place of thick reeds, growing fall by; where our men perceiving them, {hot one of them through the body with a bullet, and therewith he entered the reeds, among which we hoped to acquit their evil doing towards us, but we were deceived, for thofe favages were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corn and fruit of that place, becaufe they underftood our enemies were fled immediately after they had flain George Howe, and for hafte, had left all their corn, tobacco, and pompions {landing in fuch fort, that all had been devoured of the birds and deer, if it had not been gathered in time; but they had like to have paid dearly for it, for it was fo dark, that they being naked, and their men and women apparelled all fo like others ; we knew not but that they were all men, and that if one of them that was a Wiroances wife, had not had a child at her back, {he had been {lain inftead of a man, and as hap was, another favage knew Mafter Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was faved. Finding ourfelves thus dif- appointed of our purpofe, we gathered all the corn, peafe, pompions, and tobacco that we found ripe, leaving the reft unfpoiled, and took Menatoan’s wife, with the young child, and the other favages with us over the water to Roanoak. Although the mif- taking of thefe favages, fomewhat grieved Manteo, yet he imputed their harm to their own folly, faying to them, tha't if their Wiroances had kept their promife in coming to the governor at the day appointed, they had not known that mifchance.
The 13th Auguft, our favage Manteo, by the commandment of Sir Walter Ralegh, was chriftened in Roanoak, and called lord thereof and of Dafamonquepeuk, in reward of his faithful fervice.
The 18th, Elenor, daughter to the governor, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the afliftants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the fame was chriftened there the Sunday following, and becaufe this child was the firft Chriftian born in Virginia, fhe was named Virginia.
By

THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
615
By this time our {hips had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood and frefh water, and to new caulk and trim them for England: the planters alfo prepared their letters and tokens to fend back into England.
Our two {hips the Lion, and the fly-boat, alrnoft ready to depart, the 21ft of Au- guft there arofe fuch a tempeft at N.E. that our Admiral, then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables and put to fea, where he lay beating off and on fix days before he could come to us again, fo that we feared he had been" caff away, and the rather for at that time that the ftorm took them, the moft and belt of their failors were left a-land.
At this time fome controverfies arofe between the governor and afliftants, about choofing two out of the twelve affiftants, who fhould go back as factors for the company into England: for every one of them refufed, fave only one, which all other thought not fufficient; but at length by much perfuading of the governor, Chriftopher Cooper agreed to go for England: but the next day through the perfuafion of divers of his familiar friends, he changed his mind 5 fo that now the matter flood as at the firft.
The next day, 2 2dAuguft, the whole company both of the afliftants and planters came to the governor, and with one voice requefted him to return himfelf into England, for the better and fooner obtaining of fupplies, and other neceffaries for them; but he refufed it; and alledged many fufficient caufes why he would not; the one was, that he could not fo fuddenly return back again without his great difcredit, leaving the action, and fo many whom he partly had procured by his perfuafions, to leave their native country, and undertake that voyage, and that fome enemies to him and the action at his return into England, would not fpare to Hander falfely both him and the action, by faying, he went to Virginia, but politicly, but to no other end but to lead fo many into a country, in which he never meant to flay himfelf, and there to leave them behind him. Alfo he alledged, that feeing they intended to remove 50 miles further up into the main prefently, he being then abfent, his fluff and goods might be both fpoiled, and moft of them pilfered away in the carriage: fo that at his return he lhould be either forced to provide himfelf of all fuch things again, or elfe at his coming again to Virginia find himfelf utterly unfumilhed, whereof already he had found fome proof, being but once from them but three days. Wherefore he concluded that he would not go himfelf.
The next day, not only the afliftants but divers others, as well women as men, began to renew their requefts to the governor again, to take upon him to return into England for the fupply, and difpatch of all fuch things as were there to be done, pro- mifing to make him their bond, under all their hands and feals, for the fafe preferving of all his goods for him at his return to Virginia, fo that if any part thereof were fpoiled or loft, they would fee it reftored to him or his afligns, whenfoever the fame lhould be miffed and demanded. Which bond with a teftimony under their hands and feals they forthwith made and delivered into his hands. The copy of the teftimony I thought good to fet down.
“ May it pleafe you, her Majefty’s fubjects of England, we your friends and countrymen, the planters in Virginia, do by thefe prefents let you and every of you to underhand, that for the prefent and fpeedy fupply of certain our known and apparent lacks and needs, moft requifite and neceffary for the good and happy planting of us, or any other in this land of Virginia, we all of one mind and conlent, have moft ear- neftly entreated, and inceffantly requefted John White, governor of the planters in Virginia, to pafs into England for the better and more affured help, and fetting forward

6i6
THE FOURTH VOYAGE
of the forefaid fupplies: and knowing afiuredly that he both can. bed, and will labour and take pains in behalf for us all, and he not once, but often refilling it, for our fakes, and for the honour and maintenance of the action, hath at laid, though much againlt his will, through our importunacy, yielded to leave his government, and all his goods among us, and himfelf in all our behalves to pafs into England, of whofe knowledge and fidelity in handling this matter, as all others, we do allure ourfelves by thefe prefents, and will you to give all credit thereunto. The 25th of Auguft 1587.”
The governor being at the laft through their extreme entreaty, conilrained to return into England, having then but half a day’s refpite to prepare himfelf for the fame, departed from Roanoak the 27th of Auguft in the morning, and the fame day about midnight, came aboard the fly-boat, who already had weighed anchor, and rode without the bar, the Admiral riding by them, who but the fame morning was newly come thither again. The fame day both the fhips weighed anchor, and fet fail for England: at this weighing their anchors, twelve of the men which were in the fly-boat, were thrown from the capftan, which by means of a bar that brake, came fo fait about upon them, that the other two bars thereof, (truck and hurt 1110ft of them fo fore, that fome of them never recovered it: neverthelefs they elfayed prefently again to weigh their anchor, but being fo weakened by the firft fling, they were not able to weigh it, but were thrown down and hurt the fecond time. Wherefore having in all but fifteen men aboard, and mold of them by this unfortunate beginning fo bruifed and hurt, they were forced to cut their cable, and loofe their anchor. Neverthelefs they kept company with the Admiral, until the 17th of September, at which time we fell with Corvo, and faw Flores.
September.
The 18th, perceiving of all our fifteen men in the fly-boat there remained but five, which by means of the former mifchance were able to ftand to their labour: and that the Admiral meant not to make any hafle for England, but to linger about the ifland of Tercera for purchafe: the fly-boat departed for England with letters, where we hoped by the help of God to arrive fhortly: but by that time we had continued our courfe homeward about twenty days, having had fometimes fcarce and variable winds ; our frefh water alfo by leaking almofl confirmed, there arofe a ilorm at N. E., which for fix days ceafed not to blow fo exceeding, that we were driven further in thofe fix than we could recover in thirteen days : in which time others of our failors began to fall very fick, and two of them died: the weather alfo continued fo clofe, that our mailer fometimes in four days together could fee neither fun nor liar, and all the beverage we could make, with (linking water, dregs of beer, and lees of wine which remained, was but three gallons, and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perilh at fea.
October.
The 16th of Oftober we made land, but we knew not what land it was, bearing in with the fame land all that day: about fun-fet we put into a harbour, where we found a hulk of Dublin, and a pinnace of Hampton riding, bur we knew not as yet what place this was, neither had we any hope to go on Ihore, until the pinnace fent off their boat to us, with fix or eight men, of whom we underltood we were in Smerwick in the well parts of Ireland: they alfo relieved us prefently with frelh water, wine, and other frelh meat.
The

THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
617
The 18th, the governor and the matter rode to Dingen-a-Culhe, five miles diftant, to take order for the new victually of our fly-boat for England, and for relief of our fick and hurt men, but within four days after, the boatfwain, the fteward, and the boatfwain’s mate, died aboard the fly-boat; and the 28th the matter’s mate, and two of our chief failors were brought fick to Dingen.
November.
The 1 ft, the governor {hipped himfelf in a fhip called the Monkey, which at that time was ready to put to fea from Dingen for England, leaving the fly-boat and all his company in Ireland. The fame day we fet fail, and on the 3d day, we fell with the north fide of the Land’s End, and were Ihut up the Severn, but the next day we doubled the fame for Mount’s Bay.
The 5th, the governor landed in England at Martafew, near St. Michael’s Mount in Cornwall.
The 8 th, we arrived at Hampton, where we underftood that our confort the Admiral was come to Portfinouth, and had been there three weeks before: and alfo that Ferdi- nando the matter, with all his company were not only come home without any pur- chafe, but alfo in fuch weaknefs by ficknefs, and death of their chiefeft men, that they were fcarce able to bring their fhip into harbour, but were forced to let fall anchor without, which they could not weigh again, but might all have perilhed there, if a fmall bark by great hap had not come to them to help them. The names of the chief men that died are thefe: Roger Large, John Mathew, Thomas. Smith, and fome other failors, whofe names I knew not at the writing hereof. An. Dom. 1587.
The Names of all the Men, Women, and Children, which fafely arrived in Virginia - and remained to inhabit there, 1587. Anno Regni Regina Elizabetha, 29. 5
John White.
Roger Baily. Ananias Dare. Chriftopher Cooper, Thomas Stevens. John Sampfon. Dionis Harvey. Roger Pratt. George Howe. Simon Fernando. Nicholas Johnfon. Thomas Warner. Anthony Cage.
John Jones.
William Willes. John Brook. Cutbert White. John Bright. Clement Tayler, William Sole.
John Cotfmur.
Humfrey Newton,
Thomas Colman. Thomas Gramme. Mark Bennet.
John Gibbs.
John Stilman. Robert Wilkinfon. John Tydway. Ambrofe Vickers. Edmond Englilh. Thomas Topan. Henry Berry. Richard Berry. John Spendlove. John Hemmington, Thomas Butler. Edward Powell. John Burden. James Hynde. Thomas Ellis. William Brown. Michael Myllet. Thomas Smith.
VOL, XII.
Richard

THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF
6l8
Richard Kemme. Thomas Harris. Richard Taverner. John Earned. Henry Johnfon. John Start.
Richard Darige. William Lucas. Arnold Orchard. John Wright. William Dutton. Maurice Allen. William Waters. Richard Arthur. John Chapman. William Clement. Robert Little. Hugh Taylei;. Richard Wilde. Lewis Wotton. Michael Bilhop. Henry Brown. Henry Rufoote. Richard Tomkins. Henry Dorrell. Charles Florry. Henry Milton. Henry Payne. Thomas Harris. William Nichols. Thomas Phevens. John Borden. Thomas Scott. Peter Little.
John Wyles.
Brian Wyles. George Martin. Hugh Pattenfon. Martin Sutton. John Farre.
John Bridger. Griffen Jones. Richard Shabedge. James Lafy.
John Cheven.
Thomas Hewett.
William Berde.
Women.
Elenor Dare.
Margery Harvy.
Agnes Wood.
Winifred Powell.
Joyce Archard.
Jane Jones.
Elizabeth Glane.
Jane Pierce.
Audry Topan.
Alice Chapman,
Emma Merrimoth.
Colman.
Margaret Lawrence.
Joan Warren.
Jane Mannering.
Rofe Payne.
Elizabeth Vickers.
Boys and Children.
John Sampfon.
Robert Ellis.
Ambrofe Vickers.
Thomas Archard.
Thomas Humfrey.
Thomas Smart.
George Howe.
John Pratt.
William Withers.
Children born in Virginia.
Virginia Dare.
Harvy.
Savages.
They were in England, Manteo. f and returned home
Towaye. j into Virginia with
) them.
To

THU ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
6l^
To the worfhipful and my very friend Mailer Richard Hakluyt; much happinefs in the Lord.
Sir, as well for the fatisfying your earned; requeft, as the performance of my pro- inife, made unto you at my laft being with you in England; I have fent you (although in a homely ftile, efpecially for the contentation of a delicate ear) the true difcourfe of my laft voyage into the Weft Indies, and parts of America called Virginia, taken in and about the end of February, in the year of our redemption 1590; and what events happened unto us in this our journey, you (hall plainly perceive by the fequel of my difcourfe. There were at the time aforefaid three lhips abfolutely determined to go for the Weft Indies, at the fpecial charges of M. John Wattes of London, merchant. But when they were fully furnifhed, and in readinefs to make their departure, a general ftay was commanded of all lhips throughout England. Which fo foon as I heard, I prefently (as I thought it moft requifite) acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith, defiring him that as I had fundry times before been chargeable and troublefome unto him, for the fupplies and reliefs of the planters in Virginia; fo likewife that by his endeavour it would pleafe him at that inftant to procure licence for thofe three lhips, to proceed on with their determined voyage; that thereby the people in Virginia (if it were God’s pleafure) might fpeedily be comforted and relieved without further charges unto him.
Whereupon he by his good means obtained licence of the Queen’s Majefty, and order to be taken, that the owner of the three fliips Ihould be bound unto Sir Walter Ralegh or his afligns in 3,000 pounds, that thefe three lhips in confideration of their releafement, Ihould take in, and tranfport a convenient number of palfengers, with their furnitures and necefiaries to be landed in Virginia. Neverthelefs that order was not obferved, neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforefaid : but rather in contempt of the aforefaid order I was by the owners and commanders of the fliips denied to have any palfengers, or any thing elfe tranfported in any of the faid fliips, faving only myfelf and my cheft; no not fo much as a boy to attend upon me, although I made great fuit and earned entreaty, as well to the chief commanders, as to the owner of the faid fliips. Which crofs and unkind dealing, although it very much difcontented me, notwithftanding the fcarcity of time was fuch, that I could have no opportunity to go unto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint: for the fliips being then all in readinefs to go to the fea, would have been departed before I could have made my return.
Thus both governors, mailers and failors, regarded very finally the good of their countrymen in Virginia, determined nothing lefs than to touch at thofe places, but wholly difpofed themfelves to feek after purchafe and fpoils, fpending fo much time therein, that fummer was fpent before we arrived at Virginia: and when we were come thither, the feafon was fo unfit, and weather fo foul, that we were conllrained of force to forfake that coaft, having not feen any of our planters, with lofs of one of our Ihip’s boats, and feven of our chiefell men : and alfo with lofs of three of our anchors and cables, and moft of our calks with frelh water left on fliore, not poflible to be had aboard. Which evils and unfortunate events (as well to their own lofs, as to the hindrance of the planters in Virginia) had not chanced, if the order fet down by Sir Water Ralegh had been obferved, or if my daily and continual petitions for the performance of the fame might have taken any place.
Thus may you plainly perceive the fuccefs of my fifth and laft voyage to Virginia, which was no lefs unfortunately ended, than forwardly begun, and as lucklefs to many, as finifter to myfelf: but I would to God it had been as profperous to all, as noifome
4 K 2 t«

620
THE FIFTH VOYAGE OF
to the planters ; and as joyful to me, as difcomfortable to them- Yet feeing it is not my firft croffed voyage, I remain contented. And wanting my wifhes, I leave off from profecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were anfwerable to my will. Thus committing the relief of my difcomfortable company, the planters in Virginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom I molt humbly befeech to help and comfort them, according to his moft holy will, and their good defire, I take my leave from my houfe at Newtown in Kylmore the 4th of February, 1593.
The Fifth Voyage of M, John White into the Wejl Indies and Parts of America called
Virginia , in the Tear 1590.
The 20th of March the three Ihips, the Hopewell, the John Evangelift, and the Little John, put to fea from Plymouth with two fmall fhallops.
The 25th at midnight both our lhallops were funk, being towed at the Ihip’s fterns by the boatfwain’s negligence.
On the 30th we faw a head of us that part of the coaft of Barbary, lying eaft of Cape Cantyn in the Bay of Afaphi.
The next day we came to the Ifle of Mogador, where rode, at our palling by,a pinnace- of London called the Moonlhine.
April.
On the firft of April we anchored in Santa Cruz road, where we found two great Ihips of London lading in fugar, of whom we had two fhip boats to fupply the lofs of our lhallops.
On the 2d we fet fail from the road of Santa Cruz for the Canaries.
On Saturday the 4th we faw Alegranza, the eaft ille of the Canaries.
On Sunday the 5th of April we gave chafe to a double flyboat,, the which we alfo the fame day fought with, and took her, with lofs of three of their men llain and one hurt.
On Monday the 6th we faw Grand Canary, and the next day we landed and took, in frelh water on the fouth fide thereof.
On the 9th we departed from Grand Canary, and framed our courfe for Dominica.
The laft of April we faw Dominica, and the fame night we came to an anchor on the* fouth-fide * thereof.
May.
The firft of May in the morning many of the favages came on board our Ihips in their canoes, and did traffic with us : we alfo the fame day landed and entered their town, from whence we returned the fame day aboard without any refiftance of the favages j or any offence done to them.
The 2d of May our Admiral and our pinnace departed from Dominica, leaving the John our vice-admiral playing off and on aboutDominica,'hoping to take fome Spaniard outwards bound to the Indies : the fame night we had fight of three fmall illands, called Los Santos, leaving Guardaloupe and them.on our ftarboard.
The 3d, we had. fight of St. Chriftopher’s illand, bearing N. E. by E. off us.
* Dominica lies north and fouth, the two ends coming nearly to points ; this mull therefore be an error, the fides of the ifland lying due eaft and weft.
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THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
621
On the 4th we failed by the Virgins,which are many broken iflands lying at the eaft- end of S. John’s ifland; and the fame day towards evening we landed upon one of them called Blanca; where we killed an incredible number of fowls: here we flayed but for three hours, and from thence flood into the fhore N. W. and having brought this ifland S. E. off us, we put towards night through an opening, or fwatch, called the paffage, lying between the virgins and the eafl-end of S. John: here the pinnace left us, and failed on the fouth-fide of S. John.
The 5th and 6th the Admiral failed along the north-fide of S. John, fo near the fhore that the Spaniards difcerned us to be men of war: and therefore made fires along the coafl as we failed by, for fo their cuflom is, when they fee any men of war on their coafls.
The 7th we landed on the N. W. end of S. John, where we watered in a good river called Yaguana, and the fame night following we took a frigate of ten ton coming from Gwathaleno laden with hides and ginger. In this place Pedro a mulatto, who knew all our flate, ran away from us to the Spaniards.
On the 9th we departed from Yaguana.
On the 13th we landed on an ifland called Mona; whereon were 10 or X2 houfes inhabited of the Spaniards; thefe we burned, and took from them a pinnace, which they had drawn aground and funk, and carried all her fails, mails and rudders into the woods, becaufe we fhould not take it away. We alfo chafed the Spaniards over all the ifland: but they hid them in caves, hollow rocks, and bufhes, fo that we could not find them.
On the 14th we departed from Mona, and the next day after we came to an ifland, called Saona, above five leagues diflant from Mona, lying on the fouth-fide of Hifpa- niola, near the eafl-end : between thefe two iflands we lay off and on four or five days, hoping to take fome of the Domingo fleet, doubling this ifland, as a nearer wav to Spain than by cape Tyburon, or by Cape S. Anthony.
On Thurfday being the 19th, our vice-admiral, from whom we departed at Dominica, came to us at Saona, with whom we left a Spanifh frigate, and appointed him to lie off and on other five days between Saona and Mona, to the end aforefaid: then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon. Here I was informed that our men of the vice-admiral, at their departure from Dominica, brought away two young favages, which were the chief cafique’s fons of that country and part of Dominica: but they fhortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz ifland, where the vice-admiral landed to take in ballaft.
On the 21 ft, the admiral came to the Cape Tyburon, where we found the John Evangelift our pinnace flaying before us: here we took in two Spaniards almoft ftarved on the fhore, who made a fire to our fhips as we paffed by. Thofe places for an 100 miles in length are nothing elfe but a defolate and mere wildernefs, without any habitation of people, and full of wild bulls and boars, and great ferpents.
The 22d, our pinnace came alfo to an anchor in Aligato Bay at Cape Tyburon. Here we underftood of Mailer Lane, captain of the pinnace, how he was fet upon with one of the king’s galleys, belonging to Santo Domingo, which was manned with 400 men, who after he had fought with him three or four hours, gave over the fight and forfook him, without any great hurt done on either part.
The 26th, the John our vice-admiral came to us to Cape Tyburon, and the frigate which we left with him at Saono. This was the appointed place where we fhould attend, for the meeting with the Santo Domingo fleet.
On

THE FIFTH VOYAGE OF
622
On Whitfunday even at Cape Tyburon one of our boys ran away from us, and at 10 days end returned to our fhip almoft ftarved for want of food. In fundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon, we found the bones and carcafes of divers men who had perifhed (as we thought) by famine in thofe woods, being either ftraggled from their company, or landed there by fome men of war.
June.
On the 14th of June we took a fmall Spanifh frigate, which fell amongft us fo fuddenly, as he doubled the point of the bay of Cape Tyburon, where we rode, that he could not efcape us. This frigate came from Santo Domingo, and had but three men in her, the one was an expert pilot, the other a mountaineer, and the third a vintener, who efcaped all out of prifon at Santo Domingo, purpofmg to fly to Yaguana, which is a town in the weft parts of Hifpaniola where many fugitive Spaniards are gathered together.
The 17th Captain Lane was fent to Yaguana with his pinnace and a frigate, to take a (hip which was there taking in freight, as we underftood by the old pilot, whom we had taken three days before.
The 24th the frigate returned from Captain Lane at Yaguana, and brought us word to Cape Tyburon, that Captain Lane had taken the fhip, with many paffengers and negroes in the fame; which proved not fo rich a prize as we hoped for, for that a French man of war had taken and fpoiled her before we came: neverthelefs her loading was thought worth 1,000 or 1,300 pounds j being hides, ginger, cannafiftula, copper-pans, and cafavi.
July.
The ad July Eadward Spicer, whom we left in England, came to us at Cape Tyburon, accompanied with a fmall pinnace, whereof one M. Harps was captain, and the fame day we had fight of a fleet of fourteen fail, all of Santo Domingo, to whom we prefently gave chace, but they upon the firlt fight of us fled, and feparating themfelves fcattered here and there. Wherefore we were forced to divide ourlelves, and fo made after them until twelve of the clock at night. But then by reafon of the darknefs we loft fight of each other, yet in the end the Admiral and the Moon-light happened to be together the fame night at the fetching up of the Vice-admiral oft the Spanilh fleet, againft whom the next morning we fought and took him, with lofs of one of our men with two hurt, and of theirs four flain and fix hurt. But what was become of our Vice-admiral, our pinnace and prize, and two frigates, in all this time, we were ignorant.
The 3d of July we fpent about ryfling, rummaging and fitting the prize to be failed with us.
The 6th of July we faw Jamaica, the which we left on our larboard, keeping Cuba in fight on our ftarboard.
On the 8th we faw the ifland of Pinos, which lyeth on the fouth fide of Cubae nigh unto the weft end or cape, called S. Anthony. And at the fame day we gave chafe to a frigate, but at night we loft fight of her, partly by the flow failing of our Admiral, and lack of the Moon-light our pinnace, whom Captain Cook had fent to the cape the day before.
On

THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
623
On the nth we came to Cape S. Anthony, where we found our confort the Moonlight and her pinnace abiding for our coming, of whom we underftood that the day before there paffed by them twenty-two fail, fome of them of the burthen of 300, fome of 400 tons, loaden with King’s treafure from the main, bound for Havana : from the nth July until the 22d we were much becalmed ; and the wind being very fcarce, and the weather exceeding hot, we' were much peftered with the Spaniards we had taken : therefore we were driven to land all the Spaniards faving three, but the place where we landed them was of their own choice on the fouth fide of Cu ( ba near unto the Organes and Rio de Puercos.
The 23d we had fight of the Cape of Florida, and the broken i(lands thereof called the Martyrs.
The 25th being S. James’ day, in the morning we fell with the Matanzas, a head-land eight leagues towards the eaft of Havana, where we purpofed to take frelh water in, and make our abode two or three days.
On the 26th plying to and fro between the Matanzas and the Havana, we were efpied of three finall pinnaces of S. John de Ullua, bound for Havana, which were exceeding richly loaden. Thefe three pinnaces came very boldy up to us, and fo continued until they came within mufket-fhot of us. And we fuppofed them to be Captain Harp’s pinnace, and two fmall frigates taken by Captain Harp : wherefore we fhewed our flag. But they prefently upon the fight of it turned about, and made all the fail they could from us towards the Ihore, and kept themfelves in fo lhallow water, that we were not able to follow them, and therefore gave them over with expence of fhot and powder to no purpofe. But if we had not fo ralhly fet out our flag we might have taken them all three, for they would not have known us before they had been in our hands. This chafe had brought us fo far to leeward as Havana ; wherefore not finding any of our conforts at the Matanzas, we put over again to the Cape of Florida, and from thence through the channel of Bahama.
On the 28 th the Cape of Florida bare weft of us.
The 30th we loft fight of the coaft of Florida, and flood to fea for to gain the help of the currents which runneth much fwifter afar off than in fight of the coaft; for from the cape to Virginia all along the fliore are none but eddy currents fetting to the S. and S. W.
The 31ft our three fhips were clearly difbocked, the great prize, the Admiral, and the Moonlhine, but our prize being thus difbocked departed from us without taking leave of our Admiral or confort, and failed directly for England..
- August.
On the ift of Auguft the wind fcanted, and from thence forward' we had very foul weather with much rain, thundering, and great fpouts which fell round about us nigh unto our fhips.
The 3d we flood again in for the fhore, and at mid-day we took the height of the fame. The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude. Towards night we were within three leagues of the low fandy iflands weft of Wokokon, but the weather continued fo exceeding foul, that we could not come to an anchor nigh the coaft ; wherefore we flood off again.to fea, until'Monday the 9th of Auguft.
On that day the ftorm ceafed, and we had very great likelihood! of fair weather;, wherefore we flood in again for the fhore, and came' to an anchor in eleven fathom in 35 degrees of latitude, within a mile of the Ihore, where we went on land on the narrow
8 fandy

THE FIFTH VOYAGE OF
624
fandy ifland, being one of the iflands weft of Wokokon. In this ifland we took in fome frefli water, and caught great ftore of fi(h in the (hallow water. Between the main (as I fuppofed) and that ifland, it was but a mile over and three or four feet deep in mod places.
On the 12th in the morning we departed from thence, and towards night we came to an anchor at the N. E. end of the ifland of Croatoan, by reafon of a breach which we perceived to lie out two or three leagues into the fea: here we rode all that night.
The 13 th in the morning before we weighed our anchors, our boats were fent to found over this breach; our (hips riding at the fide thereof at five fathom: and a (hip’s length from us we found but four and a quarter, and then deeping and (hallowing for the fpace of two miles, fo that fometimes we found five fathoms and by and by feyen, and within two cables with the lead nine and then eight, next caft five and then fix, and then four and then nine again, and deeper ; but three fathoms was the lead, two leagues off from the (hore. This breach is 35 degrees and a half, and lyeth at the very N. E. point of Croatoan, whereas goeth a fret out of the main fea into the inner waters, which part the iflands and the main land.
/ The 15th Auguft towards evening we came to an anchor at Hatoraflc, in 36 deg. 20 min. in five fathom water, three leagues from the (hore. At our firft coming to anchor on this (hore we faw a great fmoke rife in the ifle Roanoak near the place where I left our colony in the year 1587 ; which fmoke put us in good hope that fome of the colony were there expecting my return out of England.
The 16th and next morning our two boats went a(hore, and Captain Cook and Captain Spicer, and their company with me, with intent to pafs to the place Roanoak where our countrymen were left. At our putting from the (hip we commanded our mafter gunner to make ready two minions and a faulcon well loaden, and to (hoot them off,with reafonable fpace between every (hot, to the end that their reports might be heard to the place where we hoped to find fome of our people. This was accordingly performed, and our two boats put off unto the (hore ; in the Admiral’s boat we founded all the way, and found from our (hip until we came within a mile of the (hore, nine, eight, and feven fathoms: but before we were half way between our (hips and the (hore, we. faw another great fmoke to the S. W. of Kindrikers Mountes: we therefore thought good to go to that fecond fmoke firft : but it was much farther from the harbour where we landed, than we fuppofed it to be, fo that we were very fore tired before we came to the fmoke. But that, which grieved us more, was, that when we came to the fmoke, we found no man, nor fign that any had been there lately, nor yet any fre(h water in all this way to drink. Being thus wearied with this journey we returned to the harbour where we left our boats, who in our abfence had brought their calks a(hore for fre(h water; fo we deferred our going to Roanoak until the next morning, and caufed fome of thofe failors to dig in thofe fandy hills for freih water, whereof we found very fufficient. That night we returned aboard with our boats and our whole company in fafety.
The next morning, the 17th Auguft, our boats and company were prepared again to go to Roanoak: but Captain Spicer had then fent his boat afhore for fre(h water, by means whereof it was ten of the clock of the forenoon before we put from our (hips, which were then come to an anchor within two miles of the (hore. The Admiral’s boat was half way towards the (hore, when Captain Spicer put off from his (hip. The Admiral’s boat firft paffed the breach, but not without fome danger of finking, for we had a fea break into our boat which filled us half full of water, but by the will of God,
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and careful ileerage of Captain Cook we came fafe afliore, faving only that our furniture, victuals, match and powder were much wet and fpoiled. For at this time the wind blew at N. E. and direct into the harbour fo great a gale, that the fea brake extremely on the bar, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance.
By that time our Admiral’s boat was hauled afliore, and moll of our things taken out to dry, Captain Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mail: Handing up, and was half way over, but by the ralh and indifcreet fteerage of Ralph Skinner, his mailer’s mate, a very dangerous fea brake into their boat, and overfet them quite; the men kept the boat, fome in it, and fome hanging on it, but the next fea fet the boat on ground, where it beat fo that fome of them were forced to let go their hold, hoping to wade alhore, but the fea Hill beat them down, fo that they could neither Hand nor fwim,and the boat twice or thrice was turned the keel upward, whereupon Captain Spicer and Skinner hung until 'they funk, and were feen no more: but four that could fwim a little kept themfelves in deeper water, and were faved by Captain Cook’s means, who fo foon as he faw their overfetting, {tripped himfelf, and four other that could fwim very well, and with all hafle poffible rowed unto them, and faved four. They were eleven in all, and feven of the chiefelt were drowned, whofe names were, Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelly, Thomas Bevis, Hance the furgeon, Edward Kelborn, Robert Coleman. This mifchance did fo much difcomfort the failors, that they were all of one mind not to go any farther to feek the planters. But in the end by the commandment and perfuafion of me and Captain Cook, they prepared the boats, and feeing the^ captain and me fo refolute, they feemed much more willing. Our boats and all things fitted again we put off from Hatoralk, being the number of nineteen perfons in both boats, but before we could get to the place where our planters were left, it was fo exceeding dark, that we overlhot the place a quarter of a mile: there we efpied towards the north end of the illand the light of a great fire through the woods, to the which we prefently rowed; when we came right over-againll it,welet fall ourgrapnell near the Ihore, and founded with a trumpet a call, and afterwards many familiar Englilh tunes of fongs, and called to them friendly: but we had no anfwer, we therefore landed at daybreak, and coming to the fire, we found the grafs and fundry rotten trees burning about the place : from hence we went through the woods to that part of the illand direftly over-againll Dafamonguepeuk, and from thence we returned by the water-fide, round about the north point of the illand, until we came to the place where I left our colony in the year 1586. In all this way we faw in thefand the print of the favages’ feet of two or three forts trodden the night, and as we entered up the fandy bank upon a tree, in the very brow thereof were curioully carved the fair Roman letters C R O: which letters prefently we knew to fignify the place, where I Ihould find the planters feated, according to a fecret token agreed upon between them and me, at my Iaft departure from them; which was, that in any ways they Ihould not fail to write or carve on the trees, or polls of the doors, the name of the place where they Ihould be feated : for at my coming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoak fifty miles into the main. Therefore at my departure from them, anno 1587, I willed them, that if they Ihould happen to be dillrelfed in any of thofe places, that then they Ihould carve over the letters or name, a crofs x in this form, but we found no fuch lign of diltrefs. And having well confidered of this, we palled towards the place where they were left in fundry houfes, but we found the houfes taken down, and the place very llrongly en- clofed with a high palifado of great trees, with curtains and flankers very fort-like, and one of the chief jirees or polls at the right fide of the entrance had the bark taken off, and five feet frqm the ground in fair capital letters was graven CROATOAN with-
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626
THE FIFTH VOYAGE OF
out any crofs or fign of diftrefs: this done we entered into the palifado, where we found many bars of iron, two pigs of lead, four iron fowlers, iron facker Ihot, and fuch like heavy things thrown here and there, almoft overgrown with grafs and weeds.
From thence we went along by the water-lide, towards the point of the creek to fee if we could find any of the boats or pinnace, but we could perceive no fign of them, nor any of the laft falkons and fmall ordnance which were left with them at my departure from them. At our return from the creek, fome of our failors meeting us, told us that they had found where divers chefts had been hidden, and long fince digged up again and broken up, and much of the goods in them fpoiled and fcattered about,but nothing left of fuch things as the favages knewany ufe of, undefaced. Prefently Captain Cook and I went to the place, which was in the end of an old trench, made two years pall by Captain Amadas; where we found five chefts that had been carefully hidden of the planters, and of the fame chefts three were my own, and about the place many of my things fpoiled and broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of fome of my pictures and maps, rotten and fpoiled with rain, and my armour almoft eaten through with ruft: this could be no other but the deed of the favages our enemies at Dafamonguepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croa- toan : and as foon as they were departed, digged up every place where they fufpe&ed any thing to be buried: but although it much grieved me to fee fuch fpoil of my goods, yet on the other fide I greatly joyed that I had fafely found a certain token of their fafe-being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteowas born, and the favages of the ifland our friends.
When we had feen in this place fo much as we could, we returned to our boats, and departed from the Ihore towards our flaps with as much fpeed as we could, for the weather began to over-caft, and very likely that a foul and ftormy night would enfue. Therefore the fame evening with much danger and labour, we got ourfelves aboard, by which time the wind and feas were fo greatly rifen, that we doubted our cables and anchors would fcarcely hold Until morning: wherefore the captain caufed the boats to be manned with five lufty men, who could fwim all well, and lent them to the little ifland on the right hand of the harbour, to bring aboard fix of our men, who had filled our calk with frelh water: the boat the fame night returned aboard with our men, but all our calk ready filled they left behind, impoflible to be had aboard without danger of calling away both men and boats 5 for this night proved very ftormy and foul.
The next morning it was agreed by the captain and myfelf, with the mailer and others to weigh anchor, and go for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were; for that then the wind was good for that place, and alfo to leave that calk with frelh water on Chore in the ifland until our return. So then they brought the cable to the capftan, but when the anchor was almoft apeak, the cable broke, by means whereof we loft another anchor, wherewith we drove fo fall into the Chore, that we were forced to let fall a' third anchor, which came fo fall home that the Ihip was almoft aground by Kenrick’s Mounts, fo that we were forced to let flip the cable end for end. And if it had not chanced that we had fallen into a channel of deeper water, clofer by the Chore than we accounted of, we could never have gone clear of the point that lyeth to the fouthward of Kenrick’s Mounts. Being thus clear of fome dangers, and gotten into deeper waters, but not without fome lofs; for we had but one cable and anchor left us of four, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler; our victuals fcarce, and our calk and frelh water loft: it was therefore determined that we Ihould
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THE ENGLISH TO VIRGINIA.
627
go for St. John or fome other ifland to the fouthward for frelh water. But it was further propofed that if we could any way fupply our wants of victuals and other ne- ceifaries, either at Hifpaniola, St. John, or Trinadad, that then we lhould continue in the Indies all the winter following, with hope to make two rich voyages of one, and at our return to vifit our countrymen in Virginia.
The captain and the whole company in the Admiral (with my -earned petitions) thereunto agreed, fo that it relied only to know what the mailer of the Moon-light our confort would do herein: but when we demanded them if they would accompany us in that new determination, they alledged that their weak and leaky fhip was not able to continue it: wherefore the fame night we parted, leaving the Moon-light to go dire&ly for England, and the Admiral fet his courfe for Trinadad, which courfe we kept two days.
On the 28th the wind changed, and it was fet on foul weather every day, but this dorm brought the wind W. and N. W. and blew fo forcibly that we were able to bear no fail but our fore-courfe half mad high, wherewith we ran upon the wind per force the due courfe for England, for that we were driven to change our fird determination for Trinadad, and dood for the illands of the Azores, where we purpofed to take in frelh water, and there hoped to meet with fome Englilh men of war about thofe illands, at whofe hands we might obtain fome fupply of our wants. And thus continuing our courfe for the Azores, fometimes with calms, and fometimes with very fcarce winds, on the 15th of September the wind came S. S. E. and blew fo exceedingly that we were forced to lie atry all that day. At this time by account we judged our. felves to be about twenty leagues to the wed of Cuervo and Flores, but about night the dorm ceafed, and fair weather enfued.
On the 17th we faw Cuervo and Flores, but we could not come to anchor that night by reafon the wind Ihifted. The next morning, the 18th, danding in again for Cuervo, we defcried a fail a-head us, to whom we gave chafe, but when we came near unto him we knew him to be a Spaniard, and hoped to make fure purchafe of him ; but we underdood at our fpeaking with him, that he was a prize, and of the Domingo fleet, already taken by the John our confort, in the Indies. We learned alfo of the prize, that our vice-admiral and pinnace had fought with the red of the Domingo fleet, and had forced them with their Admiral to flee unto Jamaica under the fort for fue- cour, and fome of them ran themfelves aground, whereof one of them they brought away, and took out of fome others fo much as the time would permit. And further we underdood of them, that in their return from Jamaica about the Organes near Cape St. Anthony, our Vice-admiral met with two lhipsof the main land from Mexico, bound for Havanna, with whom he fought. In which fight our Vice-admiral’s lieutenant was flain, and the captain’s right arm drucken off, with four others of his men flain, and fixteen hurt. But in the end he entered and took one of the Spanilh Ihips, which was fo Ihot by us under water, that before they could take out her treafure, Ihe funk, fo that we lod thirteen pipes of filver that funk with her, befides much other rich merchandize. And in the mean time the other Spanilh fhip, being pierced with nine fhot under water, got away; whom our vice-admiral intended to purfue: but fome of their men in the top made certain rocks, which they faw above water near the Ihore, to be galleys of Havana and Cartagena, coming from Havana to refcue the two Ihips. Wherefore they gave over the chafe, and went for England. After this intelligence was given us by this our prize, he departed from us and went for England.
On the 19th of September we came to anchor near a fmall villagfe on the north fide of Flores, where we found riding five Englilh men of war, of whom we underdood
4 2 that

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THE FIFTH VOYAGE, &C.
that our Vice-admiral and prize were gone thence for England. One of thefe five was the Moon-light our confort, who upon the firft fight of our coming into Flotes, fet fail and went for England, not taking any leave of us.
On the 20th the Mary Rofe, admiral of the Queen’s fleet, wherein was General Sir John Hawkins, flood in with Flores, and divers others of the Queen’s fhips, namely, the Hope, the Nonpareillia, the Rainbow, the Swiftfure, the Forefight, with many other good merchants fhips of war, and many other good fhips and pinnaces, all attending to meet with the King of Spain’s fleet, coming Terra Firma of the Weft Indies.
The 22d we went aboard the Rainbow, and towards night we fpake with the Swift- fure, and give him three pieces. The captain defired our company, wherefore we willingly attended on them : who at this time with ten other fhips flood for Fayal. But the General with the reft of the fleet were feparated from us, making two fleets, for the furer meeting of the Spanifh fleet.
On the 23d we faw Gratiofa, where the Admiral and the reft of the Queen’s fleet were come together. The Admiral put forth a flag of council, in which was determined that the whole fleet fhould go for the main, and fpread themfelves on the coaft of Spain andPortugal, fo far as conveniently they might, for the furer meeting with the Spanifh fleet, in thofe parts.
The 26th we came to Fayal, where the Admiral with fome other of the fleet anchored, otherfome plyed up and down between that and Pico until midnight: at which time the Anthony fhot off a piece, and weighed, fhewing his light; after whom the whole fleet flood to the eaft, the wind at N. E. by E.
The 27th towards evening we took our leave of the Admiral and whole fleet, who flood to the eaft. But our fhip accompanied with a fly-boat flood in again with S. George, where we propofed to take in more frefh water, and fome other frefh victuals.
On the 30th, feeing the wind hang fo northerly that we could not attain the ifland of S. George, we gave over our purpofe to water there, and the next day framed our due courfe for England.
October.
The 2d of Odlober in the morning we faw S. Michael’s Ifland on our flarboard quarter.
The 23d, at ten of the clock of the forenoon, we faw Ufhant in Britaigne.
The 24th we came in fafety, God be thanked, to an anchor at Plymouth,
THE
I

( $2 9 )
THE FIRST RELATION OF JAQUES CARTHIER OF S. MALO,
OF THE
NEW LAND, CALLED NEW FRANCE,
NEWLY DISCOVERED IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1 534 *.
A FTER that Sir Charles of Movy, Knight, Lord of Meylleraye, and Vice-admiral of France, had caufed the captains, mailers, and mariners to be fworn to behave themfelves truly and faithfully in the fervice of the moil Chriilian King of France, under the charge of the faid Carthier, upon the 20th day of April 1534, we departed from the port of S. Malo, with two ihips of three fcore ton a-piece burthen, and fixty- one well appointed men in each one ; and with fuch profperous weather we failed onward, that upon the ioth day of May, we came to Newfoundland, where we entered into the cape of Buona Viila, which is in latitude 48 degrees and a half, and in longi. tude , but becaufe of the great ilore of the ice, that was along the faid land, we
were conftrained to enter into an haven called S. Katherine’s Haven, diilant from the other port about five leagues towards S. S. E.; there did we Hay ten days looking for fair weather ; and in the meanwhile we mended and dreifed our boats.
Upon the 21ft of May the wind being in the W. we hoifted fail and failed toward • N. by E. from the cape of Buona Viila, until we came to the Ifland of Birds, which was environed about with a bank of ice, but broken and cracked: notwithilanding the faid bank, our two boats went thither to take in fome birds,whereof there is fuch plenty, that unlefs a man did fee them, he would think it an incredible thing: for albeit the ifland (which containeth about a league in circuit) be fo full of them, that they feem to have been brought thither, and faved for the nonce, yet are there an hundred fold as many hovering about it as within, fome of which are as big as jays, black and white with beaks like unto crows : they lie always upon the fea ; they cannot fly very high becaufe their wings are fo little, and no bigger than half one’s hand, yet do they fly as fwiftly as any birds of the air level to the water ; they are alfo exceeding fat, we named them Aporath. In lefs than half an hour, we filled two boats full of them, as if they had been with flones : fo that befides them which we did eat frefh, every fhip did powder and fait five or fix barrels full of them.
Befides thefe, there is another kind of birds which hover in the air, and over the fea, lefler than the others ; and thefe do all gather themfelves together in the ifland, and put themfelves under the wings of other birds that are greater : thefe we named Godertz. There are alfo of another fort, but bigger, and white, which bite even as dogs, thofe we named Margaulx. And albeit the faid ifland be fourteen leagues from the main land, notwithilanding bears come fwimming to eat of the faid birds; and our men found one there as great as any cow, and as white as any fwan, who in their prefence leaped into the fea$ and upon Whitfun Monday (following our voyage to-
Hakluyt, iii. p. 201.
ward

JAQUES CARTHIER’s FIRST*
630
ward the land) we met her by the way, fwimming towards land as fwiftly as we could fail. So foon as we faw her we purfued her in our boats, and by main ftrength took her, whofe flefh was as good to be eaten as the flelh of a cattle of two years old. The Wednefday following, being the 27th of the month, we came to the entrance of the bay of the Caftles, but becaufe the weather was ill, and the great ftore of ice we found, we were conftrained to enter into an harbour about the faid entrance, called Carpunt, where becaufe we could not come out of it, we flayed till the 9th of June, what time we departed, hoping with the help of God to fail further than the faid Carpunt, which is in latitude 51 degrees.
The land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad, which is the point of the entrance of the bay that trendeth from head to head towards N. N. E. and S. S. W. All this part of land is parted into iflands, one fo near the other, that there are but fmall rivers between them, through the which you may pafs with little boats, therefore there are certain good harbours, among which are thofe of Carpunt and Degrad. In one of thefe iflands that is the higheft of them all, being on the top of it, you may plainly fee the two low iflands that are near to Cape Razo, from whence to the port of Carpunt they count it 25 leagues, and there are two entrances thereat, the one on the eaft, the other on the fouth of the ifland. But you mufl take heed of the fide and point of theeall, becaufe that every where there is nothing elfe but fhelves, and the water is very fhallow. You mufl go about the ifland toward the weft the length of half a cable or thereabout, and then to go toward the fouth to the faid Carpunt. Alfo you are to take heed of three fhelves that are in the channel under water ; and toward the ifland on the eaft fide in the channel, the water is of three and four fathom deep, and clear ground. The other trendeth towards E. N. E., and on the weft you may go on fhore.
Going from the point Degrad, and entering into the faid bay toward the W. by N. there is fome doubt of two iflands that are on the right fide, one of the which is diftant from the faid point three leagues, and the other feven, either more or lefs than the firft, being a low and plain land, and it feemeth to be part of the main land. I named it S. Katherine’s Ifland, in which towards the N. E. there is very dry foil; but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground; fo that you mufl go a little about. The faid ifland and the port of Caftles trend towards N. N. E. and S. S. W., and are about 15 leagues afunder. From the faid port of Caftles to the port of Gutte, which is in the north-eaftern part of the faid bay, that trendeth toward E. N. E. and W. S. W. there are twelve leagues .and a half, and about two leagues from the port of Balances, that is to fay a third part athwart the faid bay ; the depth being founded it is about thirty- eight fathoms, and from the faid port of Balances to the white fands toward W. S. W. there is fifteen leagues, but you mufl take heed of a fhelf that lyeth about three leagues outward from the faid white fands on the S. W. fide above water like a boat.
White Sand is a road in the which there is no place guarded from the fouth nor fouth-eafl. But towards S. S. W. from the faid road there are two iflands, one of the which is called Breft Ifland, and the other the Ifland of Birds, in which there is great ftore of godertz and crows with red beaks and red feet; they make their nefts in holes under the ground even as conies. A point of land being pafled about a league from White Sand, there is a port and paflage found, called the Iflettes, a better place than White Sand, and there is great filhing : from the faid port of the Iflettes unto 'another called Breft, the circuit is about ten leagues. This port is in Iat. 51 deg. 55 min. and in longitude . From the Iflettes to that place there are many other iflands, and the faid port of Breft is alfo amongft thofe iflands. Moreover the iflands
8 do

