II
“ ‘ On tlie other hand, I cannot imagine that any very material injury islikely to be inflicted upon Ireland , by the removal of the seat of govern-ment, even supposing such an occurrence to be attended with the desertionof a considerable portion of her nobility and gentry. I do not think thatin the event of the Union, these would reside less frequently upon theirIrish estates than at present, or that the Union would, in other respects,fend to extinguish their patriotism; for I have never understood that thenobility of Ireland have displayed any uncommon degree of zeal in the pro-motion of agriculture, or of the commerce and manufactures of their coun-try. To the promotion of the agriculture of Ireland , I do most unques -tionably look as the chief source from which her interests are to derivebenefit, in preference to attempting any forced introduction of particularbranches of manufacture, under the auspices of persons of elevated rank,and anti-industrial habits. Besides, at present the greater number of thegreat Irish proprietors are resident in Britain , and scarcely ever visit theirestates. * * * *
“ ' Surely the example of the fair and liberal treatment of the Scotchaffairs in the British parliament, may be quoted as an example of what maybe expected in respect to Ireland . Again, in respect to the commercial andpolitical immunities at present enjoyed by Ireland , it may be asserted, thatthese would not be compensated for by her being placed on an equalitywith Britain , seeing that they must lead to an addition in her taxation; nordo I conceive that, in the event of an Union, it would be practicable forBritain to legislate for Ireland without a due regard for impartiality. Atpresent, the duty upon the importation of Irish linens into Great Britain ism-eeiprocally high; and which evils the Union would at once remove. Itis obvious that doing away with such duties must greatly benefit Ireland .Thus the removal of the duties from her imports from Britain , would enableher to buy cheap ; whilst on the other hand, the removal of these on herexports, would enable her to sell dear. At present, Ireland is cut off fromsupplying Britain with any colonial articles, these being prohibited a transitthrough her ports. At some times and seasons, such a trade might beeminently beneficial to Ireland ; and such an amelioration, an union withBritain would be certain to effect.
“ ‘ As for the national debt of Britain , it cannot be contended but that aconsiderable portion of it was contracted for the protection and benefit ofIreland ; but I believe that it is not intended to saddle Ireland with anyportion of this debt in the event of an union. Scotland may again be quotedns an example in point, in respect to the facility of a double scheme ofduties, were such deemed advisable, in particular in so far as the Excise andCustoms are concerned. Great Britain , on the contrary, might with somejustice, feel jealous of the competition of Ireland in her woollen trade, thegreat staple of England, at present rated at 16 or 17 millions annually, one-half of which is computed to be paid in the wages of labour. The samecompetition, in the event of an union, might be expected to originate in theblanches of cotton spinning, calico printing, tanning, &e. Still, I think theadvantages to be derived by both countries, particularly to Ireland , mustgreatly counterbalance any drawback which would attend it. To thisanion, in fact, it appears to me the local situation of the two countries, their