RELATION OF NEW FRANCE. 631
do compafs more than three leagues from the faid Breft, being low, and over them are the other lands above-mentioned feen.
Upon the i oth June, we with our Jfhips entered into the port of Breft, to furnifh ourfelves with water and wood, and to make us ready to pafs the faid bay. Upon S. Barnabas day, fervice being heard, we with our boats went beyond the faid bay, toward the weft, to fee what harbours were there : we paffed through the midft of the iflets, which were fo many in number it was not poflible they might be told for they continued about ten leagues beyond the faid port. We to reft ourfelves ftaid in one of them a night, and there we found great ftore of duck eggs, and other birds that there do make their neft ; we named them all the Iflettes.
The next day we palled the faid illands, and beyond them all we found a good haven which we named S. Anthony’s Haven, and one or two leagues beyond, we found a little river toward the S. W. coaft that is between two other illands, and is a good harbour : and there we fet up a crofs, and named it S. Servan’s Port: and on the S. W. fide of the faid port and river, about one league, there is a fmall illand as round as an oven, environed about with many other little illands, that give notice to the faid ports. Further about two leagues there is another greater river, in which we took good ftore of falmon ; that, we named S. James’ River. Being in the faid river we fawa Ihip of Rochel, that the night before had paffed the port of Breft, where they thought to have gone a filhing, but the mariners knew not where they were. We with our boats approached near unto it, and did direft it to another port, one league more toward the weft than the faid river of S. James, which I take to be one of the beft in all the world, and therefore we named it James Carthier’s Sound. If the foil were as good as the harbours are, it were a great commodity, but is not to be called the New Land, but rather ftones and wild craggs, and a place fit for wild beafts; for in all the north illand,
I did not fee a cart-load of good earth, yet went I on Ihore in many places ; and in the illand of White Sand there is nothing elfe but mofs and fmall ftones, fcattered here and there, withered and dry. To be Ihort, I believe that this was the land that God allotted to Cain. There are men of an indifferent good ftature and bignefs, but wild and unruly : they wear their hair tied on the top like a wreath of hay, and put a wooden pit within it, or any other fuch thing inftead of a nail, and with them they bind certain birds’ feathers. They are cloathed with beaft’s Ikins, as well the men as women, but the women go fomewhat ftraighter and cl-ofer in their garments than the men do, with their waifts girdpd: they paint themfelves with certain roan colours: their boats are made of the bark of birch trees, with the which they filh and take great ftore of feals. and as far as we could underftand fince our coming thither, that is not their habitation, but they come from the main land out of hotter countries, to catch the feals and other neceffaries for their living.
Upon the 13th of that month we came to our Ihips again with our boats on purpofe to fail forwards becaufe the weather was fair, and on Sunday caufed fervice to be faid: then on Monday being the 15th of the month we departed from Breft, and failed towards the fouth to take a view of the lands that there we had feen, that feemed unto us to be two illands, but when we were amidft the bay, we knew it to be firm land, where was a great double cape, one above the other, and therefore we named it the Double Cape. In the entrance of the bay we founded, and found it to be 100 fathom round about us. From Breft to the Double Cape, there is about twenry leagues, and about five or fix leagues beyond we founded again, and found forty fathom water. The faid land lieth N. E. and S. W. The next day being the 16th of the month, we failed along the faid coaft towards theS. W. by S. about thirty-five leagues from the
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JAQUES CARTHIEr’s FIRST
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Double Cape, where v/e found very fteep and wild hills, among the which were feen certain fmall cabins, which we in the country call granges, and therefore we named them the Hills of the Granges. The other lands and mountains are all craggy, cleft, and cut, and betwixt them and the fea, there are other illands, but low. The day before through the dark mills and fogs of the weather, we could not have fight of any land, but in the evening we fpied an entrance into the land, by a river among the faid. Hill of Granges, and a cape lying toward the S. W. about three leagues from us. The faid Cape is on the top of it blunt pointed and alfo toward the fea, it endeth in a point, wherefore we named it the Pointed Cape; on the north fide of which there is a plain ifland. But becaufe we would have notice of the faid entrance, to fee if there were any good havens, we ftruck fail for that night. The next day, the 17th, we had ftormy weather from N. E. wherefore we took our way toward the S. W. until Thurf- day morning, and we went about thirty-feven leagues, till we came athwart a bay, full of round illands like dove-houfes, and therefore we named them the Dove Houfes. And from the bay of St. Julian from the which to a cape that lyeth S. by W. which we called Cape Royal, there are feven leagues, and towards the W. S. W. fide of the faid cape there is another that beneath is all craggy, and above round. .On the north fide of which, about half a league, there lyeth a low land : that cape we named the Cape of Milk. Between thefe two capes there are certain low lands, above which there are alfo certain others that Ihew that there be fome rivers. About two leagues from Cape Royal we founded and found twenty fathom water ; and there is the greatell filhing for cods that poffibly may be : for Haying for our company, in lefs than an hour we took about one hundred of them.
The next day being the 18 th of the month, the wind with fuch rage turned againft us, that we were conftrained to go back towards Cape Royal, thinking there to find fome harbour, and with our boats went to difcover between the Cape Royal and the Cape of Milk, and found that above the low illands is a great and very deep gulfe, within which are certain illands. The faid gulfe on the fouth fide is Ihut up. The aforefaid low grounds are on one of the fides of the entrance, and Cape Royal is on the other. The faid low grounds do llretch themfelves more than half a league within the fea: it is a plain country but an ill foil, and in the midlt of the entrance thereof there is an illand. The faid gulfe in latitude is 48 degrees and a half, and in longitude .
That night we found no harbour, and therefore we launched out into the fea, leaving the cape toward the well.
From the faid day until the 24th of the month, being S. John’s day, we had both ftormy weather, and wind againft us, with fuch darknefs and mills, that until S. John’s day we could have no fight of any land, and then had we fight of a cape of land, that from Cape Royal lieth S. W. about 35 leagues, but that day was fo foggy and milly, that we could not come near land, and becaufe it was S. John’s day, we named it Cape S. John.
The next day being the 25th of the month, the weather was alfo ftormy, dark, and windy, but yet we failed part of the way towards W. N. W. and in the evening we put ourfelves athwart until the fecond quarter: when as we departed then did we by our compafs know that we were N. W. by W. about feven leagues and a half from the Cape of S. John, and as we were about to hoift fail, the wind turned into theN.W. wherefore we went S. E. about fifteen leagues, and came to three illands, two of which are as fteep and as upright as any wall, fo that it was not polfible to climb them: and between them there is a little rock. Thefe illands were as full of birds, as any field or meadow is of grafs, which there do make their nefts, and in the greateft of them,
5 there

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there was a great and infinite number of thofe we call Margaulx, that are white and bigger than any geefe, which were fevered in one part. In the other were only Godetz and great Apponatz, like to thofe of that ifland that we above have mentioned. We went down to the loweft part of the lead ifland,where we killed above a thoufand of thofe Godetz and Apponatz. We put into our boats fo many of them as we pleafed, for in lefs than one hour we might have filled thirty fuch boats of them : we named them the iflands of Margaulx. About five leagues from the faid iflands on the weft, there is another ifland that is about two leagues in length, and fo much in breadth : there did we ftay all night to take in water and wood. That ifland is environed round about with fand, and hath a very good road about it three or four fathom deep. Thofe iflands have the beft foil that ever we faw, for that one of their fields is more worth than all the New-land. We found it all full of goodly trees, meadows, fields full of wild corn, and peafon bloomed, as thick, as rank, and as fair, as any can be feen in Britaing; fo that they feemed to have been ploughed and fowed. There was alfo great ftore of goofeberries, ftrawberries, damafk rofes, parfley, with other very fweet and pleafant herbs. About the faid ifland are very great beafts as great as oxen, which have two great teeth in their mouths like unto elephant’s teeth, and live alfo in the fea. We law one of them fleeping upon the bank by the water, we thinking to take, went to it with our boats, but fo foon as he heard us, he call himfelf into the fea. We alfo faw bears and wolves: we named it Brion’s Ifland. About it towards S. E. and N. W. there are great lakes. As far as I could gather and comprehend, I think that there be fome paffage between Newfoundland and Brion’s Ifland: if fo it were, it would be a great fhortening, as well of the time as of the way, if any perfection could be found in it. About four leagues from that ifland towards W. S. W. is the firm land, which feemeth to be as an ifland encompaffed about with little iflands of fands. There is a goodly cape which we named Cape Dolphin, for there is the beginning of good grounds. On the 27th of June we compafled the faid lands about, that lies'W. S. W.: and afar off they feem to be little hills of fand, for they are but low lands, we could neither go to them, nor land on them, becaufe the wind was againft us. That day we went fifteen leagues.
The next day we went along the faid land about ten leagues, till we came to a cape of red land, that is all craggy, within the which there is a break looking toward the- north. It is a very low country. There is alfo between the fea and a certain pool, a plain field; and from the cape of land and the pool unto another cape there are about fourteen leagues. The land is falhioned as it were half a circle, all compafled about with fand like a ditch, over which as far as one’s eye can ftretch, there is nothing but marlh grounds and Handing pools. And before you come to the firft cape, very near the main land there are two little iflands. About five leagues from the fecond cape towards the S. W. there is another ifland very high and pointed, which we named Alezai. The firft cape named St. Peter’s Cape, becaufe upon that day • we came thither.
From Brion’s Ifland to this place there is good anchorage of fand, and having founded towards S. W. even to the fliore above five leagues, we found twenty-five fathom water, and within one league twelve fathom, and very near the ihore fix fathoms, rather more than lefs, and alfo good anchorage. But becaufe we would be the better acquainted with this ftony and rocky ground, we ftruck our fails low and athwart. The next day being the 29th the wind blew S. byE. We failed weftward until Tuefday morning the 30th at fun-rifing, without any fight or knowledge of any land except in the evening towards fun-fet, that we difcovered a land which feemed to be two iflands, that
vol. xii. 4 m were

^34- jaques carthier’s first
were beyond us W. S W. about nine, or ten, leagues. All the next day, till next morning at fun-rifing we failed weftward about 40 leagues, and by the way we perceived that the land, we had feen like iflands, was firm land, lying S. S. E. and N. N. W. to a very good cape of land called Cape Orleans. All the faid land is low and plain, and the faireft that may poflibly be feen, full of goodly meadows and trees. True it is, that we could find no harbour there, becaufe it is all full of ihelves and fands. We with our boats went on fhore in many places, and amongft the reft we entered into a goodly river, but very (hallow, which we named the River of Boats, becaufe there we faw boats full of wild men that were crofting the river. We had no other notice of the faid wild men ; for the wind came from the fea, and fo beat us againft the lhore, that we were conftrained to retire ourfelves with our boats towards our (hips. Till the next day morning at fun-rifing being the ift of July, we failed N. E. in which time there rofe great mifts and ftorms, and therefore we ftruck our fails till two o’clock in the afternoon, that the weather became clear, and there we had fight of Cape Orleans and of another about feven leagues from us, lying N. by E. and that we called Wild Men’s Cape. On the north fide of this Cape about half a league, there is a very dangerous Ihelf and bank of (tones. Whilft we were at this cape we faw a man running after our boats that were going along the coaft, who made figns unto us that we (hould return towards the faid cape again. We feeing fuch figns began to turn toward him, but he feeing us come began to flee : fo foon as we were come on (hore, we fet a knife before him and a woollen girdle on a little ftaff, and then came to our (hips again. That day we trended the faid land about nine or ten leagues, hoping to find fome good harbour, but it was not poflible : for as I have faid already it is a very low land, and invironed round about with great (helves. Neverthelefs we went that day on (hore in four places, to fee the goodly and fweet fmelling trees that were there. We found them to be cedars, yew trees, pines, and white elms, a(hes, willows, with many other forts of trees to us unknown, but without any fruit; the grounds where no wood is, are very fair, and full of peafon, white and red goofeberries, ftrawberries, blackberries, and wild corn even like unto rye, which feemed to have been fown and ploughed. This country is of better temperature than any other that can be feen, and very hot. There are many thruflies, ftockdoves, and other birds. To be (hort, there wanteth nothing but good harbours.
The next day being the 2d July, we difcovered and had fight of land on the northern fide towards us, that did join unto the land aforefaid, all compaffed about, and we know that it had about in depth and as much athwart: we named
it St. Lunario’s Bay, and with our boats we went to the cape towards the north, and found the (hore fo (hallow, that at the fpace of a league from the land there was but a fathom water. On the N. E. fide of the faid cape, about feven or eight leagues, there is another cape of land, in the midft thereof is a bay falhioned triangle wife, very deep, and fo far off as we could ken from it, the fame lieth N. E. The faid bay is compaffed about with fands and (helves about 10 leagues from the land, and there is but two fathom water. From the faid cape to the bank of the other, there is about 15 leagues. We being acrofs the faid capes, difcovered another land and cape, and as far as we could ken it lay N. by E. All that night the weather was very ill, and great winds,, fa that we were conftrained to bear a fmall fail till next morning, when the wind came from the weft, and we failed northward to have a fight of the land that we had left on the N. E. fide above the low lands, above which high and low lands there is a gulfe, or breach, in fome places 55 fathom deep, and 15 leagues in breadth. By reafon of the great depth and breadth of the gulfe, and change of the lands, we were in great
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RELATION OF NEW FRANCE.
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hopes that we fhould find a paffage, like unto the paffage of the Cadies. The faid gulfe lieth E. N. E. and W. S. W. The ground that lieth on the fouth fide of the faid gulfe, Is as good and eafy to be manured, and full of as goodly fields and meadows, as any that ever we have feen, as plain and fmooth as any die : and that which lieth on the north is a country altogether hilly, full of woods and very high and great trees of fundry forts : among the reft there are goodly cedars, and fir trees, as poflibly can be feen, able to make mads for fhips of 300 ton: neither did we fee any place that was not full of the faid trees, except two only that were full of goodly meadows, with two very fair lakes. The midft of the faid bay is 47 degrees and a half in latitude.
The cape of the faid fouth land was called the Cape of Hope, through the hope that there we had to find fome paffage. The 4th July we went along the coaft of the faid land on the northerly fide to find fome harbour, where we entered into a creek altogether open towards the fouth, where there is no fuccour againd the wind : we thought good to name it S. Martin’s Creek. There we ftayed from the 4th of July until the 12th. While we were there, on Monday being the 6th of the month, fervice being done, we with one of our boats went to difcover a cape and point of land that on the weftern fide was about feven or eight leagues from us, to fee which way it did bend, and being within half a league of it, we faw two companies of boats of wild men going from one land to the other; their boats were in number about 40 or 50, one part of which came to the faid point, and a great number of the men went on fhore making a great noife, beckoning unto us that we fhould come on land, fhewing certain. Ikins upon pieces of wood, but becaufe we had but one only boat we would not go to them, but went to the other fide lying in the fea : they feeing us flee prepared two of their boats to follow us, with which came alfo five more of them that were coming from the fea fide, all which approached near unto our boat, dancing and making many figns of joy and mirth, as it were defiring our friendfhip, faying in their tongue Napeu tondamen affurtah, with many other words that we underftood not. But becaufe, as we have faid, that we had but one boat, we would not ftand to their courtefy, but made figns unto them that they fhould turn back, which they would not do, but with great fury came towards us, and fuddenly with their boats compaffed us about. And becaufe they would not away from us by any figns that we could make, we fhot off two pieces among them, which did fo terrify them, that they put themfelves to flight towards the faid point, making a great noife: and having ftaid awhile, they began anew, even as at firft to come to us again, and being come near to our boat, we ftruck at them with two lances, which thing was fo great a terror unto them, that with great hafte they began to flee, and would no more follow us.
The next day part of the faid wild men with nine of their boats, came to the point and entrance to the creek, where we with our fhips were at road. We being adver- tifed of their coming, went to the point where they were with our boats : but fo foon as they faw us, they began to flee, making figns that they came to traffick with us, fhewing us fuch fkins as they cloathe themfelves 11 ithall, which are of fmall value. We likewife made figns unto them that we wifhed them no evil: and in fign thereof two of our men ventured to go on land to them, and carry them knives with other iron wares, and a red hat to give unto their captain. Which when they faw they alfo came on land, and brought fome of their fkins, and fo began to deal with us; feeming to be very glad to have our iron wares and other things, ftill dancing with many other ceremonies, as with their hands to caft fea water on their heads. They gave us whatfoever they had, not keeping any thing, fo that they were conftrained to go back again naked, and made us figns that the next day they would come again, and bring more fkins with them.
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636 jaques carthier’s first
Upon the 8th of the month, becaufe the wind was not good to go out with our /hips, we fet our boats in a readinefs to go to difcover the faid bay, and that day we went 2 5 leagues within it. The next day the wind and weather being fair, we failed until noon, in which time we had notice of a great part of the faid bay, and how that over the low lands there were other lands with high mountains : but feeing that there was no paffage at all, we began to turn back again taking our way along the coaft : and failing we faw certain wild men that ftood upon the Ihore of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who were making fires and fmokes : we went thither and found that there was a channel of the fea that did enter into the lake, and fetting our boats at one of the banks of the channel, the wild men with one of their boats came unto us, and brought us pieces of feals ready fodden, putting them upon pieces of wood : then retiring themfelves they would make figns unto us, that they did give them us. We fent two men unto them, with hatchets, knives, beads, and fuch other like ware, whereat they were-very glad ; and by and by, in clulters they came to the fhore, where we were, in boats, bringing with them fkins and other fuch things as they had, to have of our wares. They were more than 300 men, women, and children, fome of the women which came not over, we might fee Hand up to their knees in water, finging and dancing : the other that had palled the river where we were, came very friendly to us rubbing our arms with their own hands, then would they lift them up toward heaven, fhewing many figns of glad- nefs : and in fuch wife were we alfured one of another, that we very familiarly began tq traffic for whatfoever they had, till they had nothing but their naked bodies : fo they gave us all, whatfoever they had, and that was but of fmall value. We perceived that this people might very eafily be converted to our religion. They go from place to place, they live only with filhing. They have an ordinary time to filh for their provifion. The country is hotter than the country of Spain, and the faireft that can poffibly be found, altogether fmooth and level. There is no place be it never fo little, but it hath fome trees, (yea albeit it be fandy), or elfe is full of wild corn, that hath an ear like unto rye: the corn is like oats, and fmall peafon as thick as if they had been fowed and ploughed, white and red goofeberries, ftrawberries, blackberries, white and red rofes, with many other flowers of fweet and pleafant fmelk There be alfo many goodly meadows full of grafs, and lakes wherein great plenty of falmons be. They call a hatchet in their tongue Cochi, and a knife Bacon. We named it the Bay of Heat.
Being certified that there was no paflfage through the faid bay, we hoifted fail and went from S. Martin’s Creek on Sunday the 12th July, to go and difcover further beyond the faid bay, and went along the fea coaft eaftwards about 18 leagues, till we came to the Cape of Prato, where we found the tide very great, but /hallow ground, and the fea ftorm fo, that we were conftrained to draw towards fhore, between the faid cape and an ifland lying eaftward about a league from the faid cape, where we call anchor for the night. The next morning we hoifted fail to trend the faid coaft about, which lyeth N.N. E. but there rofe fuch a ftormy and raging wind againft us, that we were reitrained to come to the place\tgain, from whence we were come. There did we ftay all that day till the next that we hoifted up fail, and came to the midft of a river five or fix leagues from the Cape of Prato northward, and being overathwart the faid river, there arofe again a contrary wind, with great fogs and ftorms, fo that we were conftrained upon the 14th to enter into the faid river, and there did we ftay till the 16th, looking for fair weather to come out of it ; on which day the wind became fo raging that one of our /hips loft an anchor, and we were conftrained to go up higher into the river, feven or eight leagues, into a good harbour and ground, that we with ©ur boats found out, and through the evil weather, temp eft, and darknefs that was,

RELATION OF NEW FRANCE.
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we ft aid in the faid harbour till the 25th of the month, not being able to put out: in the mean time we faw a great multitude of wild men that were fifhing for mackerel, whereof there is great ftore. Their boats were about 40, and the perfons what with men, women, and children 200 : which after they had hanted our company a while, they came very familiarly with their boats to the tides of our tliips ; we gave them knives, combs, beads of glafs, and other trifles of fmall value, for which they made many figns of gladnefs, lifting their hands up to heaven, dancing and flinging in their boats. Thefe men may very well and truly be called wild, becaufe there is no poorer people in the world. For I think all they had together betides their boats and nets, was not worth five fous. They go altogether naked, faving their privities, which are covered with a little tkin, and certain old tkins which they caft upon them. Neither in nature nor in language, do they in any whit agree with them we faw firft : their heads be altogether thaven, except one bufli of hair, which they fuffer to grow on the top of their crown, as long as a horfe’s tail, and then with certain leather firings bind it in a knot upon their heads. They have no other dwelling but their boats, which they turn upftde down, and under them they lay themfelves all along upon the bare ground. They eat their flefla almoft raw, fave only that they heat it a little upon fome embers of coals : fb do they their fifh. Upon Magdalen’s day, we with our boats went to the bank of the river, and freely went on fhore among them, whereat they made many figns, and all their men in two or three companies began to fling and dance, feeming to be very glad of our coming. They had caufed all the young women to flee into the wood, two or three excepted, that ftaid with them, to each of which we gave a comb, and a little bell made of tin, for which they were very glad, thanking our captain, rubbing his arms and breafts with their hands. When the men faw us give fomething to thofe that had flayed, it caufed all the reft to come out of the wood, to the end they fhould have as much as the others. Thefe women were about 20, who altogether in a knot fell upon our captain, touching and rubbing him with their hahds, according to their manner of cherifhing and making much of one, who gave to each of them a little tin bell: then fuddenly they began to dance and fling many fongs. There we found great ftore of mackrels, that they had taken, upon the fhore, with certain nets that they make to fifh, of a kind of hemp that groweth in that place where ordinarily they abide ; for they never come to the fea but only in fifiring time. As far as I underftand, there groweth likewife a kind of millet as big as peafon, like unto that which groweth in Brafil, which they eat inftead of bread. They had great ftore of it, they call it in their tongue Kapaige. They have alfo prunes (that is to fay damfons) which they dry for winter as we do; they call them Honefta. They have alfo figs, nuts, apples, and other fruits and beans. If we {hewed them any thing that they have not, nor know not what it is, fhaking their heads, they will fay Nohda, which is as much as to fay, they have it not, nor they know it not. Of thofe things they have they would with figns fliew us how to drefs them, and how they grow. They eat nothing that has any tafte of fait. They are very great thieves, for they will filch and fteal whatfoever they can lay hold of, and all is fifh that cometh to net.
Upon the 24th of the month we caufed a fair high crofs to be made of the height of 30 feet, which was made in the prefence of many of them, upon the point of the entrance of the faid haven, in the midft whereof we hanged up a fhield with three fleur de luces in it, and in the top was carved in the wooa with' antique letters this pofie. Vive le Roi de France. Then before them ail we fet it upon the laid point. They with great heed beheld both the making and letting of it up. So foun as it was up, we altogether kneeled down before them, with our hands towards heaven, yielding God thanks. And we made figns unco them, fhcwiiig them the heavens and
5 that

638 JAQUES CARTHIEr’s FIRST
that all our falvation depended only on him which in them dwelleth : whereat they {hewed a great admiration, looking firft at one another, and then upon the crofs. And after we were returned to our fhips, their captain clad with an old bear’s Ikin, with three of his fons, and brother of his with him, came unto us in one of their boats, but they came not fo near us as they were wont to do : there he made a long oration to us, Shewing us the crofs we had fet up, and making a crofs with two fingers, then did he Ihcw us all the country about us, as if he would fay that all was his, and that we ftiould not fet up any crofs without his leave. His talk being ended we {hewed to him an axe, faining that we would give it him for his {kin, to which he liftened, for by little and little he came near to our {hips. One of our fellows that was in our boat, took hold on theirs, and fuddenly leaped into it, with two or three more, who enforced them to enter into our {hips whereat they were greatly aftoniihed. But our captain did ftraightways affure them, that they lhould have no harm, nor any injury offered them at all, and entertained them very freely, making them eat and drink. Then did we {hew them with figns, that the crofs was but only fet up to be as a light and leader which ways to enter into the port, and that we lhould fhortly come again, and bring good {lore of iron wares and other things, but that we would take .two of his children with us, and afterwards bring them to the faid port again, and fo we cloathed two of them in ihirts, and coloured coats, with redcaps, and put about every one’s neck a copper chain, whereat they were greatly contented : then gave they their old cloaths to their fellows that went back again, and we gave to each one of thofe three that went back, a hatchet and fome knives, which made them very glad. After thefe were gone and had told the news unto their fellows, in the afternoon there came to our {hips fix boats of them, with five or fix men in every one, to take their farewells of thofe two we had detained to take with us, and brought them fome fifh, uttering many words which we did not underftand, making figns that they would not remove the crofs we had fet up.
The next day, being the 25th of the month, we had fair weather and went from the faid port: and being out of the river we failed N. N. E. for after the entrance into the faid river, the land is environed about, and maketh a bay in manner of half a circle, where being in our {hips, we might fee all the coaft failing behind, which we came to feek ; the land lying S. E. and N. W. the courfe of which was diftant from the river about 20 leagues. 1
On the 27th of the month, about fun fet we went along the faid land, as we have faid, lying S. E. and N. W. till the 29th that we faw another cape where the land be- ginneth to bend toward the eaft. We went along about 15 leagues, then doth the land begin to turn northward. About three leagues from the faid cape we founded and found 24 fathom water. The faid lands are plain, and the fairefl and moft without woods that we have feen, with goodly green fields and meadows. We named the faid cape, S. Alvife Cape, becaufe that was his day; it is in 49 degrees and a half latitude. On that morning we were on the eaft fide of the cape ; and being almoft night we went northweftward to approach near to the faid land, which trendeth north and fouth. From S. Alvife Cape to another called Cape Memorancy, about 15 leagues, the land be- gnineth to bend N. W. About three leagues from the faid cape we would needs found, but we could find no ground at 150 fathom, yet went we along the faid land about ten leagues to the latitude of 50 degrees. On the firft of Auguft by fun rifing we had certain other lands lying N. and N. E. that were very high and craggy, and feemed to be mountains : between which were other low lands with woods and rivers: we went about the faid lands as well on the one fide as the other, ftill bending N. W. to fee if it were either a gulfe or a palfage till the 5th of the month. The diftance from one land
to

RELATION OF NEW FRANCE.
639
to the other is about 15 leagues. The middle between them both is 50 deg. 20 min. in latitude. We had much ado to go five miles further the winds were fo great, and the tide againft us; and at five miles end we might plainly perceive land on both fides, which there beginneth to fpread itfelf, but becaufe we rather fell than got away againft the wind, we went toward land, purpofing to go to another cape of land lying fouth- ward, which was the farthermoft out into the land that we could fee, about five leagues from us, but fo foon as we came thither, we found it to be nought elfe but rocks, ftones, and craggy cliffs, fuch as we had not found any where fince we had failed fouthward from S. John’s Cape : and then was the tide with us, which carried us againft the wind weftward, fo that as we were failing along the faid coaft, one of our boats touched a rock, and fuddenly went over, but we were conftrained to leap out for to diredt it according to the tide.
After we had failed along the faid coaft for the fpace of two hours, behold the tide began to turn againft us with fo fwift and raging a courfe, that it was not poffible for us, with 13 oars to row or get one Hone’s caft further: fo that we were conftrained to leave our boats with fome of our men to guard them, and 10 or 12 men went alhore to the faid cape, where we found that the land beginneth to bend S.W. which having feen we came to our boats again, and fo to our fhips, which were ftill ready under fail hoping to go forward : but for all that they were fallen more than four leagues to lee- ward from the place where we had left them, where fo foon as we came, we affembled together all our captains, mafters, and mariners, to have their advice and opinion what was beft to be done: and after that every one had faid, confidering that the eafterly winds began to bear fway and blow, and that the flood was fo great we did but fall,, and that there was nothing to be gotten and that ftorms and tempefts began to reign in Newfoundland, and that we were fo far from home, not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind, for either we muft agree to return home again, or elfe to ftay there all the year. Moreover we did confider that if the northern winds did take us, it were not poffible for us to depart thence. All which opinions being heard and confidered, we altogether determined to addrefs ourfelves homeward. Now becaufe upon S, Peter’s day we entered into the faid ftraight, we named it S. Peter’s Straight,^ We founded it in many places, in fome we found 150 fathom, in fome j 00, and near the Ihore 60, and clear ground. From that day till Wednefday following we had a good and profperous gale of wind, fo that we trended the faid north Ihore E. S. E. W. N. W. for fuch is the fituation of it, except one cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the S E. about 25 leagues from the ftraight. In this place we faw certain fmokes that the people of the country made upon the faid cape, but becaufe the wind blew us toward the coaft we went not to them, which when they faw they came with two boats and twelve men unto us, and as freely came unto our {hips, as if they had been Frenchmen, and gave us to underftand that they came from the great gulfe, and that Tiennot was their captain, who then was upon that cape making figns unto us, that they were going home to their countries whence we were come with our fhips, and that they were laden with fifh. We named the faid cape, Cape Tiennot. From the faid cape all the land trendeth E. S. E. and W. N. W. All thefe lands lie low, very pleafant environed with fand, where the fea is intermingled with marfhes and lhallows, the fpace of 20' leagues: then doth the land begin to trend from weft to E. N. E. altogether environed with iflands two or three leagues from land, in which as far as we could fee are many dangerous ffioals more than four or five leagues from land-
From the faid Wednefday until Saturday following we had a great wind from the'
S. W. which caufed us to run E. N. E. on which day we came to the eafterly parts of'
8 Newfoundland,-,

649 JAQUES CARTHIEr’s FIRST RELATION, &C,
Newfoundland, between the granges and the double cape : there began great ftormy winds coming from the eaft with great rage ; wherefore we coafted the cape N. N. W. to fearch the northern parts, which is (as we have faid) all environed with illands ; and being near the faid iflands and land, the wind turned into the fouth, which brought us within the faid gulfe, fo that the next day, being the 9th of Auguft, we by the grace of God entered within the White Sands. And this is fo much as we have difcovered. After that upon the 15th of Auguft, we altogether departed from the port of White Sands, and with a happy and a profperous weather, we came into the middle of the fea, that is between Newfoundland and Brit any. In which place we were tolled and turmoiled three days long with great ftorms and windy tempefts coming from the eaft, which with the aid and aftiftance of God we fuffered ; then had we fair weather, and upon the 5th of September, in the faid year, we came to the port of S. Malp whence we departed,-
A SHOUT

( 6 4 i )
A SHORT AND BRIEF NARRATION or THE
NAVIGATION MADE BY THE COMMANDMENT OF THE KING OF FRANCE,
TO THE
ISLANDS OF CANADA, HOCHELAGA, SAGUENAY, AND DIVERS OTHERS, WHICH NOW ARE CALLED NEW FRANCE;
WITH THE PARTICULAR CUSTOMS AND MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS THEREIN.*
TN the year of our Lord 1535, upon Whitfunday, being the 16th of May, by the -*■ commandment of our Captain James Cartier, and with a common accord, in the cathedral church of S. Malo, we devoutly each one confelfed ourfelves, and received the facrament: and all entering into the choir of the faid church, we prefented ourfelves before the reverend father in Chrift, the Lord Bifhop of S. Malo, who bleffed us all, being in his bilhop’s robes. The Wednefday following, being the 19th of May, there arofe a good gale of wind, and therefore we hoifted fail with three Ihips, that is to fay, the Great Hermina, being in burthen, about 100 or 120 ton, wherein the aforefaid Captain James Cartier was general, and Mafter Thomas Frofmont chief mafter, accompanied with Mafter Claudius de Pont Briand, fon to the Lord of Montceuell, and cup-bearer to the dauphin of France, Charles of Pomeraces, John Powlet, and other gentlemen. In the fecond fhip called the Little Hermina, being of three-fcore ton burthen, were Captains, under the faid Cartier, Mace Salobert, and Mafter, William Marie. In the third fhip called the Hermerillon, being of 40 ton in burthen, were Captains M. William Britton and M. James Maingare. So we failed with a good and profperous wind, until the 20th of the faid month, at which time the weather turned into ftorms and tempefts, the which with contrary winds and darknefs, endured fo long, that our Ihips being without any reft, buffered as much as any Ihips that ever went on feas: fo that the 25 th of June, by reafon of that foul and foggy weather, all our Ihips loft fight of one another again till we came to Newfoundland, where we appointed to meet. After we had loft one another, we in the general’s Ihip were with contrary winds toft to and fro on the fea, until the 7th of July, upon which day we arrived at Newfoundland, and came to the ifland called the Ifland of Birds,' which lyeth from the main land 14 leagues. This ifland is fo full of birds, that all our Ihips might have been freighted with them, and yet from the great number that there is, it would not feem that any were taken away. We to visual ourfelves filled two boats of them. This ifland hath the pole elevated 49 deg. 40 min. Upon the 8th of the faid month we failed further, and with a profperous weather came to the port called the Port of White Sands, that is in the Bay called the Bay of Cartels, where we had purpofed to meet and ftay together the 15th of the faid month. In this place therefore we looked for our fellows, that is to fay, the other two Ihips, till the 26th, on which
* Hakluyt, iii, 212.
vol. xii. 4N day

NAVIGATION OF THE FRENCH TO
642
day both came together. So foon as our fellows were come we fet our fhlps in a reach* nefs, taking in water, wood, and other neceffaries, and then on the 29th of the faid month, we hoifted fail to pafs on further, and failing along the northern coaft, that runneth N.E. and S. W. till two hours after fun-fet or thereabouts, then we eroded along two iflands, which do ftretch further forth than the others, which we called S. William’s Iflands, being diftant about 20 leagues or more from the port of Breft. All the coaft from the Cartels to that placelyeth eaft and weft, N.E. and S. W having between it, fundry little iflands altogether barren and full of ftones, without either earth or trees, except certain valleys only. The next day being the 30th of July, we failed on weftward, to find out other iflands, which as yet we had not found, 12 leagues and a half: among which there is a great bay towards the north, all full of iflands and great creeks, where many good harbours feem to be: them we named S. Martha’s Iflands, from which about a league and a half into the fea, there is a dangerous fhallow, wherein are five rocks, which lie from S. Martha’s Iflands about feven leagues, as you pafs into the faid iflands, on the eaft and on the weft fide, to which we came the faid day, about an hour after noon, and from that hour until morning we failed about 15 leagues athwart a cape of the lower iflands, which we named S. German’s Ifland, fouth-eaftward, from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous fhallow. Likewife between S. German’s Cape and S. Martha’s, about two leagues from the faid iflands, there lyeth a bank of fand, upon which bank the water is but four fathom deep, and therefore feeing the danger of the coaft, we ftruck fail and went no further that night. The next day being the laft of July, we went all along the coaft that runneth eaft and weft, and fomewhat fouth-eafterly, which is all environed about with iflands and dry fands, and in truth is very dangerous.
The length from S. German’s Cape to the faid iflands is about 17 leagues and a half, at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees, albeit the reft of the coaft is comparted about with fands, without any fign 'or fhow of harbour, till we came to Cape Thiennot, which trendeth N. W. about feven leagues from the forefaid iflands, which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage, and therefore we failed on all that night W. and W. N. W. til} it was day, and then the wind turned againft us, wherefore we went to feek a haven, wherein we might harbour our fhips, and by good hap found one for our purpofe about feven leagues and a half beyond Cape Thiennot, and that we named S. Nicholas Haven ; it lyeth amidft four iflands that ftretch into the fea: upon the neareft we for a token fet up a wooden crofs. But note by the way that this crofs muft be brought N. E. and then bending toward it, leave it on the left hand, and you fhall find fix fathom water, and within the haven four. Alfo you are to take heed of two fhelves that lean outward half a league.
All this coaft is full of fhoals and very dangerous, albeit in fight many good havens feem to be there, yet is there nought elfe but fhelves and fands. We ftaid and refted ourfelves in the faid haven until the 7th of Auguft, on which day we hoifted fail and came toward land on the fouth fide toward Cape Rabaft, diftant from the faid haven about 20 leagues N. N. E. and S. S. W., but the next day there rofe a ftormy and contrary wind, and becaufe we could find no haven there toward the fouth, thence we went coafting along toward the north, beyond the aforefaid haven about ten leagues, where we found a goodly great gulfe, full of iflands, paffages, and entrances towards what wind foever you pleafe to bend: for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great ifland that is like to a cape of land, ftretching fomewhat further forth than the others, and about two leagues within the land there is a hill, falhioned as it were a heap of corn. We named the faid gulph S. Laurence’s Bay.
The

pSili
asn
isPt
r m.

THE ISLANDS OF NEW FRANCE.
The 12th of the faid month we went from the faid S. Laurence’s Bay, or gulfe, failing weftward, and difcovered a cape of land toward the fouth, that runneth weft and by fouth, diftant from the faid S. Laurence’s Bay about 25 leagues.
And of the two wild men we took in our former voyage, it was told us, that this was part of the fouthern coaft, and that there was an illand, on the foutherly part of which, is the way to go from Honguedo (where the year before we had taken them) to Canada, and that two days iourney from the faid cape and ifland, began the kin g, dom of Saguenay, on the north Ihore extending towards Canada; and about three leagues athwart the faid cape, there is 100 fathom water. Moreover, I believe there were never fo many whales feen as we faw that day about the faid cape.
The next day, the 15th, having palled the ftreight, we had notice of certain lands that we left towards the fouth, which lands are full of very great and high hills, and this cape we named the Illand of the Aflumption ; and one cape of the faid high countries, lyeth E. N. E. and W. S. W. the diftance between which is about 25 leagues. The countries lying north may plainly be perceived to be higher than the foutherly, more than 30 leagues in length.
We trended the faid lands about towards the fouth : from the faid day untilTuefday noon following, the wind came weft, and therefore we bended towards the north, pur- pofing to go and fee the land that we before had fpied.
Being arrived there we found the faid lands, as it were, joined together and low towards the fea. And the northerly mountains that are upon the faid low lands ftretch eaft and weft, and a quarter of the fouth. Our wild men told us, that there was the beginning of Saguenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence cometh the red copper, of them named Caignetdaze.
There is between the foutherly lands and the northerly, about 30 leagues diftance, and more than 200 fathom depth. The laid men did moreover certify unto us, that there was the way and beginning of the great river of Hochelaga, and ready way to Canada, which river the farther it went, the narrower it came, even unto Canada, and that then there was frefh water, which went fo far upwards, that they had never heard of any man who had gone to the head of it, and that there is no other paflage but with fmall boats. Our captain hearing their talk, and how they did affirm no other paflage to be there, would not at that time proceed any farther, till he had feen and noted the other lands and coaft towards the north, which he had omitted to fee from S. Laurence’s Gulfe, becaufe he would know if between the lands towards the north any paflage might be difcovered.
Upon the 28th of Auguft, our captain caufed his Ihips to wind back and bend toward the other Ihore ; fo that we trended the faid northerly coaft, which runneth N. E. and S. W. being falhioned like unto half a bow, and is very high land, but yet not fo high as that on the fouth parts. The next day we came to feven very high iflands, which we named the Round Iflands. Thefe iflands are diftant from the fouth Ihore about 40 leagues, and ftretch out into the fea about three or four leagues. Againft thefe there are goodly low grounds to be feen full of goodly trees, which we on the 20th, with pur boats compafled about.
Overthwart thefe lands there are divers fandy Ihelves, more than two leagues into the fea, very dangerous, which at low water remain almoft dry. At the furtheft bounds of thefe low iflands, that contain about ten leagues, > here is a river of frelh water that with fuch fwiftnefs runneth into the fea, that for the fpace of one league within it, the water is as frelh as any fountain water. We with our boats entered into the faid river, at the entrance of which we found about one fathom and a half of water. There are in
4 n a this

NAVIGATION OF THE FRENCH TO
644
this river many fifties fhaped like horfes, which, as our wild men told us, all the day long lie in the water, and the night on land: of which we faw therein a great number.
The next day, being the 21 ft of the month, by break of day we hoifted fail, and failed fo long along the faid coaft, that we had fight of the reft of the faid northern coaft, which as yet we had not feen, and of the Ifland of the Affumption which we went to difcover, departing from the faid land : which thing fo done as we had done, and that we were certified no other paffage to be there, we came to our (hips again, which we had left at the faid iflands, where is a good harbour, the water being about nine or ten fathom.
In the fame place by reafon of contrary winds and foggy mills, we were conftrained to ftay, not being able either to come out of it, or hoift fail, till the 24th of the month. On which day we departed and came to a haven on the foutherly coaft, about 80 leagues from the faid iflands.
This haven is over-againft three flat iflands that lie amidft the river, becaufe on the midway between thofe iflands and the faid haven toward the north there is a very great river, that runneth between the high and low lands, and more than three leagues into the fea it hath many Ihelves, and there is not altogether two fathom water ; fo that the place is very dangerous: and near unto the faid fhelves there is either 15 or 20 fathom from Ihore to Ihore. All the northerly coaft runneth N. E. by N. and S. W. by S. The faid haven wherein we ftaid on the fouth fide, is as it were, but a fluice of the > waters that rife by the flood, and but of fmall account: we named them S. John’s Iflets, becaufe we found them and entered into them, the day of the beheading of that faint. And before you come to the faid haven, there is an ifland lying eaftward, about five leagues diftant from the fame, between which and the land there is no paffage only for fmall boats. The haven of S. John’s Iflets dryeth up all the waters that rife by flowing, although they flow two fathom at the leaft.-
The bell place to harbour Ihips therein, is on the fouth part of a little ifland that is over-againft the faid haven, whereby the bank or Ihore of the ifland rifeth.
Upon the firft of September we departed obt of the faid haven, purpofing to go towards Canada, and about 15 leagues from it towards the W. and W. S.W. amidft the river there are three iflands, over-againft the which there is a river that runneth fwift, and is of a great depth, and is that which leadeth and runneth into the country and kingdom of Saguenay, as by the two wild men of Canada it was told us. This river, paffeth and runneth along very high and fteep hills of bare ftone, where very little earth is, and notwithftanding there is great quantity of fundry forts of trees, that grow in the faid bare ftones, even as upon good and fertile ground, in fuch fort that we have feen fomefo great, as well would fufficeto make a mail fora fhip 30 ton burthen, and as green as poffibly can be, growing in a ftoney rock without any earth at all..
At the entrance of the faid river we met with four boats full of wild men, which, as far as we could perceive, very fearfully came toward us, fo that fome of them went back again, and the other came as near us as eafily they might hear and underftand one of our wild men, who told them his name, and then took acquaintance of them, upon, whofe word they came to us.
The next day, the 2d September, we came out of the faid river to go to Canada, and by reafon of the fea’s flowing, the tide was very fwift and dangerous, for that on the fouth part of it there lie two iflands, about which more than three leagues compafs, lie many rocks and great ftones, and but two fathom water : and the flowing amidft thofe iflands is very unconftant and doubtful, fo that if it had not been for our boats, we
had

THE ISLANDS OF NEW FRANCE.
^45
had been in great danger to Iofe our pinnace: and coafting along the faid dry fands, there is more than 30 fathom water. '
About five leagues beyond the river of Saguenay S. W. there is another ifland on the north fide, wherein are certain high lands, and thereabouts we thought to have call anchor, on purpofe to flay the next tide, but we could found no ground in 120 fathom, within a flight fhoot from fhore ; fo that we were conftrained to wind back to the faid ifland, where we founded again and found 35 fathom.
The next morning we hoifted fail and went thence, failing further on, where we had notice of a certain kind of fifli never before of any man feen or known ; they are about the bignefs of a porpoife, yet nothing like them, of body very well proportioned, heaved like greyhounds, altogether as white as fnow without any fpot; within which river there is great quantity of them: they do live altogether between the fea and the frefh water. Thefe people of the country call them Adhothuys; they told us that they be very favory and good to be eaten. Moreover they affirm none to be found elfewhere but in the mouth of that river.
The 6th of the month, the weather being calm and fair, we went about fifteen leagues more upward into the river, and there lighted on an «i/land that looketh northward,, and it maketh a little haven or creek wherein are many and innumerable great tortoifes, continually lying about that ifland. There are likewife great quantities of the faid Adho- thuys, taken by the inhabitants of the country, and there is as great a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France, at every tide. This ifland is in length about three leagues, and in breadth two, and is a goodly and fertile plot of ground, replenifhed with many goodly and great trees of many forts ; among the reft there are many filbert trees, which we found hanging full of them, fomewhat bigger and better in favour than ours, but fomewhat harder ; and therefore we called'it the Ifland of Filberts.
The 7th of the month, being our Lady’s even, after fervice we went from that ifland, to go up higher into the river, and came to fourteen iflands, feven or eight leagues from the Ifland of Filberts, where the country of Canada beginneth, one of which iflands is ten leagues in length, and five in breadth, greatly inhabited by fuch men as only live by fifhing of fuch fort of fillies as the river affordeth, according to the feafon of them.
After we had call anchor between the faid great ifland and the northerly coaft, we went on land and took our two wild men with us, meeting with many of thofe country people, who would not at all approach unto us, but rather fled from us, until our two men began to fpeak unto them, telling them that they were Taignoagny and Domagaia, who fo foon as they had taken acquaintance of them, began greatly to rejoice, dancing and Ihewing many forts of ceremonies : and many of the chiefeft of them came to our boats, and brought many eels and other forts of fillies, with two or three burdens of great millet, wherewith they made their bread, and many great mufk melons. The fame day came alfo many other boats, full of thofe countrymen and women, to fee and take acquaintance of our two men, all which were as courteoufly . received and entertained of our captain, as poffibly could be: and to have them the better acquainted with him, and make them his friends, he gave them many fmall gifts, but of fmall value; neverthelefs they were greatly contented with them.
The next day following, the Lord of Canada (whofe proper name was Dounacona, but by the name of lord, they called him Agouhanna) with twelve boats, came to our fhip, accompanied with many other people, who caufing ten of his boats to go back with the other two, approached unto us with fixteen men. Then began the Agouhanna. ©ver-againft the finalleft of our lhips, according to their manner and faftiion to frame' a

NAVIGATION OF THE FRENCH TO
646
long oration, moving all his body and members after a ftrange fafhion, which thing is a ceremony and fign of gladnefs and fecurity among them ; and then coming to the general’s fhip where Taignoagny and Domagaia were, he fpake with them and they with him, where they began to tell and fhew unto him what they had feen in France, and what good entertainment they had had: hearing which things the faid lord feemed to be very glad thereof, and prayed our captain to reach him his arm, that he might kifs it, which thing he did : their lord taking it, laid it about his neck, for fo they ufed to do when they will make much of one. Then our captain entered into Agouhanna’s boat, and caufmg bread and wine to be brought to make the faid lord and his company to eat and drink, which thing they did, and were greatly thereby content and fatisfied. Our captain for that time gave them nothing, becaufe he looked for a fitter opportunity.
Thefe things being done, each one took leave of others, and the faid lord went with his boats again to the place of his abode. Our captain then caufed our boats to be fet in order, that with the next tide he might go up higher into the river, to find fome fafe harbour for our fhips: and we paffed up the river againft the ftream about ten leagues, coafting the faid ifland, at the end whereof we found a goodly and plea- fant found, where is a little river and haven, where by reafon of the flood there is about three fathom water. This place feemed very fit and commodious to harbour our fhips in, and fo we did very fafely; we named it the Holy Crofs (Santa Croix) for on that day we came thither. Near unto it there is a village, whereof Dounacona is lord, and there he keepeth his abode ; it is called Stadacona, as goodly a plot of ground as poffibly may be feen, and therewithal very fruitful, full of goodly trees even as in France, inch as oaks, elms, afhes, walnut-trees, maple-trees, cydrons, vines, and white thorns, that bring forth fruit as big as any damfons, and many other forts of trees, under which groweth as fair tall hemp as any in France, without any feed, or any man’s work or labour at all.
Having confidered the place, and finding it fit for our purpofe, opr captain withdrew himfelf on purpofe to return to our (hips but behold as we were coming out of the river, we met coming againft us, one of the lords of the faid village of Stadacona, accompanied with many others as men, women, and children, who after the fafhion of their country, in fign of mirth and joy, began to make a long oration, the women ftill finging and dancing up to the knees in water. Our captain knowing their good will and kindnefs towards us, caufed the boat wherein they were to come unto him, and gave them certain trifles, as knives and beads of glafs, whereat they were marvellous glad, for being gone about three leagues from them, for the pleafure they conceived of our coming, we might hear them fing, and fee them dance for all they were fo far.
After we were come with our boats mnto'our fhip again, our captain caufed our barks to be made ready to go on land in the faid ifland, to note the trees that in fhew feemed fo fair, and to confider the nature and quality of it: which thing we did and found it full of goodly trees like to ours. Alfo we faw many goodly vines, a thing not of us feen before in thofe countries, > and therefore we named it Bacchus Ifland. It is in length about twelve leagues, in fight very pleafant, but full of woods, no part of it manured, unlefs it be in certain places, were a few cottages be, for fifher’s dwellings, as before we have faid. The next day we departed with our (hips to bring them to the place of the Holy Crofs; and the 14th of that month we came thither, and the lord Dounacona, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with twenty-five boats full of thofe people came to meet us, coming from the place whence vve were come,
5 and

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and going towards Stadacona, where their abiding is, and all came to our {hips, {hewing lundry and divers geftures of gladnefs and mirth, except thofe two that we had brought, to wit, Taignoagny and Domagaia, who feemed to have altered and changed their mind and purpofe, for by no means would they come unto our {hips, albeit fundry times they were earneftly defired to do it, whereupon we began to mif- truft fomewhat. Our captain afked them if according to promife they would go with him to Hochelaga; they anfwered yea, for fo they had purpofed, and then each one withdrew himfelf. The next day, the 15th, our captain went on fhore, to caufe certain poles and pikes to be driven into the water and fet up, that the better and fafelier we might harbour our {hips there: and many of thofe country people came to meet us there, among whome was Dounacona and our two men, with the reft of their company, who kept themfelves afide, under a point or nook of land that is upon the fhore of a certain river, and no one of them came unto us, as the other did that were not on their fide. Our captain underftanding that they were there, commanded part of our men to follow him, and he went to the faid point where he found the faid Dounacona, Taignoagny,Domagaia, and divers others, and after falutations given on each fide, Taignoagny fettled himfelf foremoft to fpeak to our captain, faying that the lord Dounacona did greatly grieve and forrow that our captain and his men did wear warlike weapons, and they not. Our captain anfwered, that albeit it did grieve them, yet would he not leave them off, and that (as he knew) it was the manner of France. But for all thefe words our captain and Dounacona left not off to fpeak one to another, and friendly to entertain one another. Then did we perceive that whatfoever Taignoagny fpake, was only long of himfelf and of his fellow, for that before they departed thence, our captain and Dounacona entered into a marvellous ftedfaft league of, friendlhip, whereupon all his people at once with a loud voice, call out three great cries (a horrible thing to hear), and each one having taken leave of the other for that day, we went aboard again.
The day following we brought our two great {hips within the river and harbour, where the waters being at the higheft are three fathom deep, and at the loweft but half a fathom. We left our pinnace without the road to the end we might bring it to Hochelaga. So foon as we had fafely placed our {hips, behold we faw Dounacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, with more than 500 perfons, men, women, and children, and the faid lord, with ten or twelve of the chiefeft of the country came aboard of our {hips, who were all courreoufly received, and friendly entertained of our captain and of all of us : and divers gifts of fmall value were given them. Then did Taignoagny tell our captain that his lord did greatly forrow that he would go to Hochelaga, and that he would not by any means permit that any of them ihould go with him, becaufe the river was of no importance. Our captain anfwered him that for all his faying, he would not leave off his going thither, if by any means it were poftible, for that he was commanded by his king, to go as far as poffibly he could; that if he (Taignoagny) would go with him as he had promifed, he {hould be very well entertained, befides that he ihould have fuch a gift given him, as he ihould well content himfelf: for he {hould do nothing elfe but go with him to Hochelaga and come again. To whom Taignoagny anfwered, that he would not by any means go; and thereupon they fuddenly returned to their houfes.
The next day, being the 17th of September, Dounacona and his company returned even as at the firft, and brought with him many eels, with fundry forts :of other fifties, whereof they take great ftore in the faid river, as more largely hereafter {hall be {hewed. And as foon as they were come to our fhips, according to their wonted ufe,
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they began to fing and dance. This done, Dounacona caufed all his people to be fe on the one fide, then making a round circle upon the fand, he caufed our captain, with all his people to enter thereinto j then he began to make a long oration, holding in one of his hands a maiden child of ten or twelve years old, which he prefented unto our captain: then fuddenly began all his people to make three great fhrieks or howls, in fign of joy and league of friendfhip; presently upon that he did prefent unto him, two other young male children one after another, but younger than the other, at the giving of which, even as before, they gave out fhrieks and howls very loud, with other ceremonies ; for which prefents our captain gave the faid lord great and hearty thanks.
Then Taignoagny told our captain that one of the children was his own brother, and that the maiden child was daughter unto the faid lord’s own fifter, .and the prefents were only given him to the end he fhould not go to Hochelaga at all: to whom our captain anfwered, that if they were only given him to that intent, if fo he would, he fhould take them again, for that by no means he would leave his going off, for as much as he was fo commanded of his king. But concerning this Domagaia told our captain that their lord had given him thofe children as a fign and token of good- . will and fecurity, and that he was contented to go with him to Hochelaga, upon which talk great words arofe between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we plainly perceived that Taignoagny was but a crafty knave, and that he intended but mifchief and treafon, as well by this deed, as others that we by him had feen. After that our captain caufed the faid children to be put in our fhips, and caufed two fwords and two copper bafons, the one wrought the other plain, to be brought unto him, and them he gave to Dounacona, who was therewith greatly contented, yielding moft hearty thanks unto our captain for them, and prefently upon that he commanded all his people to fing and dance, and defired our captain to caufe a piece of artillery to be fhot off, be- caufe Taignoagny and Domagaia made great brags of it, and had told them marvellous things, and alfo becaufe they had never heard nor feen any before: to whom our captain anfwered, that he was content, and by and by he commanded his men to fhoot off twelve cannons charged with bullets, into the wood that was hard by thofe people and fhips, at whofe noife they were greatly aftonifhed and amazed, for they thought. that heaven had fallen upon them, and put themfelves to flight, howling, crying, and fhrieking, fo that it feemed hell had broken loofe. But before we went thence, Taignoagny caufed other men to tell us, that thofe men which we had left in our pinnace in the road, had flain two men of their company, with a piece of ordnance that they had fhot off, whereupon the reft had put themfelves all to flight, as though they fhould all have been flain; which afterwards we found untrue, becaufe our men had not fhot off any piece at all that day.
The next day, being the 18th of September, thefe men ftill endeavoured themfelves to feek all poflible means to hinder and let our going to Hochelaga, and devifed a pretty guile as hereafter fhall be fhewed. They went and dreffed three men like devils, being wrapped in dogs fkins, white and black, their faces befmeared as black as any coals, with horns on their heads more than a yard long, and caufed them fecretly to be put in one of their boats, but came not near our fhips as they were wont to do, for they lay hidden 'within the wood for the fpace of two hours, looking for the tide, to the end the boat where the devils were, might approach and come near us, which, when time was, came, and all the reft iffued out of the wood, coming to us, but yet not fo near as they were wont to do. There began Taignoagny to falute our captain, who afked him, if he would have the boat to come for him j he anfwered, not for that time,
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but after a while he would come unto our fhips ; then prefently came that boat rufhing out, wherein the three counterfeit devils were, with fuch long horns on their heads, and the middlemofl came making a long oration and palled along our flips without turning or looking towards us, but with the boat went toward the land. Then did Dounacona with all his people purfue them, and lay hold on the boat and devils, who fo foon as the men were come to them, fell proftrate in the boat, even as if they had been dead : then were they taken up and carried into the wood, not one flaying behind with us, where being, they began to make a long difcourfe, fo loud that we might hear them in our fhips, which iafled about half an hour, and being ended we began to efpy Taignoagny, and Domagaia coming towards us, holding their hands upwards joined together, carrying their hats under their upper garments, fhewing a great admiration, and Taignoagny looking up to heaven, cried three times, Jefus, Jefus, Jefus, and Domagaia doing as his fellow had done before, cried, Jefits, Maria, James Carthier. Our captain hearing him and feeing their geftures and ceremonies, afked of them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew, they anfwered that there were very ill tidings befallen, faying in French, Nenni eji il bon , that is to fay, it was not good: our captain afked them again what it was ; then anfwered they, that their god Cudruaigny had fpoken in Hochelaga, and that he had dent thofe three men to fhew unto them, that there was fo much ice and fnow in that country, that whofoever went thither fiould die; which words when we heard, we laughed and mocked them, faying, that their god Cudruaigny was but a fool and a noddy, for he knew not what he did or faid ; then bade we them fhew his meffengers from us, that Chrift would defend them from all cold, if they would believe in him. Then did they afk of our captain if he had fpoken with Jel'us: he anfwered, no, but that his priefts had, and that he had told them, that they fhould have fair weather: which words when they had heard they thanked our captain, and departed towards the wood to tell thofe news unto their fellows, who fuddenly came all rufhing out of the wood, feeming to be very glad for thofe words our captain had fpoken, and to fhew that thereby they had, and felt great joy, fo foon as they were before our fliips, they altogether gave out three great fhrieks, and thereupon began to fmg and dance, as they were wont to do. But for a refolution of the matter Taignoagny and Domagaia,told our captain, that their lord Dounacona would by no means permit that any of them fhould go with him to Hochelaga, unlefs he would leave him fome hoflage to flay with him : our captain anfwered to them, that if they would not go with him with a good will, they fhould flay, but that for all them he would not leave off his journey thither.
The next day being the 19th of September we hoifled fail, and with our pinnace and two boats departed to go up the river with the flood; where on both fliores of it we began to fee as goodly a country as poffibly can e’er with eye be feen : all re- plenifhed with very goodly trees, and vines laden as full of grapes as could be all along the river, which rather feemed to be planted by man’s hand than otherwife. True it is, that becaufe they are not dreffed and wrought as they fhould be, their bunches of grapes are not fo' great nor fweet as ours. Alfo we faw all along the river many houfes inhabited by filhers, which take all kinds of fifhes, and they came with as great familiarity and kindnefs unto us, as if we had been their countrymen, and brought us great (tore of fifh, with other fuch things as they had, which we exchanged with them for other wares, who lifting up their hands towards heaven, gave many figns of joy.
We flayed at a place called Hochelai, about 25 leagues from Canada, where the river waxeth very narrow, and runneth very fwift, wherefore it is very dangerous, not
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only for that, but alfo for certain great ftones that are therein: many boats and barks came unto us, in one of which came one of the chief lords of the country, making a long difcourfe, who being come near us did by evident figns and geftures fhew us, that the higher the river went, the more dangerous it was, and bade us take heed of ourfelves. The faid lord prefented and gave unto our captain, two of his own children, of which our captain took one, being a wench of feven or eight years old ; the man child he gave him again, becaufe it was too young, for it was but two or three years old. Our captain as friendly and courteoufly as he could, did entertain and receive the faid lord and his company, giving them certain fmall trifles, and fo they departed toward the fhore again. Afterward the faid lord and his wife came unto Canada to vifit his daughter, bringing unto our captain certain fmall prefents. ,
From the 19th until the 28 th of September, we failed up along the faid river, never lofing one hour of time ; all which time we faw as goodly and pleafant a country as poffible can be wilhed for ; full (as we have faid before) of all forts of goodly trees, that is to fay, oaks, elms, walnut trees, cedars, firs, afhes, box, willows, and great ftore of vines, all as full of grapes as could be, fo that if any of our fellows went on fhore, they came home laden with them : there are likewife many cranes, fwans, geefe, ducks, pheafants, partridges, thrufhes, blackbirds, turtles, finches, redbreafts, nightingales, fparrows of divers kinds, with many other forts of birds even as in France, and great plenty and ftore.
Upon the 28th of September, we came to a great wide lake in the middle of the river five or fix leagues broad and twelve long ; all that day we went again!! the tide, having but two fathom water, flill keeping the faid fcantling : being come to one of the heads of the lake, we could efpy no paffage or going out, nay, rather it feemed to have been clofed and fhut up round about, and there was but a fathom and a half of water, little more or lefs. And therefore we were conftrained to call anchor, and to flay with our pinnace, and went with our two boats to feek fome going out, and in one place we found four or five branches, which out of the river come into the lake, and they came from Hochelaga. But in the faid branches, bccaufe of the great fiercenefs and fwiftnefs wherewith they break out, and the courfe of the water, they make certain bars and fhoals, and at that time there was but a fathom water.
Thofe fhoals being paffed, we found four or five fathom, and as far as we could perceive by the flood, it was that time of the year that the waters are loweft, for at other times they flow higher by three fathom. All thefe four or five branches do compafs about five or fix iflands very pleafant,‘which make the head of the lake: about fifteen leagues beyond they do all come into one.
That day we landed in one of the faid iflands, and met with five men, that were hunting of wild beafts, who as freely and familiarly came to our boats without any fear, as if we had ever been brought up together. Our boats being fomewhat near the fhore, one of them took our captain in his arms, and carried him on fhore, and lightly and as eafily as if he had been a child of five years old; fo ftrong and fturdy was this fellow. We found that they had a great heap of wild rats that live in the water, as big as a coney, and very good to eat, which they gave unto our captain, who for a recompence gave them knives and glafs beads. We afked them in figns if that was the way to Hochelaga, they anfwered yea, and that we had yet three days failing thither.
The next day our captain, feeing that for that time it was not poffible for our pinnace to. go on any farther, he caufed our boats to be made-ready, and as much munition
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and vi&uals to be put in them, as they could well bear : he departed with them, accompanied with many gentlemen, that is to fay, Cladius of Ponte Briand, Cupbearer to the Lord Dauphin of France, Charles of Pomeraye, John Govion, John Powlet, with twenty-eight mariners, and Mace Tallobert, and William Briton, who had the charge under the captain of the other two Ihips, to go up as far as they could into that river: we failed with good and profperous weather until the 2d October, on which day we came to the town of Hochelaga, diftant from the place where we had left our pinnace 45 leagues. In which place of Hochelaga, and all the way we went, we met with many of thofe countrymen, who brought us fifh and fuch other victuals as they had, ftill dancing and greatly rejoicing at our coming. Our captain to lure them, hi, and to keep them ©ur friends, to recompence them gave them knives, beads., and fuch trifles, wherewith they were greatly Satisfied.
So foon as we were come near Hochelaga, there: came to meet us above 1000 perfons, men, women, and children; who afterward did as friendly and merrily entertain and receive us, as any father would do 'his child, which he had not of long time feen, the men dancing on one fide, the women on another, and likewife the children on another : after that they brought us great ftore of fifh, and of their bread made of millet, calling them into our boats fo thick, that you would have thought it to fall from heaven : which when our captain faw, he with many of Ms company went on lhore: fo foon as ever we were a-land, they came clullering about us, making very much of us, bringing their young children in their arms, only to have our captain and his company to touch them, making figns and Ihews of great mirth and gladnefs, that Iafted more than half an hour. Our captain feeing their loving kindnefs and entertainment of us, caufed all the women orderly to be fet in array, and gave them beads made of tin, and other fuch fmall trifles, and to fome of the men he gave knives: then he returned to the boats to fupper, and fo palfed that night, all which while all thofe people flood on the lhore as near our boats as they might, making great fires, and dancing very merrily, Hill crying Aguaize, which in their tongue if^hifies mirth and fafety.
Our captain the next day very early in the morning, having very gorgeoufly attired himfelf, caufed all his company to be fet in order, to go to fee the town and habitation of thofe people, and a certain mountain that is fomewhat near the city : with whom went alfo five gentlemen and ao mariners, leaving the reft to keep and look to our boats : we took with us three men of Hochelaga to bring us to the place. All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can be, the faireft and bell country that poflibly can be feen, full of as goodly great oaks as are in any wood in France, under which the ground was all covered over with fair acorns.
After we had gone about four or five miles,we met by the way one of the chiefeft lords of the city,accompanied with many more, who fo foon as he faw us, beckoned and made figns upon us, that we mull reft us in that place where they had made a great fire, and fo we did. After that we had relied ourfelves there a while, thefaid lord began to make along difcourfe, even as we have faid above, they are accuftomed to do in fign of mirth and friendlhip, Ihewing our captain and all his company a joyful countenance and good will, who gave him two hatchets, a pair of knives, and a crofs which he made him to kifs, and then put it about his neck, for which he gave our captain hearty thanks. This done we went along, and about a mile and a half further, we began to find goodly and large fields, full of fuch corn as the country yieldeth: it is even as the millet of Brafil, as great and fomewhat bigger than fmall peafon, wherewith they live even as we do, with ours.
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In the mid ft of thofe fields, is the city of Hochelaga, placed near, and as it were joined to a great mountain, that is tilled round about, very fertile on the top of which you may fee very far, we named it Mount Royal. The city of Hochelaga is round, eompaffed about with timber, with three courfe of rampires, one within another, framed like a fharp fpire, but laid acrofs above : the middlemoft of them is made and built as a dirett line, but perpendicular. The rampftes are framed and fafhioned with pieces of timber, laid along on the ground, very well and cunningly joined together after their falhion : this enclofure is in height about two rods : it hath but one gate or entry thereat, which is fhut with piles, ftakes and bars : over it, and alfo in many places of the wall, there be places to run along, and ladders to get up, all full of ftones, for the defence of it.
There are in the town about jjo houfes, about 50 paces long, and 12 or 15 broad, built all of wood, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad as any board, very finely and cunningly joined together. Within the faid houfes there are many rooms, lodgings, and chambers. In the midft of every one, there is a great court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They live in common together; then do the hufbands, wives, and children, each one retire themfelves to their chambers. They'have alfo on the tops of their houfes certain garrets, wherein they keep their corn to make their bread withal: they call it Carraconny, which they make as hereafter fhall follow.. They have certain pieces of wood made hollow, like thofe whereon we beat our hemp, and with certain bettus of wood, they beat their corn to powder ; then they make pafte of it, and of the pafte, cakes or wreaths, then they- lay them on a broad and hot ftone, and then cover it with hot ftones, and fo they bake their bread inftead of ovens. They make alfo fundry forts of pottage with the faid corn and alfo of peafe and of beans, whereof they have great ftore, as alfo with other fruits, as mufk mellons, and very great cucumbers. They have alfo in their houfes certain veffels, as big as any butt or ton, wherein they preferve and keep their fifh, caufing the fame in fummer to be dried in the fun, arid live therewith in winter, whereof they make great provifion, as we by experience have feen. All their viands and meals are without any favour or fait at alk They fleep upon barks of trees laid all along upon the ground, being overfpread with the Ikins of certain wild beafts, wherewith they alfo clothe and cover themfelves. The thinr moft precious that they have in all the world they call Efurgny r it is as white as any fnow: they take it in the faid river of Cornibotz in the manner following. When any one hath deferved death, or that they take any of their enemies in wars, firft they kill him, then with certain knives, they give great flafttes upon their buttocks, flanks, thighs, and fhoulders ; then they caft the faid body, fo mangled, down to the bottom of the river, in a place where the faid Efurgny is, and there leave it ten, or twelve hours, then take it up again, and in the cuts find the faid Efurgny or Carnibotz. Of them they made beads, and wear them about their necks, even as we do chains of gold and filver, accounting it the precioufeft thing in the world. They have this virtue and property in them, they will flop or ftaunch bleeding at thenofe, for we have- proved it*
The people are given to no other exercife, but only to hufbanary and frilling for their fuftenance : they have no care of any other wealth or commodity in this world, for they have no knowledge of it, and that is becaufe they never travel and go out of their country, as thofe of Canada:, and Saguenay do ; albeit the Canadians.with eight or nine- villages more along that river be fubject unto them.
So foon as w r e were come near the town, a great number of the inhabitants thereof, came to prefent themfelves before us after their falhion, making very much of us:

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we were by our guides brought into the midft of the town. They have in the mid- dlemoft part of their houfes, a large fquare place, being from fide to fide a good {tone’s caft, whither we were brought, and there with figns were commanded to (bay : then fuddenly all the women and maidens of the town, gathered themfelves together, part of which had their arms full of young children, and as many as could, came to rub our faces, our arms, and what part ' of the body foever they could touch, weeping for very joy that they faw us, {hewing us the belt countenance that pofiibly they could, defiring us with their figns, that it would pleafe us to touch their children.
That done, the men caufed the women to withdraw themfelves back, then they every one fat down on the ground round about us, as if they would have {hewn or rehearfed fome comedy or other {hew : then prefently came the women again, every one bringing a four-fquare mat in manner of carpets, and fpreading them abroad upon the ground in that place they caufed us to fit upon them. That done, the lord or king of the country was brought upon nine or ten mens’ lhouiders,(whom in their tongue they call Agouhanna), fitting upon a great flag’s {kin, and they laid him down upon the fore, faid mats, near to the captain, every one beckoning unto us that he was their lord and king. This Agouhanna was a man about fifty years old ; he was no whit better apparelled than any of the reft, only excepted, that he had a certain thing made of the {kins of hedgehogs, like unto a red wreath, and that was inflead of his crown. He was full of the palfy, and his members fhrunk together.
After he had with certain figns faluted our captain and all his company, and by manifeft tokens bid all welcome, he {hewed his legs and arms to our captain, and with figns defirod him to touch them, and fo he did, rubbing them with his own hands. Theu did Agouhani^i take the wreath or crown he had about his head, and gave it unto our captain : that done, they brought before him divers difeafed men, fome blind, fome cripple, fome lame and impotent, and fome fo old that the hair of their eye-lids came down and covered their cheeks, and laid them all along before our captain, to the end- they might of him be touched ; for it feerned unto them that God was descended and come down from heaven to heal them.
Our captain feeing the mifery and devotion of this poor people, recited the Gofpel of St. John, that is to fay, ‘ In the beginning was the word touching eyery one that were difeafed, praying to God that it would pleafe him to open the hearts of this poor people, and to make them know his holy word, and that they might receive baptifm and chriftendom: that done he took a fervice book in his hand, and with a loud voice' read all thepaflion of Chrift, word byword, that all the ftandets-by might hear him: all which while this poor people kept filence, and were marvelloully attentive, looking up to heaven, and imitating us in geftures. Then he caufed the men all orderly to be fet on one fide, the women on another, and likewife the children on another; and to- the chiefeft of them he gave hatchets, to the others knives, and to the women beads, and fuch other fmall trifles. Then where the children were, he caft rings, counters and : broaches made of tin, whereat they feerned to be very glad. That done, our captain commanded trumpets and other mufical inftruments to be founded, which-when they heard they were very merry. Then we took our leave and went to our boat: the women feeing that, put themfelves before to flay us, and brought us out of their meats that they had made ready for us, as fifti, pottage, beans, and fuch other things, thinking to make us eat and dine in that place: but becaufe the meats had no favour at all of fait, we liked them not, but thanked them, and with figns gave them to underhand- that we had no need to eat..
When.

1
6^. NAVIGATION OF THE FRENCH TO
When we were out of the town divers of the men and women followed us, and brought us to the top of the forefaid mountain, which we named Mount Royal : it is about a league from the town. When we were on the top of it ,we might difqsrn and plainly fee 30 leagues about.
On the north fide of it there are many hills to be feen running weft and eaft, and as many more on the fouth, amongft and between the which, the country is as fair and pleafant as poflibly can be feen, being level, fmooth, and very plain, fit to be hufbanded and tilled ; and in the midft of thofe fields we faw the river further up a great way than where we had left our boats, where was the greateft and the fwifteft fall of water that any where hath been feen, and as great, wide, and large as our fight might difcern, going S. W. along three fair and round mountains that we faw, as we judged, about 15 leagues from us. Thofe which brought us thither told and fhewed us, that in the faid river there were three fuch falls of water more, as that was where we had left our boats; but becaufe we could not underftand their language, we could not know how far they were one from another. Moreover they fhewed us with figns that the faid three falls being paft, a man might fail the fpace of three months more along that river; and that along the hills that are on the north fide, there is a great river, which (even as the other) cometh from the weft : we thought it to be the river that runneth through the country of Saguenay, and without any fign or queftion moved or afked of them, they took the chain of our captain’s whiftle, which was of filver, and the dagger haft of one of our fellow mariners, hanging on his, being of yellow copper gilt, and fhewed us that fuch ftuff came from the faid river, and that there be Agouionda, that is as much as to fay, an evil people, who go all armed even to their fingers ends : alfo they fhewed us the manner and making of their armour; they are made of cords, and wood, finely and cunningly wrought together.
They gave us alfo to underftand that thofe Agouionda do continually war againft one another, but becaufe we did not underftand them well, we could not perceive how far it was to that country.
Otir captain fhewed them red copper, which in their language they call Caignetadze, and looking towards that country, with figns afked them if any came from thence; they fhaked their heads anfwered no : but they fhewed us that it came from Saguenay, and that lyeth clear contrary to the other.
After we had heard and feen thefe things of them, we drew to our boats, accompanied with a great multitude of thofe people: fome of them when as they faw any of our fellows weary,would take them up on their fhoulders, and carry them as on horfe- back. So foon as we came to our boats we hoifted fail to go towards our pinnace, doubting of fome mifchance. Our departure grieved and difpleafed them very much, for they followed us along the river as far as they could. We went fo faft that on Monday, being the 4th of October, we came where our pinnace was.
On the 5th we hoifted fail, and with our pinnace and boats departed from thence towards the province of Canada, to the port of the Holy Crofs, where we had left our fhips. The 7th day we came againft a river that cometh from the north, and entered into that river, at the entrance whereof are four little iflands full of fair and goodly trees : we named that river, The River of Fouetz : but becaufe one of thofe iflands ftretcheth itfelf a great way into the river, our captain at the point of it caufed a goodly great crofs to be fet up, and commanded the boats to be made ready, that with the next tide he might go up the faid river, and confider the quality of it, which we did, and that day went up as far as we could ; but becaufe we found it to be of no importance, and very fhallow, we returned and failed down the river.
8
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THE ISLANDS OF NEW FRANCE.
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The i ith of October we came to the port of the Holy Crofs, where oilr fhips were, and found that the mailers and mariners we had left there, had made and reared a trench before the fhips, altogether clofed with great pieces of timber fet upright, and very well fattened together : then had they befet the faid trench about with pieces of artillery and other neceffary things, to fhield and defend themfelves from the power of all the country.
So foon as the lord of the country heard of our coming, the next day being the 12th October he came to vifit us, accompanied with Taignoagny, Domagaia and many others, faining to be very glad of our coming, making much of our captain, who as friendly as he could entertain them, albeit they had not deferved it. Dounacona their lord the next day defired our captain to come and fee Canada, which he promifed, for on the 13th, he with all his gentlemen and fifty of his mariners very well appointed, went to vifit Dounacona and his people about a league from our fhips ; the place where they make their abode is called Stadacona.
When we were about a Hone’s call from their houfes, many of the inhabitants came to meet us, being all fet in a rank, and (as their cuftom isj the men all on one fide, and the women on the other, ftill dancing and ringing without any ceafing : and after we had faluted and received one another, our captain gave them knives and fuch other flight things; then he caufed all the women and*children to pafs alone; before him, giving each one a ring of tin, for which they gave him hearty thanks: this done, our captain was by Dounacona and Taignoagny brought to fee their houfes, which (the quality confidered) were very well provided, and ftored with fuch victuals as the country yieldeth, to pafs away the winter withal.
Then they lhewed us the Ikins of five mens’ heads, fpread upon boards as we do ufe parchment. Dounacona told us that they were Ikins of Toudamani, a people dwelling towards the fouth, who continually do war againft them. Moreover they told us that it was two years paft that thofe Toudamans came to attault them, yea even into the faid river, in an illand that lyeth over againft Saguenay, were they had in the night before, as they were going a war-faring in Hognedo, with zoo perfons, men, women and children, who being all afleep in a fort that they had made, they were affaulted by the faid Toudamans, who put fire round about the fort, and as they would have come out of it to fave themfelves, they were all {lain, only five excepted, who efcaped : for which lofs they yet forrowed, fhewing with figns, that one day they would be revenged. That done, we came to our fhips again.
This people believed no whit in God, but in one whom they called Cudruaigni: they fay that often he fpeaketh with them, and telleth them what weather fhall follow, whether good or bad : moreover they fay that when he is angry with them he cafteth dull into their eyes : they believe that when they die they go into the ftars, and thence by little and little defeend down into the horizon, even as the ftars do, and that then they go into certain green fields, full of fair and precious trees, flowers, and fruits.
After that they had given us thefe things to upderftand, we {hewed them their error, and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceive them, for he is but a devil, and an evil lpirit; affirming unto them that there is: but one only God, who is in heaven, and who giveth us all neceflaries, being the Creator of all himfelf, and that only we muft believe in him : moreover, that it is neceffary for us to be baptized, otherwise we are damned into hell. Thefe and many other things concerning our faith and religion we lhewed them, all which they did eafily believe, calling their Cudruaigni, Aguaida, that is to fay, nought, fo that very earneftly they defired and prayed our captain, that he would caufe them to be baptized, and their lord, and Taignoagny and Domagaia, and all the
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people of the town came unto us hoping to be baptized : but becaufe we did not thoroughly know their mind, and that there was nobody could teach them our belief and religion, we excufed ourfelves, defiring Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell the reft of their countrymen, that he would come again another time, and bring priefts and chrifome with us, for without them they could not be baptized; which they did eafily believe, for Domagaia and Taignoagny had feen many children baptized in Britainy whiles they were there : which promife when they heard, they feemed to be very glad.
They live in common together, and of fuch commodities as their country yieldeth, they are indifferently well ftored.. The inhabitants of the country cloathe themfelves with the fkins of certain wild beafts, but very miferably. In winter they wear hofen and fhoes made of wild bead’s ikins, and in fummer they go bare-footed. They keep and obferve the rights of matrimony, faving that every one weddeth two or three wives, which (their hufbands being dead) do never marry again, but for the death of their hufbands, wear a certain black weed all the days of their life, befmearing all their faces with coal dull: and greafe, mingled together as thick as the back of a knife j and by that they are known to be widows.
They have a filthy and deteftable ufe in marrying of their maidens, and that is this; they put them all (after they are of lawful age to marry) in a common place, as harlots, free for every man that will have to do with them, until fuch time as they find a match. This I fav, beeaufe I have feen by experience many houfen full of thofe damfels, even as our fchools are full of children in France to learn to read. Moreover the mifrule and riot that they keep in thofe houfes is very great, for very wantonly they fport and dally together, {hewing whatfoever God hath lent them.
They are no men of great labour. They dig their grounds with certain pieces of wood, as big as half a fword, on which ground groweth their corn, which they call Offici: it is as big as our fmall peafon : there is great quantity of it growing in Brafil. They have alfo great ftore of mufk mellons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, peafon and beans of every colour, yet differing from ours. There groweth alfo a certain kind of herb, whereof in fummer they make great provifion for all the year, making great account of it, and only men ufe of it; and firft they caufe it to be dried in the fun, then wear it about their necks wrapped in a little bead’s fkin, made like a little bag, with a hollow piece of ftone or wood like a pipe : then when they pleafe they make powder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the faid cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire upon it, at the other end fuck fo long, that they fill their bodies full of fmoke, till it cometh out of their mouth and noftrils, even as out of the tunnel of a chimney. They fay that this doth keep them warm and in health : they never go without fome of it about them. We ourfelves have tried the fame fmoke, and having put it in our mouths, it feemed almoft as hot as pepper.
The women of that country do labour much more than the men, as well in fifhing (whereto they are greatly given) as in tilling and hulbanding their grounds, and other things : as well the men, as women and children, are much more able to refill cold, than favage beafts, for we with our own eyes have feen fome of them, when it was coldeft, (which cold was extremely raw and bitter,) come to our Ihips ftark naked, going upon fnow and ice, which thing feemeth incredible to them that have not feen it.
When as the fnow and ice lyeth on the ground, they take great ftore of wild beafts, as fawns, ftags, bears, marterns, hares and foxes, with divers other forts, whofe flelh they eat raw, having firft dried it in the fun or fmoke, and fo they do their filh. As
5 far

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far forth as we could perceive and underftand by thefe people, it were a very eafy thing to bring them to fome familiarity and civility, and make them learn what one would.
The faid river beginneth beyond the Ifland of the Aflfumption, over againft the high mountains of Hognedo, and of the feven iflands: the diftance over from one fide to the other is about 35 or 40 leagues: in the mid ft it is above 200 fathom deep. The fureft way to fail upon it is upon the fouth fide; and toward the north, that is to fay, from the faid feven iflands, from fide to fide there is feven leagues diftance, where are alfo two great rivers that come down from the hills of Saguenay, and make divers very dangerous fhelves in the fea.
At the entrance of thofe two rivers, we faw many a great ftore of whales and fea- horfes. Over athwart the faid iflands there is another little river, that runneth along thofe marfh grounds about three or four leagues, wherein there is great ftore of water fowls. From the entrance of that river to Hochelaga, there is about 300 leagues diftance : the original beginning of it is in the river that cometh from Saguenay, which rifeth and fpringeth among high and fteep hills, it entereth into that river, before it cometh to the province of Canada, on the north fide. That river is very deep, high, and ftraight, wherefore it is very dangerous for any vefiel to go upon it. After that river followeth the province of Canada, wherein are many people dwelling in open boroughs and villages: there are alfo in the circuit and territory of Canada, along and within the faid river, many other iflands, fome great and fome fmall, among which there is one that containeth ten leagues in length, full of good and high trees, and alfo many vines. You may go into it from both fides, but yet the fureft paflage is on the fouth fide.
On the ftiore or bank of that river weftward, there is a goodly, fair, and deleflable bay or creek, convenient and fit for to harbour fhips; hard by there is in that river one place very narrow, deep, and fwift running, but it is not palling the third part of a league, over againft the which there is a goodly high piece of land, with a town therein, and the country about it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as pof- fibly can be feen: that is the place and abode of Dounacona, and of our two men we took in our firft voyage; it is called Stradacona : but before we come to it there are four other peopled towns, that is to fay, Ayrafte, Starnatan, Tailla, which ftandeth upon a hill, Scitadin, and then Stradacona, under which town towards the north, the river and port of the Holy Crofs is, where we ftaid from the 15th of September, until the 16th of May 1536, and there our fhips remained dry as we have faid before.
That place being paft, we found the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, {landing upon an high mountain, and the valley of Hochelai, which ftandeth in a chatnpaigne country.
All the faid country on both fides the river, as far as Hochelay and beyond, is as fair and plain as ever was feen. There are certain mountains far diftant from the faid river, which are to be feen above the forefaid towns, from which mountains divers rivers defcend, which fall into the faid great river. All that country is full of fundry forts of wood and many vines, unlefs it be about the places that are inhabited, where they have pulled up the trees to till and labour the ground, and to build their houfes and lodgings. There is great ftore of flags, deer, bears, and other fuch like forts of beafts, as conies, hares, martens, foxes, otters, beavers, weafels, badgers, and rats exceeding great, and divers other forts of wild beafts. They cloathe themfelves with the fkins of thofe beafts, becaufe they have nothing elfe to make them apparel
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withal. There are alfo many forts of birds, as cranes, fwans, buftards, wild geefe, white and grey; ducks, thruffies, blackbirds, turtles, wild pigeons, linnets, finches, red breafts, ftares, nightingales, fparrows, and other birds, even as in France. Alfo as we have faid before, the faid river is the plentifulleft of fifh that ever hath of any man been feen, or heard of, becaufe from the mouth to the end of it, according to their feafons, you fhall find all forts of frefh water fifh and fait. There are alfo many whales, porpoifes, fea-horfes and adhothuis, which is a kind of fifh that we had never feen nor heard of before. They are as great as porpoifes, as white as any fnow, their body and head fafhioned as a greyhound, they are wont always to abide between the frefh and fait water, which- beginneth between the river of Saguenay and Canada.
After our return from Hochelaga, we dealt, trafficked, and with great familiarity and love were converfant with thofe that dwelt neareft unto our fhips, except that fome- times we had ftrife and contention, with certain naughty people, full fore againft the will of the others. We underftood of Dounacona and of others, that the faid river is called the River of Saguenay, and goeth to Saguenay, being fomewhat more than a league farther W. N. W. and that eight or nine days journies beyond, it will bear but fmall boats. But the right and ready way to Saguenay, is up that river to Hochelaga, and then into another that cometh from Saguenay, and then entereth into the aforefaid river, and that there is yet one month’s failing thither.
Moreover they told us and gave us to underftand, that there are people clad with cloth as we are, very honeft, and many inhabited towns, and that they have great flore of gold and red copper: and that about the land beyond the faid firft river to Hochelaga and Saguenay, is an illand environed round about with that and other rivers; and that beyond Saguenay the faid river entereth into two or three great lakes, and that there is a fea of frefh water found, and as they have heard fay of thofe of Saguenay, there was never man heard of that found out the end thereof 5 for as they told us, they themfelves were never there.
Moreover they told us that where we had left our pinnace when we went to Hochelaga, there is a river that goeth S. W., from whence there is a whole month’s failing to go to a certain land, where there is neither ice nor fnow feen, where the inhabitants do continually war one againft another ; where is great ftore of oranges, almonds, nuts, and apples, with many other forts of fruits, and that the men and women are clad with beafts fkins, even as they. We afked them if there were any gold or red copper, they anfwered no. I take this place to be toward Florida, as far as I could perceive and underftand by their figns and tokens;
In the month of December we underftood that the peftilence was come among the people of Stadacona, in fuch fort that before we knew of it, according to their confef- fion, there were dead above fifty : whereupon we charged them neither to come near our fort, nor about our fhips, or us. And albeit we had driven them from us, the faid unknown ficknefs began to fpread itfelf amongft us, after the ft ranged fort that ever was heard of or feen, infomuch that fome did lofe all their ftrength and could not ftand on their feet; then did their legs fwell, their finews fhrink as black as any coal. Others alfo had all their fkins fpotted with fpots of blood of a purple colour ; then did it afeend up to their ankles, knees, thighs, fhoulders, arms and neck : their mouth became ftinking, their gums fo rotten, that all the fleffi did fall off, even to the roots of the teeth, which alfo did almolt all fall out. With fuch infe&ion did this ficknefs fpread itfelf in our three fhips, that about the middle of February, of no perfons that we were, there were not ten whole, fo that one could not help the other, a moft horrible and pitiful cafe, confidering the place we were in, for fo much as the people of the country
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would dally come before our fort, and faw but few of us. There were already eight dead, and more than fifty fick, and as we thought part all hope of recovery. Our captain feeing this our mifery, and that the ficknefs was gone fo far, ordained and commanded, that every one fhould devoutly prepare himfelf to prayer, and in remembrance of Chrift, caufed his image to be fet upon a tree, about a flight {hot from the fort amidfl the ice and fnow, giving all men to underftand, that on the Sunday following, fervice fhould be faid there, and that whofoever could go fick or whole, fhould go thither in proceflion, finging the feven pfalms of David, with qther litanies, praying moft heartily that it would pleafe the faid our Chrift to have compaflion upon us. Service being done, and as well celebrated as we could, our captain there made a vow, that if it would pleafe God to give him leave to return into France, he would go on pilgrimage to our Lady of Roquemado.
That day Philip Rougemont, born in Amboife, died, being 22 years old, and becaufe the ficknefs was to us unknown, our Captain caufed him to be ripped, to fee if by any means poflible we might know what it was, and fo feek means to fave and preferve the reft of the company. He was found to have his heart white, but rotten, and more than a quart of red water about it: his liver was indifferent fair, but his lungs black and mortified, his blood was altogether fhrunk _ about the heart; fo that when he was opened great quantity of rotten blood ifiiied out from about his heart: his milt toward the back was fomewhat perifhed, rough as if it had been rubbed agalnft a ftone. Moreover, becaufe one of his thighs was very black without, it was opened, but within it was whole and found: that done, as well as we could he was buried.
In fuch fort did the ficknefs continue and increafe, that there were not above three found men in the fhips, and none was able to get under hatches to draw drink for himfelf, nor for his fellows. Sometimes we were conftrained to bury fome of the dead under the fnow, becaufe we were not able to dig any graves for them, the ground was fo hard frozen, and we fo weak.
Befides this we did greatly fear that the people of the country would perceive our weaknefs and mifery, which to hide, our captain, whom it pleafed God always to keep in health, would go out with two or three of the company, fome fick and fome whole j whom when he faw out of the fort, he would throw ftones at them and chide them, feigning that fo foon as he came again, he would beat them, and then with figns fhew the people of the country that he caufed all his men to work and labour in the fhips, fome in caulking them, fome in beating of chalk, fome in one thing and fome in another, and that he would not have them come forth until their work was done ; and to make his tale feem true and likely, he would make all his men whole and found, to make a great noife, with knocking flicks, ftones, and hammers, and other things together : at which time we were fo opprefled and grieved with that ficknefs, that we had loft all hope ever to fee France again, if God in his infinite goodnefs and mercy had not with his pitiful eye looked upon us, and revealed a lingular and excellent remedy againft all difeafes unto us, the belt that ever was found upon earth, as hereafter fliall follow.
From the midft of November until the midft of March, we were kept in amidfl the ice above two fathoms thick, and fnow above four feet high and more, higher than the fides of our fhipsj which lafted till that time, in fuch fort, that all onr drinks were frozen in the vefiels, and the ice through all the fhips was about a hand-breadth thick, as well above hatches as beneath, and fo much of the river as was frefh, even to Hochelaga was frozen j in which fpace there died 25 ofourbeft and chiefeft men, and all the reft were fo fick that we thought they fhould never recover again, only tflree or four excepted.
4M
Our

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660 NAVIGATION OB THE FRENCH TO
Our captain confidering our eflate (and how that ficknefs was encreafed and hot amongft us) one day went forth of the fort, and walking upon the ice, he faw a troop of thofe countrymen coming from Stradacona, amongft which wasDomagaia, who not palling ten or twelve days before, had been very fick of that difeafe, and had his knee fwollen as big as a child two years old, all his finews Ihrunk together, his teeth fpoiled, his gums rotten and ftinking. Our captain feeing him whole and found, was thereat marvellous glad, hoping to underftand and know of him how he had healed himfelf, to the end he might eafe and help his men. So foon as they were come near him, he alked Domagaia how he had done to heal himfelf. He anfwered that he had taken the juice and fap of the leaves of a certain tree, and therewith had healed himfelf; for it was a Angular remedy againft that difeafe : then our captain alked of him if any were to be had thereabout, defiring him to Ihew him, for to heal a fervant of his, who whilft he was in Canada with Dounacona, was ftricken with that difeafe. That he did becaufe he would not Ihew the number of his fick men. Domagaia ftraight fent two women to fetch fome of it, which brought ten or twelve branches of it, and therewithal he Ihewed the way how to ufe it, and that is thus, to take the bark and leaves of the faid tree, and boil them together, then to drink of the faid decoction every other day, and to put the dregs of it upon his legs that is fick. Moreover, they told us that the virtue of the tree was, to heal any other difeafe. The tree is in their language called Ameda, or Hanneda, this is thought to be the falfafras tree.
Our captain prefently caufed fome of that drink to be made for his men to drink of ■ it, but there was none durft tafte of it, except one or two, who ventured the drinking of it, only to tafte and prove it: the others feeing that, did the like, and prefently recovered their health, and were delivered of that ficknefs, and what other difeafe foever, in fuch fort, that there were fome had been difeafed and troubled with the French pox four or five years, and with this drink were clean healed.
After this medicine was found and proved to be true, there was fuch ftrife about it, who Ihould be firft to take of it, that they were ready to kill one another, fo that a tree as big as any oak in France, was fpoiled and lopped bare, and occupied all in five or fix days, and it wrought fo well, that if all the phyficians of Mountpellier and Lovaine had been there, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have done fo much in one year, as that tree did in fix days, for it did fo prevail, that as many as ufed of it, by the grace of God recovered their health.
While that difeafe lafted in our fhips, the Lord Dounacona, Taignoagny, with many others went from home, feigning that they would go to catch flags and deer, becaufe the ice and fnow was fo broken along the river that they could fail: it was told us of Domagaia and others, that they would flay out but a fortnight, and we believed it, but that they flaid above two months,, which made us miftruft that th^y had been gone to raife the country to come againft us, and do fome difpleafure, we feeing ourfelves fo weak and faint. Albeit we had ufed fuch diligence and policy in our fort, that if all the power of the country had been about it, they could have done nothing but look upon us : and whilft they were forth, many of the people came daily to our fhips, and brought us frefh meat, as flags, deer, fifties, and many other things, but held them at fuch an exceffive price, that rather than they would fell them any thing cheap, many times they would carry them back again, becaufe that year the winter was very long, and ihey had fome fcarcity and need of them.
Ob the 2 i ft day of April, Domagaia came to the ftiore fide, accompanied with divers lufty and ftr-ong men, fuch as we were not wont to fee, and told us that their lord Dounacona

THE ISLANDS OF NEW FRANCE.
66 1
cona would the next day come and fee us, and bring great ftore of deer’s flefli, and other things with him. The next day he came and brought a great number of men to Sta- dacona, to what end, and for what caufe we knew not; but (as the proverb faith) he that takes heed and fliields himfelf from all men, may hope to efcape from fome: for we had need to look about us, confidering how in number we were diminiflied, and in ftrength' greatly weakened, both by reafon of our ficknefs, and alfo of the number that were dead, fo that we were conftrained to leave one of our Ihips in the port of the Holy Crofs.
Our captain w T as warned of their coming, and how they had brought a great number of men with them, for Domagaia came to tell us, and durll not pafs the river that was betwixt Stadacona and us, as he was wont to do, whereupon we miftrufted fome treafon. Our captain feeing this fent one of his fervants to them, accompanied with John Poulet, being bell beloved of thofe people, to fee who were there, and what they did. The faid Poulet and the other feigned themfelves only come to vifit Douna- cona, and bring him certain prefents, becaufe they had been together a good while in the faid Dounacona’s town. So foon as he heard of their coming he got himfelf to bed, feigning to be very fick: that done, they went to Taignoagny’s houfe to fee him, and wherefoever they went, they faw fo many people, that in a manner one could not ftir for another, and fuch men as they were never wont to fee. Taignoagny would not permit our men to enter into any other houfes, but ftill kept them company, and brought them half way to their Ihips, and told them that if it would pleafe our captain to lhew him fo much favour as to take a lord of the country, whofe name was Agouna, of whom he had received fome difpleafure, and carry him with him into France, he fhould therefore for ever be bound unto him, and would do for him whatever he command him, and bade the fervant come again the next day, and bring an anfwer.
Our captain being advertifed of fo many people that were there, not knowing to what end, purpofed to play a pretty prank, that is to fay, to take their lord Dounacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and lome more of the chiefeft of them prifoners, infomuch as before he had purpofed, to bring them into France, to fhew unto our king, what he had feen in thofe weftern parts, and marvels of the world, for that Dounacona had told us, that he had been in the country of Saguena, in which are infinite rubies, gold, and other riches, and that there are white men, who cloathe themfelves with woollen cloth, even as we do in France. Moreover, he reported that he had been in another country of a people called Picquemians, and other ftrange people. The faid lord was an old man, apd even from his childhood had never left off nor ceafed from travelling into ftrange countries, as well by water, and rivers, as by land.
The faid Poulet and the other having told our captain their embaffage, and {hewed him what Taignoagny’s will *was, the next day he fent his fervant again to bid Taignoagny come and fee him, and {hew what he fliould, for he {houki be very well entertained, and alfo part of his will fliould be aceoinpliflied. Taignoagny fent him word that the next day he would come, and bring the Lord Dounacona with him, and him which had fo offended him, which he did not, but ftaid two days, in which time none came from Stadacona to our {hips as they were wont to do, but rather fled from us, as if we would have flain them, fo that then we plainly perceived their knavery.
But becaufe they underftood that thofe of Sidatin did frequent our company, and that we had forfaken the bottom of a {hip which we would leave to have the old nails out of it, the third day following they came from Stadacona, and molt of them without difficulty did pafs from one fide of the river to the other with fmall fluffs : but Dounacona would not come over. Taignoagny and Domagaia ftood talking together about

662
NAVIGATION OF THE FRENCH TO
an hour before they would come over; at lall they came to fpeak with our captain. There Taignoagny prayed him that he would caufe the forefaid man to be taken and carried into France, Our captain refufed to do it, faying that his king had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into France, only that he might bring two or three young boys to learn the language, but that he would willingly carry him to Newfoundland, and there leave him in an ifland. Our captain fpake this only to affine them, that they fliould bring Dounacona with them, whom they had left on the other fide: which words when Taignoagny heard, he was very glad, thinking he fliould never return into France again, and therefore promifed to come the next day, which was the day of the Iioly Crofs, and to bring Dounacona and all his people with him.
The third of May, being Holyrood Day, our captain for the folemnity of the day, caufed a goodly fair crofs of 3 5 feet in height to be fet up, under the croflet of which he caufed a fliield to be hanged, wherein were the arms of France, and over them was written in antique letters, “ Francifcus primus Dei gratia Francoram Rex regnat.” And upon that day about noon, there came a great number of the people of Stadocana, men, women, and children, who told us that their Lord Dounacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia were coming, whereof we were very glad, hoping to retain them. About two o’clock in the afternoon they came, and being come near our fhips, our captain went to falute Dounacona, who alfo (hewed him a merry countenance, albeit very fearfully his eyes were ftill bent towards the wood. Shortly after came Taignoagny, who bade Dounacona that he fliould not enter into our fort, and therefore fire was brought forth by one of our men and kindled where their lord was. Our captain prayed him to come into our fhips, to eat and drink as he was wont to do, and alfo Taignoagny, who promifed that after a while he would come, and fo they did and entered into our fhips, but fir ft it was told our captain by Domagaia, that Taignoagny had fpoken ill of him, and that he had bid Dounacona he fliould not come aboard our fhips. Our captain perceiving that came out of the fort, and faw that only by Taignoagny’s warning the women ran away, and none but men ftaid in great number, wherefore he ftraight commanded his men to lay hold on Dounacona Taignoagny, Domagaia, and two more of the chiefeft whom he pointed unto ; then he commanded them to make the other to retire. Prefently after the faid lord entered into the fort with the captain, but by and by Taignoagny came to make him come out again.
Our captain feeing that there was no other remedy, began to call unto them to take them, at whofe cry and voice all his men came forth, and took the faid lord, with the others whom they had appointed to take. The Canadians feeing their lord taken, began to run away, even as fheep before the wolf, fome eroding over the river, fome through the woods, each one feeking for his own advantage. That done we retired ourfelves, and laid up the prifoners under good guard and fafety.
The night following they came before our fhips (the river being betwixt us) ftriking their breafts, and crying and howling like wolves, ftilf calling Agouhanna, thinking to fpeak with him, which our captain at that time would not permit, neither all the next day till noon, whereupon they made figns unto us that we had hanged or killed him. About noon there came as great a number in a clufter, as ever we faw, who went to hide themfelves in the foreft, except fome, who with a loud voice would call and cry to Dounacona to fpeak unto them. Our captain then commanded Dounacona to be brought up on high to fpeak unto them, and bade him be merry, for after he had fpoken, and fhewed unto the King of France, what he had feen in Sanguenay and other countries, after ten or twelve months ,he fhould return again, and that the King of Trance would give him great rewards; whereat Dounacona was very glad, and fpeaking
to

THE ISLANDS OF NEW FRANCE,
663
to the others told them, who in token of joy gave out three great cries, and then Do u . nacona and his people had great talk together, which for want of interpreters cannot be defcribed. Our captain bade Dounacona that he fliould caufe them to come to the other fide of the river, to the end that they might the better talk together without any fear, and that he fhould allure them : which Dounacona did, and there came a boat full of the chiefeft of them to the {hips, and there anew began to talk together, giving great praife to our captain, and gave him a prefent of 24 chains of efurgny, for that is the greatefl and precioufeft riches they have in this world, for they efteem more of that, than of any gold or filver.
After they had long talked together, and that their lord faw there was no remedy to avoid his going into France, he commanded his people the next day, to bring him fome victuals to ferve him by the way. Our captain gave Dounacona as a great prefent, two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, and other fmall trifles, as knives and beads, whereof he feemed to be very glad, who fent them to his wives and children. Likewife he gave to them who came to fpeak to Dounacona j they thanked him greatly for them, and then went to their lodgings.
Upon the 5th of May very early in the morning a great number of the faid people came again to fpeak unto their lord, and fent a boat, which in their tongue they call cafnoni, wherein were only four women without any man, for fear their men fhould be retained.
Thefe women brought great {lore of vidtuals, as great millet, which is their corn that they live withall, flelh, fifh, and other things after their fafhion,
Thefe women being come to our {hips, our captain did^very friendly entertain them.
' Then Dounacona prayed our captain to tell thofe women that he {hould come again, after ten or twelve months, and bring Dounacona to Canada with him : this he faid only to appeafe them, which our captain did. Wherefore the women as well by words as figns, feemed to be very glad, giving our captain thanks, and told him if he came again, and brought Dounacona with him, they would give him many things: in fign whereof each one gave our captain a chain of efurgny, and then pafled to the other fide of the river again, where flood all the people of Stradacona, who taking all leave of their lord went home again.
On the 6th qf the month we departed out o" the faid port of Santa Croix, and came to harbour a little beneath the Illands of Orleans, about 12 leagues from the port of the Holy Crofs, and on the 7th we came to the Ifland of Filberts, where we ftaid until the 16th of that month, till the fiercenefs of the waters were paft, which at that time ran too lwifit a courfe, and were.too dangerous to come down along the river, and therefore we flayed till fair weather came. In the mean while many of Dounacona’s fubjedts came from the river of Saguenay to him, and being by Domagaia advertifed, that their lord was taken to be carried into France, they were all amazed: yet for all that they would not leave to come to our {hips, to fpeak to Dounacona, who told them that after twelve months he Ihould come again, and that he was very well ufed by the captain, gentlemen, and mariners : which when they heard they greatly thanked our captain, and gave their lord three bundles of beavers, and fea wolves {kins, with a great knife of red copper, that cometh from Saguenay, and other things : they gave alfo to our captain a chain of eiurgnv, for which our captain gave them 10 or 12 hatchets, and they gave him hearty thanks and were very well contented.
On the 16th we hoifted fail, and came from the faid lfland of Filberts to another about 15 leagues from it, which is about five leagues in length, and there, to the end we might take fome reft the night following, we flayed that day, in hopes the next
da y

NAVIGATION OF THE FRENCH, &C.
664
day we might pafs and avoid the dangers of the, river of Saguenay, which are great. That evening we went aland and found great (lore of hares, of which we took a great .many, and therefore we called it the Ifland of Hares : in the night there arofe a contrary wind ; with fuch {forms and tempefts that we were conftrained to return to the Ifland of Filberts again, from whence we were come, becaufe there was none other paffage among the {aid iflands, and there we flayed till the 21ft of that month, till fair weather and good wind came again: and then we failed again and that fo prof’peroufly, that we palled to Honguedo, which paffage until that time had not been difcovered.
We caufed our {hip to courfe athwart Cape Pratt, which is the beginning of the port of Chaleur, and becaufe the wind was good and convenient, we Tailed all day and all night without flaying, and the next day we came to the middle of Brion’s Ifland, which we were not minded to do, to the end we might fhorten our way.
Thefe two iflands lie N. W. and S. E. and are about 50 leagues one from another. The faid ifland is in lat. 47 deg. and a half.
On the 26th of the month, we coafted over to a land, and fhallow of low lands, which are about eight leagues S. W. from Brion’s Ifland, above which are large cham- paignes, full of trees, and alfo an enclofed fea, whereas we could neither fee nor perceive any gap or way to enter thereinto.
On the 27 th, becaufe the wind did change on the coafl, we came to Brion’s Ifland again, where we {laid till the beginning of June, and toward the S.E. of this ifland we' faw a land, feeming unto us as an ifland ; we coafted it about two leagues and a half, and by the way we had notice of three other high iflands lying towards the fands : after we had known thefe things we returned to the cape of the faid land, which doth divide itfelf into two or three very high capes : the waters there are very deep, and the flood of the fea runneth fo fwift, that it cannot poffibly be fwifter. That day we came to Cape Loreine, which is in 47 deg. and half towards the fouth : on which cape there is a low land, and it feemeth that there is fome entrance of a river, but there is no haven of any worth. Above thefe lands we faw another cape towards the fouth, we named it Saint Paul’s Cape, it is at 47 deg. and a quarter.
On the 4th of June, we had notice of the coafl lying E. S. E. diftant from the Newfoundland about 22 leagues: and becaufe the wind was againft us, we went to a haven, which we named S. Spiritus Port, where we ftaid till the 7th, that we departed thence, failing along the coafl until we came to St. Peter’s Iflands.
We found along the faid coafl many very dangerous iflands and fhelves, which lie all in the way E. S. E. and W. N. W. about 23 leagues into the fea. Whilft we were in the faid St. Peter’s Iflands, we met with many fhips of France and of Britain : we ftaid there from the nth till the 16th of the month, that we departed thence and came to Cape Rafe, and entered into a port called Rognofo, where we took in frefh water and wood to pafs the fea; there we left one of our boats. Then upon the 19th June, we went from that port, and with fuch good and profperous weather we failed along the fea, in fuch fort, that upon the 6th July 1536, we came to the port of St. Malo, by the grace of God, to whom we pray, here ending our navigation.
They of Canada fay, that it is a month’s failing to go to a land where cinnamon and doves are gathered.
The

C 665 )
The Third Voyage of Difcovery made by Captain James Cartier, 1540, unto the Countries
of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay .
K’NG Francis the Firft having heard the report of Captain Cartier, his Pilot General, in his two former voyages of difcovery, as well by writing as by word of mouth, touching that which he had found and feen in the weltern parts difcovered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga, and having aifo feen and talked with the people, which the faid Carrier had brought out of thofe countries, whereof one was King of Canada, whofe name was Dounacona, and others : which after that they had been a long time in France and Britain, were baptifedat their own defire and requeft, and died v in the faid country of Britain. And albeit his Majefty was advertifed by the faid Cartier of the death and deceafe of all the people which were brought over by him (which were 10 in number), favingone little girl about 10 years old; yet herefolvedto fend the faid Cartier his pilot thither again, with John Francis de la Roche, Knight, Lord of Roberval, whom he appointed his lieutenant and governor in the countries of Canada and Hochelaga, and the faid Cartier captain-general, and leader of the lhips, that they might dif- cover more than was done before in the former voyages, and attain (if were poflible) unto the knowledge of the country of Saguenay, whereof the people brought by Cartier, as is declared, made mention unto the king, that there were great riches and very good countries. And the king caufed a certain fum of money to be delivered, to furnilh out the faid voyage with five lhips, which thing was performed by the faid Mon- fieur Roberval and Carrier. After that they had agreed together to rig the faid five lhips at St. Malo in Britainy, where the two former voyages had been prepared and fet forth.
And the faid Monfieur Roberval fent Cartier thither for the fame purpofe. And after that Cartier had caufed the faid five lhips to be built and furnilhed, and fet in good order, Monfieur Roberval came down to St. Malo, and found the lhips fallen down to the road, with their yards acrofs full ready to depart and fet fail, Haying for nothing elfe but the coming of the general, and the payment of the furniture. And becaufe Monfieur Roberval the king’s lieutenant, had not as yet his artillery, powder, and munitions, and other things necelfary come down, which he had provided for the voyage in the countries of Champaigne and Normandy, and becaufe the faid things were very necelfary, and that he was loth to depart without them, he determined to depart from St. Malo to Roan, and to prepare a Ihip or two at Honfleur, whither he thought his things were come. And that the faid Cartier Ihould depart with the faid five lhips which he had furnilhed, and Ihould go before.
Confidering alfo that the faid Cartier had received letters from the king, whereby he did exprefsly charge him to depart and fet fail immediately upon the fight and receipt thereof, on pain of incurring his difpleafure, and ro lay all the fault upon him. And after the conclufion of thefe things, and the faid Monfieur Roberval had taken mufter and view of the gentlemen, foldiers, and mariners, which were retained and chofen for the performance of the faid voyage, he gave unto Captain Cartier full authority to depart and go before, and to govern all things as if he had been there in perfon j and himfelf departed for Honfleur to make his farther preparation.
After thefe things thus difpatched, the wind coming fair, the forefaid five lhips fet fail together well furnilhed and vi&ualled for two years, the 23d of May 1540. And. we failed fo long with contrary winds and continual torments, which fell out by reafon
VOL. XII. 4 Q of

666
cartier’s third voyage to Canada, &c.
of our late departure, that we were on the fea with our faid five (hips, full three months before we could arrive at the haven and port of Canada, without ever having in all that time 30 hours of good wind to ferve us to keep our right courfe : fo that our five {hips through thofe ftorms loft company one of another, all fave two that kept together, to wit, that wherein the captain was, and the other wherein went the Vifcount of Beaupre, until at length at the end of one month, we met altogether at the haven of Carpont in Newfoundland.
But the length of time we were in palling between Britainy and Newfoundland, was the caufe that we Hood in great need of water, becaufe of the cattle, as well goats, hogs, as other beafts which we carried for breed in the country, which we were conftrained to water with cyder and other drink.
Now therefore becaufe we were the fpace of three months failing on the fea, and {laying in Newfoundland, waiting for Monfieur Roberval, and taking in of frefh water, and other things neceffary, we arrived not before the haven of Sante Croix in Canada (where in the former voyage we had remained eight months), until the 23d day of Auguft. In which place the people of the country came to our fhips, making (hew of joy for our arrival, and namely he came thither, which had the rule and government of the country of Canada, named Agona, which was appointed king there by Douna- cona, when in the former voyage we carried him into France: and he came to the captain’s lhip with fix or feven boats, and with men, women and children.
And after the faid Agona had enquired of the captain, where Dounacona and the reft were, the captain anfwered him that Dounacona was dead in France, and that his body refted in the earth, and that the reft (laid there as great lords, and were married, and would not return back unto their country. The faid Agona made no fhew of anger at all thefe fpeeches, and I think he took it fo well, becaufe he remained lord and governor of the country by the death of the faid Dounacona. After which conference the faid Agona took a piece of tanned leather of a yellow Ikin, edged about with efnoguy, (which is their riches, and the thing which they efteem mod precious, as we efteem gold), which was upon his head inftead of a crown, and he put the fame upon the head of our captain, and took from his wrifts two bracelets of efnoguy, and put them upon the captain’s arms, colling him about the neck, and {hewing unto him great figns of joy : which was all diffimulation, as afterward it well appeared. The captain took his faid crown of leather, and put it again upon his head, and gave him and his wives certain fmall prefents, fignifying unto him, that he had brought certain new things, which afterwards he would beftow upon him. For which the faid Agona thanked the captain. And after that he had made him and his company eat and drink, they departed and returned to the Ihore with their boats.
After which things the faid captain went with two of his boats up the river, beyond Canada and the port of Sante Croix, to view a haven and a fmall river which is about four leagues higher ; which he found better and more commodious to ride in and lay his fhips, than the former. And therefore he returned and caufed all his fhips to be brought before the faid river, and at a low water he caufed his ordnance to be planted to place his fhips in more fafety, which he meant to keep and ftay in the country, which were three : which he did the day following, and the reft remained in the road in the midft of the river, (in which place the victuals and other furniture were difcharged, which they had brought): from the 26th Auguft, until the 2d September, what time they departed to return to St. Malo, in which fhips he fent back Mace Iolloberte, his brother in law, and Stephen Noel, his nephew, Ikilful and excellent pilots, with letters unto the king, and to advife him what had been done and found : and how
Monfieur

cartier’s third voyage to Canada, &c. 66?
Monfieur de Roberval was not yet come, and that he feared that by occafion of contrary winds and tempefts he was driven back again into France.
The faid river is fmall, not paid 50 paces broad, and fhips drawing three fathoms water may enter in at full fea : and at a low water there is nothing but a channel of a foot deep or thereabout.
On both fides of the faid river there are very good and fair grounds, full of as fair and mighty trees as any be in the world, and divers forts which are about ten fathoms higher than the reft, and there is one kind of tree above three fathoms about, which they in the country call Hanneda, which hath the moft excellent virtue of all the trees in the world, whereof I will make mention hereafter. Moreover there are great ftore of oaks, the moft excellent that ever I faw in my life, which were fo laden with maft that they cracked again: befides this there are fairer arables, cedars, beeches, and other trees, than grow in France; and hard unto this wood on the fouth fide the ground is all covered with vines, which we found laden with grapes as black as mulberries, but they be not fo kind as thofe of France becaufe the vines be not tilled, and becaufe they grow of their own accord. Moreover there are many white thorns, which bear leaves as big as oaken leaves, and fruit like unto medlars. To be Ihort, it is as good a country to plough and manure as a man fhould find and defire.
We fowed feeds here of our country, as cabbages, turnips, lettuces, and others, which grew and fprung up out of the ground in eight days.
The mouth of the river is towards the fouth, and it windeth northward like unto a fnake; and at the mouth of it towards the eaft there is a high and fteep cliff, where we made a way in manner of a pair of ftairs, and aloft we made a fort to keep the nether fort and the fhips, and all things that might pafs as well by the great as by this fmall river.
Moreover a man may behold a great extenfioivof ground apt for tillage, ftraight and handfome and fomewhat inclining towards the fouth, as eafy to be brought to tillage as I would defire, and very well replenifhed with fair oaks and other trees of great beauty, no thicker than theforefts of France.
Here we fet 20 men to work, which in one day had laboured about an acre and a half of the faid ground, and fowed it, part with turnips, which at the end of eight days as I faid before fprang out of the earth. And upon that high cliff we found a fair fountain, very near the faid fort; adjoining whereunto we found good ftore of ftones, which we efteemed to be diamonds.
On the other fide of the faid mountain and at the foot thereof, which is towards the great river, is all along a goodly mine of the beft iron in the world, and it reacheth even hard unto our fort, and the land which we tread on is perfect refined mine, ready to be put into the furnace ; and on the water’s fide we found certain leaves of fine gold, as thick as a man’s nail. And weftward of the faid river there are, as hath been faid, many fair trees ; and toward the water a goodly meadow, full of as fair and goodly grafs as ever I faw in any meadow in France : and between the faid meadow and the wood are great ftore of vines, and beyond the faid vines the land groweth full of hemp, which groweth of itfelf, which is as good as poflibly may be feen, and as ftrong. And at the end of the faid meadow, within 100 paces, there is a riling ground which is of a kind of llateftone, black and thick, wherein are veins of mineral matter, which Ihew like gold and filver: and throughout all that ftone, there are great grains of the faid mine. And in fome places we have found ftones like diamonds, the moft fair, polilhed, and excellently cut that it is poffible for a man to fee j when the fun Ihineth upon them, _ they glifter as it were fparkles of fire.
4 22
The

668
cartier’s third voyage to Canada, &c.
The faid captain having difpatched two Ihips to return to carry news, according as he had in charge from the king, and that the fort was begun to be builded, for preferva- tion of their victuals and other things, determined with the Vifcount of Beaupre, and other gentlemen, mafters and pilots chofen for counfel, to make a voyage with two boats furnilhed with men and viftuals to go as far as Hochelaga, of purpofe to view and underftand the falhion of the faults of water, which are to be paffed to go to Saguenay, that he might be the readier in the fpring to pafs farther, and in the winter time to make all things needful in a readinefs for their bufinefs.
The forefaid boats being made ready, the captain and Martin de Painpont, with other gentlemen and the remnant of the mariners, departed from the faid place of Charlefburg Royal the 7th September in the year aforefaid 1540. And the Vifcount de Beaupre (laid behind for the guarding and governing all things in the fort.
And as they went up the river the captain went to fee the lord of Hochelay, which dwelleth between Canada and Hochelaga ; which in the former voyage had given unto the laid captain a little girl, and had oftentimes informed of the treafons which Taig- noagny and Domagaia (whom the captain in his former voyage had carried into France) would have wrought againft him : in regard of which his courtefy the faid captain would not pafs by without vifiting of him, and to let him underftand that the captain thought himfelf beholden unto him, he gave unto him two young boys, and left them with him to learn their language, and beftowed upon him a cloak of Paris red, which cloak was fet with yellow and white buttons of tin, and fmall bells, and withall he gave him two bafons of laton, and certain hatchets and knives. Whereat the faid lord feemed highly to rejoice, and thanked the captain. This done, the captain and his company departed from that place.
And we failed with fo profperous a wind, that we arrived the nth day of the month at the firft fault of water, which is two leagues diftant from the town of Tutonaguy. And after we were arrived there, we determined to go and pafs as far up as poffible with one of the boats, and that the other Ihould ftay there till it returned, and we double manned her to row up againft the courfe or ftream of the faid fault.
And after we had paffed fome part of the way from our other boat, we found bad ground and great rocks, and fo great a current, that we could not poflibly pafs any farther with our boat: and the captain refolved to go by land to fee the nature and falhion of the fault. '
And after that we were come on Ihore, we found hard by the water fide a way and beaten path, going towards the • faid faults, by which we took our way. And on the faid way, and foon after, we found an habitation of people, which made us great cheer, and entertained us very friendly. And after that he had fignified unto them, that we were going towards the faults, and that we defired to go to Saguenay, four young men went along with us to Ihew us the way, and they brought us fo far that we came to another village or habitation of good people, which dwell over againft the the fecondSault, which came and brought us of their victuals, as pottage and fifh, and offered us of the fame.
After that the captain had enquired of them, as well by figns as words, how many more faults we had to pafs to go to Saguenay, and what diftance and way it was thither, this people Ihewed us, and gave us to underftand, that we were at the fecond Sault, and that there was but one more to pafs, that the river was not navigable to go to Saguenay, and that the faid fault was but a third farther than we had travelled, (hewing us the fame with certain little fticks, which they laid upon the ground in a certain diftance, and afterwards laid other fmall branches between them both, reprefenting the
faults:

Cartier’s third voyage to Canada, &c. S6g
faults : and by the faid mark, if their faying be true, it can be but fix leagues by land to pafs the faicl faults.
After that we had been advertifed by the faid people, of the things above mentioned, both becaufe the day was far fpent, and we had neither drank nor eaten the fame day, we concluded to return unto our boats, and we came thither where we found great ftore of people, to the number of 400 perfons or thereabout, which feemed to give us very good entertainment, and to rejoice of our coming : and therefore our captain gave each of them certain fmall trifles, as combs, broaches of tin and copper, and other fmall toys ; and unto the chief men, every one his little hatchet and hook, whereat they made certain cries and ceremonies of joy.
But a man mud not truft them for all their fair ceremonies and figns of joy, for if they had thought they had been too ftrong for us, then would they have done their bell to have killed us, as we underftood afterward.
This being done, we returned with our boats, and palled by the dwelling of the lord of Hochelay, with whom the captain had left the two youths as he came up the river, thinking to have found him: but he could find nobody fave one ofhisfons,who told the captain that he was gone to Maifouna, as our boys alfo told us, faying, that it was two days fince he departed. But in truth he was gone to Canada, to conclude with Agona what they Ihould do againft us.
And when we were arrived at our fort, we underftood by our people that the favages of the country came not any more about our forts as they were accuftomed, to bring us filh, and that they were in a wonderful doubt and fear of us. Wherefore our captain having been advertifed by fome of our men which had been at Stadacona to vifit them, that there were a wonderful number of the country people aflembled together, caufed all things in our fortrefs to be fet in good order, &c.
QThe reft is wanting.]]
A Letter written to M. John Growte, Student in Paris, by Jaques Noel of S. Malo, the Nephew of Jaques Cartier, touching the forefaid d fcovery.
\TASTER Growte, your brother-in-law Giles Walter, Ihewed me this morning a map printed at Paris, dedicated to one M. Hakluyt, an Englilh gentleman, wherein all the Weft Indies, the kingdom of New Mexico, and the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay are contained. I hold that the river of Canada, which is defcribed in that map, is not marked as it is in my book, which is agreeable to the book of Jaques Cartier : and that the faid chart doth not mark or fet down The Great Lake, which is above the faults, according as the favages have advertifed us, which dwell at the faid faults. In the forefaid chart, which you fent me hither, the Great Lake is placed too much toward the north. The faults or falls of the river ftand in 44 degrees of latitude : it is not fo hard a matter to pafs them, as it is thought. The water falleth not down from any high place, it is nothing elfe but that in the midft of the river there is bad ground. It were bell to build boats above the faults ; and it is eafy to march or travel by land to the end of the three faults : it is not above five leagues journey. I have been upon the top of a mountain, which is at the foot of the faults, where I have feen the faid river beyond the faid faults, which Ihewed unto us to be broader than it was where we palled it. The people of the country advertifed us, that there are ten days journey from the faults unto this great lake. We know not how many leagues they make to a day’s journey. At this prefent I cannot write unto
you

cartier’s third voyage to Canada, 8cc.
you more at large, becaufe the meffenger can flay no longer. Here therefore for the prefent I will end, faluting you with my hearty commendations, praying God to give you your heart’s defire. From S. Malo in hafte this 19th day of June 1587.
Your loving friend,
Jaques Noel.
Coufm I pray you do me fo much pleafure as to fend me a book of the difcovery of
New Mexico, and one of thofe new maps of the Weil; Indies dedicated to M. Hakluyt the Englifh gentleman, which you fent to your brother in law Giles Walter. I will not fail to inform myfelf, if there be any mean to find out thofe defcriptions which Captain Cartier made after his two laft voyages into Canada.
Underneath the aforefaid imperfect Relation that which followeth is written in another Letter fent to M. John Growte, Student in Paris, from Jaques Noel of S. Malo , the Grand Nephew of Jaques Cartier.
T CAN write nothing elfe unto you of any thing that I can recover of the writings of Captain Jaques Cartier, my uncle, deceafed, although I have made fearch in all
places that I poffibly could in this town : faving of a certain book made in manner of a fea-chart, which was drawn by the hand of my faid uncle, which is in the poffeflion of
Mailer Cremeur, which book is palling well marked and drawn for all the river of Canada, whereof I am well affured, becaufe I myfelf have knowledge thereof, as far
as to the faults, where I have been. The height of which fault is in] 44 degrees. I found in the faid chart, beyond the place where the river is divided in twain in the midfl of both the branches of the faid river, fomewhat neareft that arm which runneth toward
the N. W. thefe words following, written in the hand of Jaques Cartier.
“ By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was faid, that here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious Hones.”
And about an hundred leagues under the fame, I found written thefe two lines following in the faid card, inclining toward the S. W.: “ Herfe in this country are cinnamon and cloves, which they call in their language Canodeta,”
Touching the effeft of my book, whereof I fpake unto you, it is made after the manner of a fea-chart, which I have delivered unto my two fons Michael and John, which at this prefent are in Canada. If at their return, which will be, God willing, about Magdalene-tide, they have learned any new thing worthy the writing, I will not
fail to advertife you thereof.
Your loving friend,
Jaques Noel.
Here followeth the Courfe from Belle JJle, Carpont, and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland up the river of Canada , for the fpace of 230 leagues , obferved by John Alphonfe of Xancloigne, chief pilot to Monfieur Roberval, 1542.
Illes are in 51 degrees and 40 min.; Belles Ifles and Carpont are N.N.W. ami a. S. E. and they are ten leagues diftant. Carpont is in 52 deg. Carpont and
B 1
Belle Ifle from the Grand Bay are N.E. and S.W. and the diftance from Belle Ifle to the Grand Bay is feven leagues. The midft of the Grand Bay is in 52 deg. and a half, and on the north fide thereof there is a rock: half a league from the ifle, over againft Carpont, toward the eaft, there is a fmall flat ifland, and on the fide toward the N.E.
8
there

Cartier’s third voyage to Canada, &c. 671
there is a flat rock. And when thou comefl: out of the harbour of Carpont, thou muft leave this rock on the {larboard fide, and alfo on the larboard fide there! are two or three fmall ifles: and when thou comefl: out of the N. E. fide, ranging along the fhore toward the weft, about two pikes length in the midway, there is a fhoal which Iyeth on the {larboard fide: and fail there by the nori.h coaft, and leave two parts of the Grand Bay towards the fouth, becaufe there is a rock which runneth two or three leagues into the fea.
And when thou art come athwart the haven of Butes, run along the north ftiore about one league or an half off, for the coaft is without all danger : Belle Ifle in the mouth of the Grand Bay, and the Ifles of Blanc Sablon, which are within the Grand Bay, near unto the north lhore, lie N. E., W., and S. W. and the diftance is 30 leagues. The Grand Bay at the entrance is but feven leagues broad from land to land, until it come over againft the Bay des Chafteaux, and from thence forward it hath not paft five leagues in breadth, and againft Blanc Sablon it is eight leagues broad from land to land. And the land on the fouth fhore is all low land along the fea coaft: the north lhore is reafonable high land. Blanc Sablon is in 51 deg. 40 min.
The Ifles of Blanc Sablon and the Ifles de la Damoifelle are N. E. W. S. W. and take a little of the W.S.W. and they are diftant 36 leagues. Thefe ifles are in 50 deg. 45 min. and there is a good haven, and you may enter by an high cape which lyeth along toward the N.E. and within the diftance of a pike and a half, becaufe of a rock which lyeth on your larboard fide, and you may anchor in 10 fathom water over againft a little nook: and from the great headland unto the place where thou doll anchor there is not above the length of two cables. And if thou wouldft go out by the weft fide, thou muft fail near the ifle by the {larboard, and give room unto the ifle upon the larboard at the coming forth, and when thou art not paft a cable’s length out thou muft fail hard by the ifles on the larboard fide, by reafon of a funken flat that lyeth on the {larboard, and thence {halt fail fo on to the S. S. W. until thou come in fight of a rock which fhineth, which is about half a league in the fea diftant from the ifles, and thou {halt leave it on the larboard, (and from the Ifles of Damoifelle unto Newfoundland, the fea is not in breadth above 36 leagues, becaufe that Newfoundland even unto Cape Briton runneth not but N. N. E. and S S.W.)
Between the Ifles of de la Damoifelle and the Ifles of Blanc Sablon, there be many ifles and good harbours; and on this coaft there are faulcons and hawks, and certain fowls which feem to be pheafants. The Ifles de la Damoifelle and Cape Tienot are N.E. and S. S.W. and take a little of the N.E. and S.W. and they are diftant 18 leagues. Cape Tienot is in 50 deg. 15 min. and there the fea is broadeft. And it may be to the end of Newfoundland, which is at the entrance of Cape Briton, 70 leagues, which is the greateft breadth of this fea. And there are fix or feven ifles,, between the Ifles de la Damoifelle, and Cape Tienot.
Cape Tienot hath in the fea five or fix leagues diftant from it, a funken ifland, dangerous for lhips. The Cape Tienot and the inidft of the Ifland of Afcenfion are N. E. and S. S. W. and they are 22. leagues diftant; the midft of the Ifland of Afcenfion is in 49 deg. and a half. The faid ifle lyeth N.W. and S. E., the N. W. end is in 50 deg. of latitude, and the S.E. end is in 48 deg. and a half, and is about 25 leagues long, and four or five leagues broad : and from the N. W. end of the ifle unto the firm land of the north fide the fea is not above feven leagues broad, and unto the firm land on the fouth fide are about 15 leagues. Cape Tienot and the Ifle of Afcenfion toward the S. E. are N. E. and S.W. and are diftant 30 leagues.
The

6 72 cartier’s third voyage to Canada, See.
The faid Cape of Tienot and the N. W. end of the Ifle of Afcenfion are eaft and weft, and take a little of the N. E. and S. W, and they are diftant 34 leagues.
The Ifle of Afcenfion is a goodly ifle, and a good champaigne land, without any hills, ftanding all upon white rocks and alabafter, all covered with trees unto the fea fhore, and there are all forts of trees as there be in France, and there be wild beafts, as bears, luferns, porkefpicks. And from the S. E. end of the Ifle of Afcenfion unto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50 leagues. The N.W. end of the ifle and the Cape des Monts noftre Dame, which is on the main land towards the fouth, are N.E. and W. S.W., and the diftance between them is 15 leagues. The Cape is in 49 degrees, which is a very high land. The Cape and end of the Ifle of Afcenfion towards the S.E. are E. and W. and there is 15 leagues diftance between them.
The Bay of Molues or Gafpay is in 48 degrees, and the coaft lyeth north and fouth, and taketh a quarter of the N. E. and S. W. unto the Bay of Heate: and there are three ifles, one great one and two fmall: from the Bay of Heate, until you pafs the Monts noftre Dame all the land is high and good ground, all covered with trees. Ognedoc is a good bay and lyeth N. N.W. and S. S. E. and it is a good harbour : and you mull fail along the fhore on the north fide, by reafon of the low point at the entrance thereof, and when you are paft the point bring yourfelf to an anchor in 15 or 20 fathoms of water toward the fouth fhore; and here within rhis haven are two rivers, one which goeth toward the N.W. and the other to the S.W.
And on this coaft there is great fifhing for cods and other fifh, where there is more ftore than is in Newfoundland, and better fifh. And here is great ftore of river fowl, as mallards, wild geefe and others : and here are all forts of trees, rofe-trees, rafberries, filbert-trees, apple-trees, pear-trees, and it is hotter here in fummer than in France.
The Ifle of Afcenfion, and the Seven Ifles which lie on the north fhore lie S. E. and W. N.W. and are diftant 24 leagues. The cape of Ognedoc and the Seven Ifles are N. N.W. and S. S. E. and are diftant 35 leagues. The Cape of Monts noftre Dame and the Seven Iflands are north and fouth, and the cut over from one to the other is 25 leagues : and this is the breadth 'of this fea, and from thence upward it beginneth to wax narrower and narrower. The Seven Iflands are in 50 degrees and a half. The Seven Iflands and the Point of Ongear lie N.E. and S. W., and the diftance between them is 15 leagues, and between them are certain fmall iflands. And the Point of Ongear and the Mountains noftre Dame, which are on the fouth fide of the entrance of the river, are north and fouth ; and the cut over from the one to the other is ten leagues 5 and this is here the breadth of the fea. The Point of Ongear and the River of Caen lie eaft and weft, and they are diftant r 2 leagues. And all the coaft from the Ifle of Afcenfion hither is very good ground, wherein grow all forts of trees that are in France, and feme fruits. The Point of Ongear is 49 deg. and 15 min. And the River of Caen and the Ifle of Raquelie lie N.E, and S.W. and they are diftant 12 leagues. The Ifle of Raquelie is in 48 deg. and 40 rain. In this river of Caen there is great ftore of fifh; and here the fea is not paft eight leagues broad.
The Ifle of Raquelie Is a very low ifle, which is near unto the fouth fhore, hard by a high cape which is called the Cape of Marble; there is no danger there at all, and between Raquelie and tire Cape of Marble fbips may pafs: and there is not from the ifle to the fouth fhore above one league, and from the ifle to the north fhore about four leagues. The Ifle of Raquelie and the entrance of Saguenay are N. E. and W. S.W. and are diftant 14 leagues, and there are between them two fpaall iflands near the north fhore. The entrance of Saguenay is in 48 deg. and 20 min. and the entrance hath not
5 paft

cartier’s third voyage to Canada, &c. 673
paft a quarter of a league in breadth, and it is dangerous toward the S. W., and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to wax wider and wider, and it feemeth to be as it were an arm of the fea: and I think that the fame runneth into' the fea of Cathay, for it fendeth forth there a great current, and there doth run in that place a terrible race or tide. And here the river from the north Ihore to the fouth Ihore is not paft four leagues in breadth, and it is a dangerous palfage between both the lands, be- caufe there lie banks of rocks in the river.
The Ifle of Raquelle and the Ifle of Hares lie N. E. and S.W. and take a quarter of the eaft and weft, and they are diftant 18 leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Me of Hares lie N. N. E. and S. S.W. and are diftant five leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Me of Raquelle, are N. N.W. and S. S.W. and are diftant three leagues. The Me of Hares is in 48 deg. 4 min. From the mountains of Noftre Dame unto Canada and unto Hochelaga, all the land on the fouth coaft is fair, a low land and goodly champaigne, all covered with trees unto the bank of the river. And the land on the north fide is higher, and in fome places there are high mountains. And from the Me of Hares unto the Me of Orleans the river is not paft four or five leagues broad. Between the Me of Flares and the high land on the north fide, the fea is not paft a league and a half broad, and it is very deep, for it is above 100 fathoms deep in the midft. To the eaft of the Me of Hares there are two or three fmall illes and rocks. And from hence to the Me of Filberts, all is nothing but rocks and illes on the fouth Ihore: and towards the north the fea is fair and deep. The Me of Hares and the Me of Filberts lie N. E., W., and S.W., and they are diftant 12 leagues. And you mult always run along the high land on the north Ihore, for on the other Ihore there is nothing but rocks: and you mull pafs by the fide of the Me of Filberts, and the river there is not paft a quarter of a league broad, and you muft fail in the midft of the channel, and in the midft runneth the belt palfage either at an high or low water, becaufe the fea runneth there ftrongly, and there are great dangers of rocks, and you had need of good anchor and cable. The Me of Filberts is a final) ille, about one league long, and half a league broad, but they are all banks of fand. The Me of Filberts Hands in 47 deg. 45 min. The Me of Filberts and the Me of Orleans lie N. E. and S. W. and they are diftant ten leagues, and thou muft pafs by the high land on the north fide, about a quarter of a league, becaufe that in the midft of the river there is nothing but Ihoals and rocks. And when thou lhalt be over againft a round cape, thou muft take over to the fouth Ihore S. W. -J. S. and thou lhalt fail in five, fix, and feven fathoms: and there the river of Canada beginneth to be frelh, and the fait water endeth. And when thou lhalt be athwart the point of the Me of Orleans, where the river beginneth to be frelh, thou lhalt fail in the midft of the river, and thou lhalt leave the ille on the ftar- board, which is on the right hand: and here the river is not paft a quarter of a league broad, and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water. And toward the fouth Ihore there is a ledge of illes all covered with trees, and they end over againft the point of the Me of Orleans. And the point of the Me of Orleans toward the N. E. is in 47 deg. 20 min. And the Me of Orleans is a fair ille, all covered with trees even unto the river fide: and it is about five leagues-long and a league and a half broad. And on the north Ihore there is another river, which fiftieth into the main river at the end of the illand: and Ihips may very well pafs there. From the midft of the ifle unto Canada the river runneth weft, and from the place of Canada unto France-Roy the river runneth W. S. W. and from the weft end of the ifle to Canada is but one league, and unto France-Roy four leagues. And when thou art come to the end of the ifle, thou lhalt fee a great
vou xii. 4 r river

674 CARTIER’S THIRD VOYAGE TO CANADA, &C.
river which falleth 15 or 20 fathoms down from a rock, and maketh a terrible noife. The fort of France-Roy is in 47 deg. 10 min.
The extenfion of all thefe lands, upon juft occafion is called New France : for it is as good and as temperate as France, and in the fame latitude. And the reafon wherefore it is colder in the winter is, becaufe the frelh river is naturally more cold than the fea ; and it is alfo broad and deep : and in fome places it is half a league and above in breadth : and alfo becaufe the land is not tilled, nor full of people; and is all full of woods, which is the caufe of cold, becaufe there is not ftore of fire nor cattle. And the fun hath its meridian as high as the meridian at Rochel, and it is noon here, when the fun is at S. S. W. at Rochel. And here the north ftar by the compafs ftandeth N. N. E. And when at Rochel it is noon, it is but half an hour paft nine at France-Roy.
From the faid place unto the ocean fea and the coaft of New France, is not above 50 leagues diftance, and from the entrance of Norumbega unto Florida are 300 leagues r and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga, are about 80 leagues, and unto the Ifle of Rafus 30 leagues. And I doubt not but Norumbega entereth into the river of Canada, and unto the fea of Saguenay. And from the fort of France-Roy until a man come forth of the Grand Bay is not above 230^leagues ; and the courfe is N. E. and W. S. W. not above five degrees and 20 min. difference, and reckon 16 leagues and a half to a degree.
By the nature of the climate the lands towards Hochelaga are ftill better and better, and more fruitful; and this land is fit for figs and pears ; and I think that g6ld and filver will be found here, according as the people of the country fay. Thefe lands lie over againft Tartary, and I doubt not but they ftretch toward Afia, according to the roun d- nefs of the world. And therefore it were good to have a fmall fhip of 70 tons to discover the coaft of New France on the back fide of Florida : for I have been at a bay as- • far as 42 degrees between Norumbega and Florida, and I have not fearched the end thereof, and I know not whether it pafs through. And in all thefe countries there are oaks, and bortz, afhes, elms, arables, trees of life, pines, pruffe trees, cedars, great walnut trees, and wild nuts, hazel trees, wild pear trees, wild grapes, and there have been found red plums. And very fair corn groweth there, and peafon grow of their own accord, goofeberries and ftrawberries. And there are goodly forefts wherein men may hunt. And there are great ftore of flags, deer, porkepicks, and the favages fay there be unicorns. Fowl there are in abundance, as buftards, wild geefe, cranes, turtle doves, ravens, crows, and many other birds. All things which are fown there are not paft two or three days in coming up out of the ground. I have told in one ear of corn 120 grains, like the corn of France. And you need not to fow your wheat until March, and it will be ripe in the midft of Auguft. The waters are better and perfefter than in France, and if the country were tilled and replenilhed with people, it would be as hot as Rochel. And the reafon why it fnoweth oftener there than in France is, becaufe it raineth there but feldom; for the rain is converted into fnows.
All things above mentioned are true.
John Alphonle made this voyage with Monfieur Roberval.
The
6

LA ROCHE’S VOYAGE TO CANADA, &C.
6 7 S
The Voyage of John Francis de la Roche, knight, lord of Roherval, to the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, with three tall Ships, and two hundred Perfons, both Men, Women, and Children, begun in April 1542. In which Parts he remained the fame Summer, and all the next Winter.
oIR John Francis de la Roche, knight, lord of Roberval, appointed by the King as his lieutenant-general in the countries of Canada, Saguenay and Hochelaga,furnilhed three tall fhips chiefly at the King’s coll, and having in his fleet 200 perfons as well men as women, accompanied with divers gentlemen of quality, as namely, with Monfieur Saine-terre his lieutenant, l’Efpiney his enfign, Captain Guinecourt, Monfieur Noir Fontaine, Dieu Lamont, Frote, la Broffe, Francis de Mire, la Salle, and Royeze, and John Alphonfe of Xanftoigne, an excellent pilot, fet fail from Rochel, the 16th of April 1542. The fame day about noon, we came athwart of Chef de Boys, where we were enforced to flay the night following. On Monday the 17th of the faid month we departed from Chef de Boys. The wind ferved us notably for a time, but within few days it came quite contrary, which hindered our journey for a long fpace, for we were fuddenly enforced to turn back, and to feelc harbour in Belle Ille on the coaft of Bretaigne, where we (laid fo long and had fuch contrary weather by the way, that we could not reach Newfoundland until the,7th of June.
The 8th of this month we entered into the Road of Saint John, where we found 17 Ihips of filhers. While we made fomewhat long abode here, Jaques Carthier and his company returning from Canada, whither he was fent with five fails the year before, arrived in the very fame harbour. Who after he had done his duty to our general, told him that he had brought certain diamonds, and a quantity of gold ore, which was found in the country. Which ore the Sunday next enfuing was tried in a furnace, and found to be good. . .
Furthermore he informed our general that he could not with his fmall company withftand the favages, which went about daily to annoy him, and this was the caufe of his return into France. Neverthelefs he and his company commended the country to be very rich and fruitful. But when our general being furniflted with fufficient forces, commanded him to go back again with him, he and his company, moved as it feemed with ambition, becaufe they would have all the glory of the difcovery of thofe parts themfelves, ftole privily away the next night from us, and without taking their leaves departed home for Bretaigne.
We fpent the greateft part of June in the harbour of Saint John, partly in furniflii ing ourfelves with frefli water, whereof we flood in very great need by the way, and partly in composing and taking up a quarrel between fome of our countrymen and certain Portugals. At length about the laft of the aforefaid month, we departed hence, and entered into the Grand Bay, and pafied by the Ille of Afcenfion, and finally arrived four leagues weftward of the Ille of Orleans. In this place we found a convenient harbour for our flapping, where we caft anchor, went afhore with oui people, and chofe out a convenient place to fortify ourfelves in, fit to command the main river, and of ftrong fituation againft all invafion of enemies. Ihus, toward the end of July, we brought our viduals and other munitions and provifions on fliore, and began to travail in fortifying ourfelves.
4 R a
Of

676
LA ROCHE r S VOYAGE TO CANADA, &C.
Of the Fort of France-Roy , and that which was done there.
Having defcribed the beginning, the midft, and the end of the voyage made by Monfieur Roberval in the countries of Canada, Iiochelaga, Saguenay, and other countries in the weft parts: he failed fo far (as is declared in other books) that he arrived in the faid country accompanied with 200 perfons, foldiers, mariners, and common people, with all furniture neceffary for a fleet. The faid general at his firft arrival built a fair fort, near and fomewhat weftward above Canada, which is very beautiful to behold, and of great force, fituated upon an high mountain, wherein there were two Courts of buildings, a great tower, and another of 40 or 50 feet long, wherein there were divers chambers, an hail, a kitchen, houfes of'ofEce, cellars high and low, and near unto it were an oven and mills, and a ftove to warm men in, and a well before the houfe. And the building was fituated upon the great river of Canada, called France Prime, by Monfieur Roberval. There was alfo at the foot of the mountain another lodging, part whereof was a great tower of two ftories high, two courts of good building, where at the firft all our victuals, and whatfoever was brought with us was fent to be kept: and near unto that tower there is another fmall river. In thefe two places above and beneath, all the meaner fort was lodged.
And in the month of Auguft, and in the beginning of September, every man was occupied in fuchworkas each one was able to do. But the 14th of September our aforefaid general fent back into France two fhips which had brought his furniture, and he appointed for admiral Monfieur de Saine-terre, and the other captain was Monfieur Guinecourt, to carry news unto the King, and to come back again unto him the year next enfuing, furnifhed with victuals and other things, as it fhould pleafe the King: and alfo to bring news out of France how the King accepted certain diamonds which were fent him, and were found in this country.
After thefe two fhips were departed, confideration was had how they fhould do, and how they might pafs out the winter in this place. Firft they took a view of the victuals, and it was found that they fell out fhort: and they were fcanted fo that in each mefs they had but two loaves weighing a pound a-piece, and half a pound of beef. They ate bacon at dinner with half a pound of butter : and beef at fupper, and about two handfuls of beans without butter.
On the Wednefday, Friday, and Saturday they did eat dry cod, and fometimes they did eat it green at dinner with butter, and they ate of porpoifes and beans at fupper.
About that time the favages brought us great ftore of alofes, which is a fifh fomewhat red like a falmon, to get knives and other fmall trifles for them.
In the end many of our people fell lick of a certain difeafe in their legs, reins, and ftomach, fo that they feemed to be deprived of all their limbs, and there died thereof about fifty.
Note, that the ice began to break up in April.
Monfieur Roberval ufed very good juflice, and punifhed every man according to his offence. One whofe name was Michael Gaillon, was hanged for his theft. John of Nantes was laid in irons, and kept prifoner for his offence, and others alfo were put in irons, and divers were whipped, as well men as women: by which means they lived in quiet.
The

la roche’s voyage to Canada, &c.
677
The Manners of the Savages.
To declare unto you the ftate of the favages, they are people of a goodly ftature, and well made, they are very white, but they are all naked; and if they were apparelled as the French are, they would be as white and as fair ; but they paint themfelves for fear of heat and fun-burning.
Inftead of apparel they wear {kins upon them like mantles ; and they have a fmall pair of breeches, wherewith they cover their privities, as well men as women. They have hofen and fhoes of leather excellently made : and they have no fhirts, neither cover they the head, but their hair is truffed up above the crown of their heads, and plaited or braided. Touching their victuals, they eat good meat, but all unfalted, but they dry it, and afterwards they broil it, as well fifh as flefh. They have no certain dwelling place, and they go from place to place, as they think they may belt find food, as alofes in one place, and other fifh, falmons, fturgeons, mullets, furmullets, barz, carps, eels, pimpermeaux, and other frefh water fifh, and ftore of porpoifes. They feed alfo of flags, wild boars, bugles, porkefpines, and ftore of other wild beafts. And there is as great ftore of fowls as they can defire.
Touching their bread they make very good : and it is of great mill: and they live very well: for they take care for nothing elfe.
They drink feal oil, but this is at their great feafts.
They have a king in every country, and are wonderful obedient unto him : and they do him honour according to their manner and fafhion. And when they travel from place to place, they carry all their goods with them in their boats. ,
The women nurfe their children with the breaft, and they fit continually, and are wrapped about the bellies with fkins of fur.
The Voyage of Monfieur Roberval from his Fort in Canada unto Saguenay ,
the $th June , 1543.
Monfieur Roberval, the King’s lieutenant-general in the countries of Canada, Saguenay and Hochelaga, departed toward the faid province of Saguenay, on the Tuefday the 5th day of June 1543, after fupper: and he with all his furniture was embarked to make the faid voyage. But upon a certain occafion they lay in the road over againft the place before-mentioned : but on the Wednefday about fix of the clock in the morning they fet fail, and failed againft the ftream, in which voyage their whole furniture was of eight barks, as well great as fmall, and to the number of three fcore and ten perfons, with the aforefaid general.
The general left behind him in the aforefaid place and fort, 30 perfons to remain there until his return from Saguenay, which he appointed to be the firft of July, or elfe they fhould return into France. And he left there behind him but two barks to carry the faid 30 perfons, and the furniture which was there, while he ftaid ftill in the country.
And for effe&uating hereof, he left as his lieutenant a gentleman named Monfieur de Royeze, to whom he gave commiflion, and charged all men to obey him, and to be at the commandment of the faid lieutenant.
The victuals which were left for their maintenance until the faid firft day of July, were received by the faid lieutenant Royeze.
8 On

%A ROCHE*# VOYAGE TO CANADA, &C.
On Thurfday the 14th of June, Monfieur l’Efpiney, La Broffe, Monfieur Frete, "Monfieur Longeval and others, returned from the general, from the voyage of Saguenay.
And note, that eight men and one bark were drowned and loft, among whom was Monfieur de Noire Fontaine, and one named La Vafleur of Conftance.
On Tuefday the 19th of June aforefaid, there came from the general, Monfieur de "Villeneufve. Talebot,and three others, which brought fix fcore pounds weight of their corn, and letters to ftay yet until Magdalentide, which is the 2 2d day of July.
[The reft of this voyage is wanting.]
*ND OF THE TWELFTH VOLUME.
Strahan and Prefton, Printers-Street, London.

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